Ligonier Banner., Volume 14, Number 3, Ligonier, Noble County, 8 May 1879 — Page 2

-~ THE GENUINE : DR. C. McLANE’S < Celebrated American. ~ WORM SPECIFIC ‘ CEPR o ’ VERMIFUGE. SYMPTOMS OF WORMS. . THE countenance is pale and leaden colored, with occasional flushes, or a circumscribed spot on one or'both cheeks; the eyes become dull; the pu pils dilate; an azure semicircle runs along the lower eye-lid; the nose is ir ritated, swells, and.sometimes bleeds ; a swelling of the upper lip; occasional headache, with humming or throbbing of the ears; an unusual secretion of saliva; slimy or furred tongue; breath very foul, particularly in the morning; appetite variable] sometimes voracious, with a gnawing/sensation of the stom. ach, at others, entirely gone; fleeting pains in the stomach; occasional nausea and vomiting; violent pains throughout the abdomen;+bowels irregular, at times costive; stools slimy; not unfrequently ‘tinged with blood; belly swollen and /hard ; urine turbid; respiration occasionally difficult, and accompanied by hiccough; cough somecimes dry and convulsive ; uneasy and disturbed sleep, with grinding of the teeth ; tempet variable, but generally irritable, &c. ' ‘ Whenever the above symptoms _ are found to exist, DR. C. McLANE’'S VERMIFUGE . will certainly effect'a cure.. - IT DOES NOT CONTAIN MERCURY in any form; it is an innocent preparation, not capable of doing the slightest injury to the most tender infant. | The genuine DR. McLANE’S VER: MIFUGE bears the signatures of C. McLANE and FrLEmMING Bros. on the wrapper. Ot

DR. C. McLANE'S i | are not recommended as a remedy ¢for all the ills that flesh is heir to,”” but in affections of the liver,/and in all Bilious Complaints, - Dyspepsia and Sick Headache, or diseases of that character, they stand without a rival. AGUE AND FEVER. . Nobetter cathartic can be used pfeparatory to, or after taking Quinine. . ‘ As a simple purgative they are unequaled, / BEWARE OF IMITATIONS. “The genuine are never sugar coated. Each box hasa red wax seal on the lid with~ the impression DR. MCLANE's LIVER PILLS. Each wrapper bears the signatures of C. McLANE and FLEMING Bros. Insist upon having the genuine Dr. C. McLANE’s LIVER PiLLs, prepared by Fleming - Bros., of Pittsburgh, Pa., the market being full of imitations of the name McLane, ; spelled differently but same pronunciation. -

Dr. Hill’s English Extract of . ; iBS ONE ""’al"f e ,_\‘i‘%\ OF THE S 4@?\}‘l:"!} )all’ | B oIE ”'(’i"r '\?J_l!l.l _ ; ' Best Kidney Investigators in Use. ‘l. Tltis a specific in the cure of all diseases of -the :Kidneys, Bladder, Prostatic ISort}ion of the Urin“ary Organs, Irritation of the Neck of the Bladder, Burning Urine, Gleet, Gonorrhea in all its stages, Mucous Discharges, Congestion of the Kidneys, Brick Dust De %p?sit Diabetes, Inflammation of the Kidneys anci) lac'ider, Drolgsy of the Kidneys, .Acid Urine, Bloody Urine, Pain in’the Region of +he. Bladder, PAIl\? IN THE BACK, Urinary Calsuius, Renal Calculus, Renal Colic, Retentuin of Slrine, Fre«luent Urination, Gravel in all its forms, Inability to retain the Water, particularly in %ersons advanced in life, AT IS A KIDNEY INVESTIGATOR that Restores the Urine to iltilnatural color, removes the . acid and burning, and the effect of the excessive . use of intoxicating drink. . | . » Price—§l; or, Six Bottles for|ss. : : Our oldest, best and most respecta%le citizens . are mlaF and recommending the Extract every | da; . emight, if we cg:;)se; gge the names ol man{ who have expressed the belief thatitisar invslaable medicine, and worth many times its €OoBv. i &% fend for Circular. Sold by all druggists. | W. JOHNSTON & C 9., 161 JEFFERSON AVENUE, ; &7~ Agents - che Dip %ed States and (‘anada For Sale by C. ELDRED & SON, Ligonier, Ind.

7 SO R e R T A NOTED DIVINE.-SAYS THEY ARE WORTH THEIR - READ WHAT HE SAYS: Dr. TurT:—Dear Sir: For ten years I have -_Ybeen a martyr to Dyspepsia, Constipation and " Piles. Last Spring your Pills wererecommended to me; I used tgem (but with little faith). I am now a well man, have good appetite, digesticn perfect, regular stools, lfileg‘gone aad I have gained forty pounds solid flesh. Tﬁey are wortb their weiﬂ)t in gold. ‘ REV. R. SIM%SON, Louisville, K, A TORPID LIVER * 18 the fruitful source of mm&sdiseases, sucn 28 Dyspepsia, Sick Headache, tivegess, Dyses:tery, Bilious Fever, Ague and Fever, Ja» udicsa, Pi)as Rheumatism, KidneyComplaint,Cic,etc, Tutt's Pills exert a powerful meguenu onthe Liver,and willwith cer%r@ll ethatimhps - tent organ from disease, restore its norual funi~tions. : Therapidity with which persons takeon flesh while under theinﬂwlfelnce'oi these ?ills of lu{-li indicates their adaptability to nourish the boay, hence their efficacy in curing nervous debility, ggagepsla,,wmmf of the muscles, sluggishqeu the iiver, chronic constipation, and imparting Deaith and strength to the system. i ~ CONSTIPATION. Onlywithregu of the bowels can perfect hen.lt% be en;loyez?.rl \ghen the constipation is of recent date, a llnf‘le dose of w y . will suffice, but if it has become ha mE on! En :}Pov}ld be ts;ke;:’ :lv‘:ri P”i‘gl:t.‘ﬁndmn{ lo:isexllequen n mgve;‘x’:iz ‘;q' %&n{nod, wll:xch wﬂ;’oo:nt?gﬁo::.‘ i o v whne i Cents, O¥FICE, 35 MURRAY ST, NEW YORE.

Peace and Order at Elections. Honesty at the ballot-boxes and yeace at the polls! The people of the Bnited States are as united and as determined in demanding these things as they are in denouncing dishonesty and disorder in all the other relations of. their social or public life. It is due to ourselves and to our country to say that the dispute and the only dispute between the thinking men of either great party on the subject of elections, as that subject is now presented in the ending Army bill, is whether each gtate shall protect and preserve honesty and decorum on election days, or whether the General Government must be invoked to do this with the help of Federal bayonets? . Mr. Blaine, in his ?eech, as reported bv telegraph, resisted and assailed the House amendment of Sec. 2002 on two grounds. One of these grounds was that the keeping of the peace at the polls could not be left solely to each State, as was the case in 1860, and the other ground was that, although there just now happen to be no Federal troops available for such police duty in the Southern States, the ¢ civil’’ officers of the United States must be clothed with power to call on the Federal troops at discretion. These two grounds may at the first glance appear to be rather inconsistent. If there are no troops, why clothe civil officers with power to call on them? Senator Blaine did not care, however, to be logical in the.Senate any more than our poetical ex-Minister to Russia cared to be logical at the Union League Club in Phi%xdelphia. The Senator was talking to the galleries as the ex-Minister talked to the supper-tables. :

It is quite true that as our army of 25,000 men is now mainly distributed along the Indian frontier there are comparatively few soldiers in the Southern States. But in 1876, it will be remembered, the need was quite as pressing of our troops in .the Indian country as it- now is. We were humiliated by savaﬁes in the defeat of Custer as cruelly as Ehgland has been in the defeat of Lord Chelmsford and Col. Durnford. But President Grant did not hesitate to strip our frontiers in order to. overawe certain election localities in the South by the presence of nearly. 5,000 bayonets. What was done in 1876 can be done again in 1880, when the policy of the Grant leaders will be to select a few Congressional Districts and’' , concentrate all ¢ the Government’’ 'influence upon’ them. Senator Blaine knows very well that it is not the number of bayonets present near a poll which influences an election. A file of a dozen armed men in Federal uniforms around a pollingplace may be as potential as would be a regiment to create the impression that “‘the Government’’ of the day, whatever it may be, Republican or Democratic, has a candidate whom it seeks to elect and whom it will not suffer to be defeated. Senator Blaine made the galleries laugh with his picture of 1,155 soliers in the South intimidating 15,000,000 of people. Did the Senator ever read Mr. Everett’s famous sketch of the great multitude scattered by a trumpet of the royal guards? No doubt 1,155 soldiers would be swamped in an actual - encounter with 15,000,000 of people, but so would our whole army of 25,000 men or the English army of ten times 25,000 men. As Senator Wallace calmly and coolly pointed out, such balderdash throws no light on the inquiry how much influence upon an election.can be exerted by even 1,155 bayonets skillfully distributed on election days at certain polling-places in order to:show that ¢ tﬁe Government”’ at Washington seeks, urges and demands the choice of certain candidates. If, on the other hand, the soldiers are so few as to be useless to ‘‘keep the peace,’” as Mr. Blaine intimates, then ‘why in the name of reason nag the South, pr the East, or any section, or anybO(g; with a menace of the exhibition of bayonets or of the use of bayonets on election days? All this preposterous talk of Senator Blaine was really quite as irrelevant as it was preposterous. The real contention of ‘Mr. Blaine was that the several States cannot be trusted to keep the peace at the polls, and especially that the Southern States cannot be trusted becanse they are hostile and menacing to the Union and are in conspiracy with New York ¢ copperheads’ to assail the Union again by various methods, and conspicuously by repealing laws which, during the Civil War ang&gor ‘war purposes alone, were approved by that ¢¢sainted martyr,”’ as Senater Blaine called him, by whom the Union was declared in April, 1865, to be more safe than Senator Blaine pretends to bhelieve it to be in 1879." :

-Above, below, behind and all around this stalwart contention against the House Army bill, looms darkly up the idea of Thaddeus Stevens (not of I?resident Lincoln) that the white men of the South are hostile to the Union and that the Democracy of the North are also hostile to the authority of a Constitutional Executive at Washington. On the strength of thisidea it /is that we are asked to admit that New York with het, Republican Legislature and her Democratic Governor cannot be trusted to rale and manage New York elections. Democratic voters in the "great cities of the East must be ‘watched and supervised like ' ** habitual criminalg,’”’ ‘eries that model of Executive purit{, ‘Mr. Robeson, in the House. And the immaculate Senator Blaine echoes the -cry in the Senate! The Senator from Maine, as if toleave no doubt of the hatred and distrust with which he is inspired as to every, orgahized form of authority in America except the Executive (not Legislative) Department of the Federal Government, proposes this extraordinary lamendment: e :

‘*And any militagy, naval or civil officer or any other person who shall, except for the pur: pose herein named, appear armed with a deadly weapon of any description, either concealed or displayed, within a mile of any .pollinﬁ;zla,ce where a general or special election for Representatives of Gonq.rﬁés being held, shall, on conviction, be punished with a fine of not less than ?500 nor more than §5,000, or with imprisment for a ‘fenod_ not less than six months nor more than five {heots. or with both fine and im‘prisonment at the discretion of the Court.”

What is this but an attempt to nullify the Second Amendment to the Federal Constitution, which is based on the idea that no geople can be enslaved who are not first disarmed, and

which declares ¢‘that the right of 'the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed by the Federal Government.”’” Each State may, as to its own citizens, infringe this right as much as it pleases, but our ancestors sternly refused this license to the Federal Government out.of which alone a centralized imperialism could ever in this country be developed. - : The wild 'and grotesque appeals of Mr. Blaine were all conceived in the same spirit of hatred of the South and its white race, and of the naturalized vote of the North, but Senator Wallace in a dozen words put the discussion back on the true ground. He demonstrated that the Constitution has imparted the power to ¢ raise and support armies’’ to Congress, and that it limited this power by the condition ‘¢ that no appropriation of money to that use shall be for a longer term than two years.” “This limitation, as our readers know, was an inheritance of British liberty. Senator Wallace also made it clear that it 'was Congress which alone can make rules for the government ¢ and regulation of the' land and naval forces,”’ and that the House alone can originate a bill to raise money to support the army, although the Senate may propose pertinent amendments germane to the Appropriation bill. His speech must have left no doubt in the mind of any reasonable person who listened to it that the:section regulating the uses of the army and forbidding expenditures to transport ithe army, as President Grant transported it, from the ‘Western frontier tothe Southern States for election purposes, is a section which reduces expenditures and which is perfectly germane therefore to the bill.—N. Y, World.

The Yeto Message. - The President has promptly returned, withoutihis approval, to the House of Representatives, the House in which it originated, the bill making appropriations for the support of the army for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1880, and for other purposes. , The message opens' with a very remarkable stretch of condescersion on the parte of the President. If the bill merely made appropriations for the support of the army, Iﬁe would, 'he says, give it his. approval. He would, it seems, concede to Congress the right of ﬁxir:ig the amount which should be expended ugn the support of the army; and would, perhaps, not object to a specification by Congress of the various purposes for which the expenditures should be made. Within these general limits it will be perfectly safe, t%]en, in his opinion, for Congress to legislate respecting the army; but beyond that, the fair assumption is, a hostile Executive must be reckoned upon in advance by Congress. e The President points out the objectionable legislation which is sought to be a.tta,cheg to the Army Appropriation bill; or rather he shows at the beginning that the head and front of the offending of Con%'lress consist in the desire of the two Houses to strike from a section of the law a provision authorizing the presence under Federal authority at the places where any géneral or special election is held of troops or armed men ‘to keep the peace at the polls.” This was all that Congress proposeé to do or rather undo; for the legislation is repealing in its character. 1t was conceded by leaging Republicans; in debate in'the House, that the proposed repeal was objectionable on the merits, and most of them declined to discuss the question onits merits. - The President has studiously followed their example. -He has not taken into consideration the fact that the provision, as it now stands on the statute books, gives color to the use of troops at the polls at all elections, whether State or Federal. He entirelyignores the great abuses which may readily be perpetrated under the color of the law in question. But he freely cites from the laws to show other safeguards which from time to time have been instituted by Congress to prevent military interference at elections, and he triumhantly says that ‘¢ under the existing })aws there can be no military interference with the elections;’’ and that ¢‘it may, therefore, be confidently stated that there is no necessity for the enactment of Sec. 6 of the bill before me to prevent military interference at the polls.” It is just upon this point, among others, that there is a radical difference of opinion; between the President and the majority in both Houses of Con%ress. In the opinion of the latter there was need of the enactment of the section to which he refers—need to prohibit the presence and use, under Federal a,uthorit{, of the military and armed men *‘to keep the peace’ atthe polls—or Con%ress would not have proposed the legislation. The judgment of Congress in this particular is at least not a whit inferior to that of the President, and in the opinion of a large majority of the people is vastly better. .

‘The last partrof the message is part stump speech and part lecture. Both of these are in bad taste in a State paper; and there is an impertinent flavor about them which Congress will, no doubt, resent as it deserves. The President professes to discover all manner of threats in the action of Congress—taking his cue from the utterances of the Republican speakers in both Houses of Congress—but he is singularly blind to the fact that his intimation that he proposes to plant his foot on riders to Appropriation bills is in the nature of an attempt to coerce Congress. He fa.i;js utterly to see that it is at least quite "as appropriate for Congress to say, and to insist, that appropriations shall ' be voted conditionally or not at all, as it is for him to say that the appropriations must be made without conditions, and that the method which Congress adopts in the passage of a bill shall be mage ground fora veto, however unobjectionable the matter may be. : : ReadinF the Congress of the United States a lecture ugon the manner in which it shall discharge its legislative functions comes with very bﬁl ace from a member of a party which%{ttle; more than twenty years a%o took as strong ground onthe rightof the House of Representatives to condition a grant of money as was taken by any Democrat in either House dur-

ing the recent debates; from a member of a party which has attached more more political riders to Appropriation bills than all other parties combined since the foundation of the Government; and what shows the hypocritical character of the objection on this ground is the fact that the man who makes it, when a Member of Congress, very tamely and submissively followed the bidding of his party, and voted for Appropriation bills, with riders attached, just as now, at the bidding of his party, he vetoes a bill because that party has placed itself in antagonism to it. The Executive, if he had been perfectly honest, would have simply announced to the House that he vetoed the bill because the. Republicans in Congress had made such a terrible hullabaloo over it that he dared not do otherwise. The fact that he has deluged the House with & mass of words will not conceal this knowiedge from the House; nor will the fact that he has chosen: to intimate, in almost so many words, . that he . will veto the Legislative Appropriation bill, no matter how salutary it may be, if it contain what are known as ‘riders,” heighten the respect which Congress wil%feel for his veto of the Army bill.— Detroit Free Press. S

» Lowe and Logan. ~ As dueling has gone out of fashion in this country, Senator Logan cannot be severely blamed for declining Col. Lowe’s invitation to settle their dispute according to the provisions of ‘“the code.” No one, however, will regret that the bullying propensities ofthe gentleman from Illinois have been appropriately handled by the gentleman from Alabama. Meanwhile the question at issue between them is of much more interest and importance to the general public than the personal quarrel' it has produced. Logan declares, in substance, ¢ that when the war broke out his sympathies were with the South;but when he discovered the treasonable designs and purposes of the South to destroy the Government, he cast his lot with the Union, and from that time no one hasdared to question his loyalty.”” He denies emphatically that he had anything to do with sending ‘recruits from I[llinoes to the Confederate Army. Lowe declares ¢ that there were two or three companies from Illinois in the Coufederate service, and that he had a talk with one of the officers and some of the men, and was told by them that they were enlisted to constitute a part of Gen. Logan’s command in the Confederate Army.” It may be difficult, if not impossible, at this late day to prove that Logan actually enlisted . men to serve in the South; but that he was the means of securing their enlistment, there is nosort of doubt. His ‘¢‘sympathy” took such an exceedingly active shape that he was, it is said, threatened with arrest by Gen. B. M. Prentiss, then commandant at Cairo. He is charged with having endeavored to provoke armed resistance to the passage of troops from Springfield to Cairo. Up to the very moment of his conversion by Douglas —the circumstances of which have more than once been given in these colums—he was universally regarded in Illinois as the strongest advocate and ally of the secession movement in that State. Instead of ‘¢ casting hislot, with the Union’ as soon as he discovered the meaning and object of the secession movement, he labored openly and zealously in its behalf until almost dragged to Springfield to meet his old leader and be turned from the error of his ways by the promise of political reward. If we are not mistaken, the late Samuel K. Casey was the mutual friend who brought Logan and Douglas together, and there are scores of prominent Democrats in Illinois who are perfectly familiar with Logan’s views and actions previous to the interview, and with the trouble Mr. Casey had in getting him to the capital. That he was ‘“loyal’’ enough after he got what he called ¢ the Lincoln collar’’ around his neck, nobody denies; but his blatant disloyalty until that addition was made to his wardrobe, is indisputable. If, as Col. Lowe declares, ¢‘there were two or three companies from 11linois in the Confederate service,” they were made up of Logan’s disciples when he was preaching ‘‘sympathy with the South’’ among his constituents in Southern Illinois. A’lghey never would have enlisted but for him. He was their favorite teacher and leader in those days. They believed in him with implicit faith, and he is as much responsible for their action as if they had been mustered into the Confederate service under his personal supervision. The officer and men with whom Col. Lowe conversed were justified in thinking they would ‘¢ constitute a part of Gen. Logan’s command in the Confederate Army,” and in our opinion nothing prevented that consummation but the briiliant promises made by Douglas to Logan a few weeks before the death of the former. Now that this bit of unwritten history has been so vigorously revived, those who can throw any new light upon it should do so. There is plenty of reliable information, hitherto unpublished, if it can only be drawn out.—B¢. Louts Repulilican. e e o B i

—Mark Twain went to Paris on a short self-granted leave of absence from Germany, where he is ‘studying”, for the wedding of Frank Millet, the painter and war corresgondep’t of the Daily News. His wed ing—present was ‘a couple of logs of fire-wood prettily bound together with pink silk and offered as ¢‘the costliest thing I '‘could find in Paris.”’ 2 :

—Of the eccentric traits of Mr. Sothern, the actor, this story is told: He objects to his dog forming new acquaintances, so he fastens two very shar%needles to the dog’s nose, leavin% the ends projecting about an . inch. ‘When a strange dog rushes up to ““shake noses’’ with him, he gets a thrust which sends him away howling:

—The people of the blue-grass region of Kentucky almost unanimously demand the re-establishment of the whipping-post as an economical and efficacious means of punishing petty criminals. :

Old Times. 0 A HALF century ago; a large part of the people of the United States lived in houses unpainted, wunplastered and utterly devoid of adornment. A wellfed fire in the yawning chasm of a huge chimney gave partial warmth toa single room, and it was a common remark that the inmates were roasting one side, while freezing the other; in contrast a majority of the people of},he older States now live in houses that are clapboarded, painted, blinded and comfortably warmed. Then, the household furniture consisted of a few plain chairs, a plain table, a bedstead made by the village carpenter. Carpets there were none. To-day, few are the homes, in city or country, that do not contain a carpet of some sort, while the average laborer by a week's work may earn enough to enable him to repose at ni§ht upon a spring bed. ifty years ago, the kitchen ¢ dressers’’ were set forth with a shining row of pewter plates. The farmer ate with a guc@k-bandledi knife and an iron or pewter spoon, but the advancing civilization has sent the plates and spoons to the melting pot, while the khives and forks have given place to nickle or silver-plated cutlery. ; In those days the utensils for cooking were a dinner-pot, tea-kettle, skillet, Dutch oven and frying-pan; to-day there is no end of kitchen furniture. :

The people of 1830 sat in the evening in the glowing light of a pitch-knot fire, or read their weekly newspapers by the flickering light of a ¢ tallow dip;”’ now, in city and village, their apartments are bright with the flame of the gas jet or the softer radiance of kerosene. Then, if the fire went out upon the hearth, it was rekindled by a coal from a neighboring hearth, or by flint, steel and tinder. Those who indulged in pipes and cigars could light them only by some hearthstone; to-day we light fire and pipes by the dormant fire-works in the match safe, at a cost of one-hundreth of a cent. R In those days we guessed the hour of noon, or ascertained it by the creep‘i’ng of the sunlight up to the ¢ noon mark’ drawn upon the floor; only the well-to-do could afford a clock. To-day who does not carry a watch? and as for clocks, you may purchase them at wholesale, by the cart-load, atsixty-two cents apiece. o _ Fifty years ago, how many dwellings were adorned with lilictures? How many are there now that do not dis})lay a print, engraving, chromo, or ithograph? How many pianos or parlor organs were there then? Reed organs were not invented till 1840, and now they are in every village. - = - Some who may read this article will remember that in 1830 the Bible, the almanac and the few text-books used in schools were almost the only volumes of the household. The dictionary was a volume four inches square and an inch and a half in thickness. ‘ln some of the country villages a few publicspirited men had gathered libraries containing from three to five hundred volumes; in contrast, the public libraries of the present, containing more than ten thousand volumes, have an ag%'rega,te of 10,650,000 volumes, not including the Sunday-School and private libraries of the country. It is cstimated that altogether the number of: volumes accessible to the public is not less than 20,000,000! Of Webster’s and Worcester’s Dictionaries, it ma.'y be said that enough have been published to supply one to every one hundred inhabitants of the United States.—May Atlantic. ! e

Entering the Suez Canal. -SUNSET on the Suez Canal. Two interminable banks of grayish-yellow sand, growing gradually higher as they tend southward ; a little ribbon of light green water barely visible between them; a huge steam-dredger in the background, with a clamorous garrison of blue-shirted men and redcapped boys who rush, shouting, to the side, to stare at our steamer as she comes gliding_ by; behind us, the houses and docks -of Ismailia, the Khedive’s new capital, fading into one shapeless mass of gray, amid which a darker spot represents the mouth of the '‘Sweet-water Canal;”’ and all around, the dreary wastes of the great Arabian desert, looking vaster and drearier than ever beneath the fast falking shadows of night. . At first sight it is certainly difficult to realize that this tiny streak of water, less than twenty-seven feet deep and barely seventy in breadth, can really be one of the great commercial highways of the world. Like the Russian ‘military road across the Caucasus, -or the little thread of railway which spans the boundless desolation of the steepes between the Volga and the Don, it is so utterly dwarfed by the vastness of its surroundings that one half forgets the magnitude of the results achieved, or the long and terrible struggle against heat, sickness, drifting sand, insufficient supplies, and constant hindrances of every kind, which human skill and human perseverance have conducted to this glorious completion. " The men of old time, when they attempted the same task, certainly found it no child’s lay. <‘ln the reign of Necho,” says glerodotus, note-book in hand as usual, i;oné-hundred an&l tw(ﬁnty thc;lugand tians perished in digging this canég.g’g Whgt a_history gngpression' and wrong, of grinding misery and wholesale destruction, do ' these few words convey! - 2 e - ¢Stand by your anchor! Let go!” - The Captain’s hoarse shout, and the rattle of the chain as our anchor splashes into the water scatter my visions at once, and I look up to per-' ceive that our surroundings have undergone a sudden and marvelous: change. ¥rom the narrow, monotonous avenue of the canal we have lided into & *wide expanse of smooth, gark water, which seems almost boundless in the shadowy twilight. To the south and west long waves of purple hill roll up against the last gleam of light that lingers in the darkenin sky. In front the posts set to marg the channel start out %auxitly like skel~ eton sentinels; and amid the deepening gloom twinkles a solitary point of fire —the l'iﬂht-hous_e that Fnard_s the ﬁrm. age. This is the famous ‘‘Bitter Lake,” one of the countless lagoons

that occupy a full third of the space traversed by the canal. = - ‘‘Are you going to stop here, Ceptainp ‘ e e : . ““Don’t see what else . we can do,"” growls the Skipper, ‘“if them fellers make us go half-speed through the canawl, 8o as il comes .on dark afore we can git through. If we was to go it full steam we’d run the whole eightythree miles 'tween sunrise and dark ilalasy,; sbutr it’s no fault of mine anyow!”’ e 5 .

. But no halt can be matter of regret on this historic ground, where the very earth seems to be still. shaken by the tramp of ancient empires, and the very air to be filled- with memories of the past. Few spots upon the face of the earth have a stranger mingling of the familiar and- the remote, of names which were the household words of our earliest childhood with others which are known only to the driest lore of the antiquarian. Hebrew shepherd and Assyrian conqueror, Persian and Greek, Saracen and Crusader, Bre‘nch-. man and Anglo-Saxon—sall have been hereinturn.” . 5 bt .As the full moon breaks forth in its cloudless glory, the shadowy armies seem to rise, around us once more— Moses and the thousands of Israel, setting forth upon that wonderful march ‘of which God Himself was the pioneer —Assyrian Ninus in his carved chariot, " with the ‘‘captains of the host and mighty men of valor’ around him in all the pomp and splendor of war—the turbaned warriors of Cambyses with their light lances and huge wicker shields, sweeping onward to that fierce short fever of conquest beyond which lay an unknown grave in the depths of | the hungry desert—the soldier zealots of Arabia, following black-browed "Amrou to the sack of Alexandria—-mail-clad horsemen with the Red Cross ~on their breasts, straining their eyes to catch ‘the first gleam of Saladin’s spears along the sky—and finally, the war-worn : grenadiers of Republican France, gathered around the dark, stern face and eagle eye of the ‘‘General Bonaparte’” who was one day to be the Emperor Napoleon.—Sunday Aflerpoom:t i o 4 £

. —A¢t the Police Court:” The Judge— What is your age, madam? Lady— Whatever you please, Your Honor. Judge—Forty-five years. Your business? Lady—Hold on a minute, Your Honor; you’ve made a-mistake of ten years in my'age. Judge—Well, then, fifty-five years. Lady (furious)—l tell you, sir, on my oath, I'mi only thirtyfive. Judge—Ah! so ycu have finished by answering my question.—Chicago Times. - S . :

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