Noble County Register, Volume 1, Number 10, Ligonier, Noble County, 8 April 1858 — Page 1

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N THE g ' 'Noble County Register ts éu'i'us'nn} EVERY THURSDAY ’uo,ixx_ue BY ©. J. PALMITER & Co. . Or¥ics-—ln Fisher’s Block, 24 Story, Corner of Cavin and Third Streets—entrance on Third. 2 TERME—SI,SO per annum in advance; or $2 00 if not pn‘;d fintil the-expiration of six months. . ' i bleidoß PRENTING 1 © In all its ¢arions branches exeécuted with neatness and despatel at the “RegisTen’ Ofiice. . § e T e e " 0. ARNOLD, M. D. Physician & Surgeon, LiG ONIER, INDIANA. Having recently located in Ligonier, will atténd to all calls in the.line of his profesgion. | Office--in the . Drug Store of O, JArnold & Co L .| [C.PALMITER, SURGEON, OBSTETRICIAN AND PHYSICIAN ‘. vligoniery, 3‘31 § ¢ Indjdna. : - - J. McCONNELL, Real Estate JAgent and Nutary Public _'LIGONIER INDIANA. 'W‘ILL accnowledge deeds and mortgages and take depositions. ’ - . J. PALMITER, : LIGONIER, 4 ' INDIINA D] ANUFACTURER of different varieties I¥L of Tombstones, Monuments, &c. Eugraving executed in the most approved style,

‘0 0. ARNOLD & Co. - LIGONIER, , - INDIANA. Dealers in Drugs, ‘Medicines, Paints,- Oils, © Glass, Yankee Notions, Fooks, Stationary, Wall end Window Paper. &c. &c. Also, 2 large 'supply of Choice Family Groceries, constantly on hand. S PR L e eeVe e S.. H, ESTABROOK, - | LIGONIER, N ’IJ\”Z)I.L/\'./I "VHOLFJSALE ‘and retail dealer in 3 . Drugs, Medicines, Paiits, Oils, Glass, Dye-stuffs, Perfumery, IFancy Goods, Family ‘Groceries, pure Wines and Liquors, fir me(lici|pnl frurposes. .l o 3.0 ZIMMERMAN, DRA'LF.R;in”Dry ‘Goods, Groceries, Boots 'and Shoes, Queens-ware,Notions, &c, Also Dealer n all kinds of Produce, . LEWIS COVELL, . . GEJ,\:'E_RJL COLLECTION AGENT:. Jagonicr, .. 7 Colndiang. C;)I‘.’YL!CCT]QNS' in’ Noblé ‘and ‘adjoining A/ Counties promptly wade, and ou reasons~ ablg teyms. ;0 ey ; jN .h Sfé_‘ﬁblr,';;iq;"un, t " >r(. ;"\\(;\ﬁn\\,kmn STOUGIITON & WOODWARD, Cvatierarys & Caunsellors at Law, ' REGONIER b st i INDIANA, N i/ LL promptly attend: to all business [ T R vUGHMANS pil W BRYARY. T ‘"MAINS & BRYANT, ﬂ_f!nrn‘eys at Law, Albion;, Nolle Co. Ina. W FLLatlend promptly 1o a!l Legal RusiV¥ ‘mess entrusted to theircare in the courts of Nobléand adjoining counties, . ..

i J. E. BRADEN, ' DF‘.AL‘ER‘ ’ the different varictics «f FAMILY GROCERIES also a full assurtment of Wines,! Liguors, Domestic ahe Lmposted, Refrefhments of all kinds alwayyg onhand; ik «‘ (i) JORIPPERTON, PHYSI€IAN AND SURG BON, Ledigonier, it i bedianai * 1{1&8&’120!3‘,1} ELY: offers his prafessional 4 ;se_ayi!}coé to. theeitizensof Ligoyier and i SEDRBG shur coiellßuoy 55 e Taln suied CLAFTON HOUSE, ' ~3."3" ‘COTHRAN, PROPRIETOR,’ 4”’1{}3,‘{%1:57&?;”_ MR ARRE P k. ?T'?ﬁ‘ls“'ﬂo'u!se is the gemeral " " " R Phscanilidrs lcatiteyed to'and ‘from the sDaresade 1] Hlienn s« ¢ ot by ki e foysax v{l ;‘:I:"»* !f]}_f(‘flﬂ\]’l‘, ; i oot Algrney anad Cownsellorat Law,, () ;l?“*"['@E‘i)l ‘f'he'an'n;t House, Albion, InA diagy Prompt attention given to all **!:él,{éﬂ bnsiness éntrusted to his care. ; '{fé“-—%"‘{tﬁnﬁr ity gl ol ciade a 0 gor ”E-BO ‘VQODWARD, B yoadO LA RY PUBLIC. . ; 7\\’]l/% ATEBENND; PROMPTLY. TO ey ol rrkln,d,qpi{wnn{e{mnceng ane all oth.?Tkgsx'% appertaining to 'that office. v :0 F’ over Fisher & Hosteter’s store, hgoigor..NOble Lo s inds o 2 ‘ P ° ' MEDICAL NOTICE. DRSS, gA RR & LOWER, JH'AVHQ 'ngdociatad themseves together AR in'the’practice 'of MEDICINE AND .SURGERY; wouldinform tothe citizens of {Ligapier that they will give prompt attention to all ca#?s gi&he,r day er pight... -~ * - 83-OFFICE two doors north of the drug tore. Ligonier; Febr4,lBsB. -

i HENRY HOSTETTER, JUSTICE OF THE PEACE. ;y@,EFI:CE,on Main Street, Ligounier, Indi

s < LAND AGENCY, ‘ HE undersigned has established an Agen- . cy for the purchase and sale of Real es.tate in Noble and adjoining counties, and has “effdcted’ arrangements’ which offer superior dnduecements for those wishing (o buy or sell

_4he samé, in this section of the Btate. . .~ .y Particular attention will be paid to Renting Houses. Leasing farms, and other business “@hich it may be necessary for non-residents f{(o;leav'q ‘in"the hands/ of ‘an agent. sl el LAND WARRANTS - | . Bought, sold, ‘and obrained: for thuse entitled 'to:the same. under the late act of Congress. Sidy o i JAMES: McCONNELL, ..

)ey B STOORER{ o 9 % 42000 W. C. MCGONIGAL . STOCKER & McGONIGAL, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, - A ND General Agents for Buying and SelU'#.'f !mg‘ v,'l,‘{eall B;tjit?e,‘-_ rExam}i'n'i‘gg, Titles, “ Making Callection ‘:nﬁ%?a'ying ‘Taxes. : ’t&,ﬁmn;, Indidne,” ¥ 2-6 m,

MY SCHOOLBOY DAYS. 7 As sung by W. D. Frankiin of the &W s e— : TEEIYY T've wandered to the village, John, .| - . | T'vesat beneath the tree : i.f " " Upon the school-house play-ground, /{1 1/ - Which sheltered yonapd me; =\ . i But none were there to greet me, John, And few arg left to know PoAs © Who played with us upon that ground/ . g Son;etwenty.ye;qnim. : ekt _ The grass is just as green, John, -‘_:,._,! o g Bare-footed boysat play, ~ 0 ' Were sporting just as we didthen, ... /. With spirits just as gay; s But the “Master” sleeps upon thehill, = *' When eoated o'er with-snow, .} Dol Afforded us a slidingplace, . . . s ' Justtwenty yearsago. -=Ak ": The old school-hoiise fs’sﬁiftex:pfd some," | The benches are replaced « ../« = 177 hyjpew ancs, very Jike thessme, | . * Our pen-knives had defaced; G But the same old bricksfire in the wall, . © The bell swingsto and fro, .. i (/. | Its music’s just the same, dear John, : "Twas twenty years ago. i T Thobeys até playing thé same 6ld game " ./ Beneath the same oid tree; - < o I forget the name just now, ot ) _ *You've played the same withme, ~~ = ' "On ‘thiat samie spot;— 'twas played with knives, By throwing soend 80, .. o And we declared that it wassport; ' | "T'was; twenty yearsago. .0} it The river's running just as still,” /¢ ¢ “The willows on its.side ,-~.. . - Are larger than they were, dear John, =~ The stréam appears less wide; 1110 0 # 10! . The grape-vine swing is ruined now, 1 | ) :the_re once,we played the boxui,,“ it 4 And-uwnn'gigqfr Mt"jneaité,-‘*pmtty girls,” * » st twenty yedrsago: i iy ionln ! The spring that bubbled 'neagl the hill, -~ ... Beside the spreading beach, *Pivas once €0 high; butnow so fow, - T ~fPhat ¥ could almost reacls . . 1] 1 And kneeling down to get adrink, . . 7 * Dear Jolin T started'so, 7' ‘7 4 Thoni “'T¢ see how much that I had changed« 1 . : "B&l’lpc"tnggtyms agh.l a ¥ -,: vopl g ¢ Near by the spring, upon ah elm,} $ i “ 'You'know I cuf your name, > " “:Your swoot lieart's just beneath ity John, ¢ | .t Andiyou did mjne the same; . 0 Some heartless wreteh had pealed the ba‘rﬁi, ‘ 4 Mwas dying, sure, ead slow; 5 11 Just as that one whose name youcut, . Died twenty years ago. - *My lids have long been; dry, John, - » . " But tearscame tomy eyes; ; P ' ¥ thought of ‘those wé loved so'well, » . ‘Those eatly broken ties; < - ° 1 yisitod the church-yard, John, * Aild took some flowers to throw / Upon the graves of these we lévml, Sean ~ Bome twenty yearsago. : s

SPEECH ¢f Hon. CHAS. CASE. REBELLION IN 1776 AND IN 1856. S 9 BONSINTRD: . . The .comparisons ‘made sufficiently indicate the family resemblances, but there are others .equally striking and suggestive. More than once we are told in the message, in reference to the Lecompton * Convention and its results, that if that body did not represent the sentiment of the Territory, if its. doings were an outrage upon . the wishes of the people, it! was their own fault; that by their votes that should have sent to that body different men—men representing. their views—and having failed (refused, if you please) to do so, it is not for them to complain that their rights have been violated.” "What an argunent, sir, for ‘a statesman and moralist! The plain English of it, as we must apply it, is this, admit that this constitution does violate the people’s rights; they committed the first wrong, and that will excuse ours.” We may, therefore, thrust it down their throats without ‘even asking them how they relish the preseription. . When and where did the lE»resident learn that in’ politics more than elsewhere, one wrong Justifies another? Ah!l forget myself, he might have learned it in ‘the very book before me. iR A

In those early days, as we all know, the legislation of the parent.government interfered with the tea-drinking of the colonies—imposing a tax on'that “domestic institution.” - Then arose a contest .among.the, people—the rebellious agserting that they should have a voice ih ma?c’ing ‘the laws that taxed them: Our author ever loyal to those in power, was upon this grave queéstion true to the administration. | He first denies the right elaimed by the people, il_nd then concluded his argument as folows: ,

“Yet notwithstanding all this, they, (the people of the colonies) have lately been told by their agents, who' had it from the best authority, that if they chose to send over:persons to-represent them in - Parliament, -they should be admitted. to seats in the House. _ln wiy opinion, theg have done Awigelf in not accepting the offer; but after refusing it, they surely have nd'redson to complain that they have no. represntatives in the parliament. that must govern these & - ) |

Sir, if the work is good autholjigy; the language of the message is'vindi‘cated by the precedenee of* respectable ears. X S ¥ 054 $535 3R 3 73 .?'vg | Thelanalogies:are by no-means ex-! Rausted. ﬁ‘asmg from the question of ight, the ;ecnﬁvg;miqsig@ Inyites our: attention. to arguments o A_e‘xgp‘d_igb‘éy._‘ ilﬁ:‘ are asked tfo consider ‘the benefits ‘that will result to Kansas and the‘eoun-

SRN B A SR SORE T | HOEID BER SRR SRVE BT TE W end s Tanoak OF BIRLon 0| by LIGONIER: INDTHURSDAY, APRIL 8,1858.

“try from ’ its /immediste - admission and thaduﬁe;%hq%ﬁmh tion, lln the catalogue of benefits, to be assured by iw.&éﬁ;ﬂ; we have “domestig.peace restored, and that fine ‘Territory hitherto 'torn'by dissensions, rapidly ‘increasi ‘;m'pop-muﬁ and o el ings and comforts. which follow in the. rin of agricalianl snd. meohasical r_‘n m .’f. .» i 3 ul*\l 4,21 243 X ~l« .-7 '!Y 183 | ,‘:'Tﬁe’r%guhes‘bf'the"%thér’ ‘and darker %;etureﬂ‘e not clearly : brought eut.— ‘We have dim ;images of agitation renewed in a form more alarming . than it. has ever yet dssumed,” "‘ii_eb’p%e_éf Tsister states estranged from éach’ other ‘with moré than former bitterness,” and “conseqriences. which np ahan: can foretell,” on & a background of ‘“dark. and ominous clouds impending, which, if Kansas is rejected, will become darker. and more omifious than any which have yet threatened -the Constitution and the Union.”» 17 shall not ‘attempt 'to finish the picture,-especially when it is intimated that the background may yet require a deeper shfaiciing._ ‘But our ancient author,;in his address to reasonable Americans;!’ left, neither of those sketches ‘unfinished. IHe reminded them that under the British laws and protection “they . were already rich, from practicing at their' ease the peaceful ‘arts of agrieulture and commerce; and:they had « but .to pursue the same path to flourish and, prosper, till, in process of time, they would - excite either the admiration or envy of the whole warld.” Then, turning the canvass, he' pointed to them ‘“the darkness of a rising tempest,” while “the roar of distant thunder broke upon their ears.”— In bold'relief stood out the frightful images of his grouping. The demon’ of discord rising to distract; the dogs: of war let loose; brother fighting against brother; the rebels vanquished and treated accordingly; thieir “estates’ forfeited and confiscated, themselves handed ‘over to the rexecutioner; and “only the lower classes sparedy” to. speak of the mercy of their conquérors ! S . e ‘All honor' to those ‘same reasonable Aniericans, for whom arguments of advantage had no controlling charms; pictures of disasters norestraining terrors; whose stcadyand practical reply to all expediency men was' that noble adage, “millions’ifor defence, ‘not ‘'one 'cent for tribute; or that other immbortal sentiment ‘“‘give me liberty, 'or give me death!” L 2oy e

In strange contrast with the reasonino just considered is the argument of insignificanee to he found in the old work as well as in the new, the subjects discussed being different, but: the principle involved the same. .In the former, submission to the British power was counscled, because the tax imposed Was too insignificant. to be ground of ecomplaint, and because people could themselves cure the evil, an(i] yet be royal to constituted authorities. The author skys: L i S &

- %Inwhat do you suffer? - Why, it ‘seems that a duty .of ‘three pence a pound has been laid by Parliament upan their teas exported to America; and. we cannot purchase the tea without lpa’yingﬂme daty, ' Bat, if_this may be ‘called 'a burden, 8o may the weight of ‘an atom on the shoulders of a giant.— Besides' this burden may be easily avoided; for we have no occasion to purchase the tea; and unless we do purchase it, we are under no obligations 9 pay the. dutyettined saiini L ¥ 1 Sir;. why did’ not this argument, settle the confusions of 1774 Because, above and beyond the insignificance of the tax demanded,. rose the eternal principle that the people’s ¢onsent must be the basis of “all laws toZwhich they are subjected; and because ‘trifling and insignifiicant violations ofit were then,. as now, more dangerous to the public ‘good, than flagrant. denials of its' justice. - The one, adopted, might bfeéoxﬁe‘! a pecedent; while the other, if successful be branded as a tyranny. i ~ And yet though t{le -same prineiple isinvolved now as then, we are told in the megsage— 7 it 0 “If ‘Kansas . is ' rejected, agitation more alarming than we have ever known ‘will be revived; and this from a cause ‘more trifling and insignificant than has ‘eyer stirred the elements of a great peo‘ple to sommotion?: + Iwt g - What is the argument by whieh we are to, be. convineed on this rpoint?— | Why, in substance. thig: if the propos‘ed Constitution does n;o;mccatg with | ‘the popular ' will' of Kansas, we "have: ‘only to drag her ‘into the’ Union under 1;. %th?hsm?eq;h oo ipmediate J, DD Lemselves! . ihus we -are fold ﬁi&% isf?ggig;;diﬁgrénqq of time" between us. Granting the logal viw to be'sound, (and upon ‘that T express Ho-opinion now;) why:do we not lyield %gpomwfonsm_}wdzhaxq' done with tl’i?‘ ol ‘., ()‘:e"w h.’f‘ (Qlt\e ‘ E‘zé‘ ﬁxﬁy ﬁeﬁ*gﬁu Gind ’,E:""n‘gisﬁkna‘i;% WHich i the Syelof UL Tuthors, lotr. ered like a ‘mountain® pesk above the trifling impast(that . violated. it, ‘and %‘W& ox,never be syrrendered \g"** o assent, of the governed to laws, ﬁ? B ?M; T AL R R e

‘eiple is* invelved, mothing which de‘mands its abandonment or postponment for a singleghour is trifling ot wnsignificant. - o ey . Ono other charactetistic of both doc‘uments desérves apassing noties. It is ‘the common stand-point from which tl‘:z tiew and judge the action of the authorities on the one hand, and the people on the other. Read theold book through, and from beginning to end you can find in it no ag‘mission of any real wrong on ‘the part of British power. The rulers were ever right, sub< mission to their behests ever ‘a. duty; the people was always.wrong, their remonstrances unreasonable, their action “brutal violence and rebellion.” * 80, sir, in the message, from its first line to its’ last, there is not an intimation in a solitary instance, pretended authorities or real ones have outraged public decency or, private ‘rights” in Kgn’sas; not a word from whicﬁ you can infer that there has been the?light,est excuse for the continued rebellion and pertinacious tréason which is.charged, without scruple, upon ten thousend freemen in. that Territory. = Like the Tory writer of 1774, the President sees no act of the anthorities to condemn, seareely one act of the people to approve. I shall return to this. featnre of the message soon, and therefore dismiss it for the present. i ° 'L g ' *

Enough, " perhaps, has beén said to show, not wherethe President did’ find, but where he might have fonnd, “the key note” of his message—enough to remove all wonder that even Democrats are startled at the strain, and’ loth to geep time with ‘the tune. : And now, sir,l: bave done with comparisons -between these extraordinary productions. As to the justice and propricty of the. one, the public voice if consulted, wo'd’ give no unecertain sound. Let butan American come forward now and thus: speak of the deeds and men of eightyfour years ago, and he would be deafened with the hisses of the ecivilized' world. . Let ug leave the author where! we found ‘him, sleeping: in .a political oblivionjthat perchance should not have. been diétirbed,ﬂfvﬁilé we return to the document of our own times, with the charitable prayer that similar “ervors may not ultimately be rewarded by a sumilar. repoge; . .. .o e ~ Time fails me to notice many important propositions of the message. I must’ be contefrt ‘with ahasty’ glanee at one ortwo more. -’ Here is'one deserving attention, not only: for its indication 'of executive partiality, . but . for its grave error as to the real issue to be settled. It is" a'‘sort ‘'of 'postseript to the argument of insignificance which has been congideréd; and shows- that in the President’s opinion . she. struggle may not be so trifling. to others as it is to the people of Kansas. He says: “In considering this question it should ‘mever be forgdtten: that-+in proportion to its :insiguificance, let the decision be what it may, so far as it may affect the few thousand inhabitants of éans’us‘whb”hhvé, from the begin: ing, resisted the constitution and the Jaws~for this very reason the rejection of the constitution will be so much. the ‘more keenly felt by, the people of four‘teen of the States of this Union where ‘ slavry is recognized under thie Constitution of the United States.”” ~ = .

- Sir, does the Presidént imagine that northern men are statues, thatin the free Statcs of this Union there will be no “keen feeling’ on this question? If our southern brethern may be so strenuous'about a : barren victory, ‘may not we as. 'strenuonsly _decline to yield?— Suppose we reverse the argument,. and say,“in proportion to'its. insignificance, &o.; for this very rYeason the adoption of ' this constitution will be so much more keenly felt by, the people of the sixteen States of this, Union: where slayery is not recognized.” Is not .reasoning equally sound? Yet he seems to be ‘blissfully unconseious that the pcople of the North have any interest; or any right to be interested, in this matter.— But on this I do not dwell. I wish rather to refer “to "W graver ertor, apparent in. the. passage:last quoted, and: ‘more prominent . § tiilﬁ in obzhtclar pa{t._s of ‘the 'message."]ﬂ: is the assumption ‘that this donstitution’ iz to be rejécted, if at'all, because 'it' tolerates a eertain institution. . In another place, you may remember, he; speaksof the “disasters to result lif we reject Kansas because slayery remains in her constitution.”-- | Now, sir, this assumption is sadly wrong. With me; and with many others, under | the circumstances, it wonld, be asufficient reason for yoting against the adoption of that cdngtivtixﬁ'?n'," if there were no other. But “the “President must know, or’should ktiow,:that:'in this House-there are those who are earnést'ilx»epfwsed to_its,adoption, with whom the slavery clause is of secondary 0(\?0 importance; and, sir, hé ought to know if he does not, thatall’ over the land there are thousangds of men—men whg‘ were, his, supporte “f,““z‘tyﬁv;gy b i e R sy wevergs b Soho YA ook ok, ‘thel Ademlheton (of Katisas lunder:this mﬁm agian mwﬂ ooy 15, Presiden ‘}‘9@ ‘ }:ggﬁ?‘}%%ﬂ;{lg{ﬁ‘j}g u;&%&&‘ ﬂ%‘iﬂ;‘a‘mz‘%& :

the- thousands who 'symipathize -with %,th@‘i‘ﬁ@Whl‘&in.l false positon? | . Nor is this sentiment confined to those who were 'so lately-of his ; political house!mld.’ For one, {"an‘i frée to say that if there were no question of ne- - gro slavery involved, I would never by mxyav?te, make that instrument the eon-. stitution of Kansas; because that involves a &ué’stion to me equally important, whether white men shall be robbed ‘of their rights. The' free men of that Territory have eastit out as sn_ unclean thing, and thatis objection enough with me, without looking at the face of the paper. - As an American ocitizen, and. as -a Republican, ‘while I do not hold that Congress is bound to approve and adopt a constitution, regardless of its provisions; because it e:ﬁﬁdies the people’s will, Tdo hold, that we should never force ypon them, for a single moment, which they have néver approved, but have emphatically condemned. ' On this &atter‘ proposition [ would not have supposed, six monthsago, that. there could be a difference of opinion between nien' pr parties. «o ¢ T 7

In‘f this connection I am reminded of another singular statement of the messageﬂ It is this: i . ; “The people of Kansas, have then, ‘in their own way,” ‘and in strict accordance with their organic act, framed a Constitution and ' State Government; have submitted the all important subject of slavery to™ the peop;: and, haye elected a Governor, a member to represent jt,hem. in Congress, members of the State Legislature, and other State officers. They now ask admission into the Un’i(i:l under this Constitution which is republican in form” = A brief prefix to « this statement, with one: slight omission, would have added. vastly to. its truthfulness. ‘Had he commenced by saying “a meager mingrity of the people of Kansas,” and omitted the phrase “in strict accorddance with the orgauie act,” he would have made a capital hit. Then it wo'd haye read, “a: meager minority of the ‘peoplé of Kansas have framed a Constitution, andj ask admission under it.”— Thus he would not have ignored thé fact, then and now notorious fin all/the land, that only in the previous month, and as the latest utterances. of all the ballgt‘nges of that Territory, the 'peo-} ple had almost unanimonsly repudiated thig constitution. -Of that fact he must have. had . an‘ unwavering eonvietion ‘When he penned his message, and yet ‘who would expect it from what hesays? ~ I'am aware of his excuse, and will jﬁiv‘é it in his own words. He says «I have-as yet received no official informa‘tion of the result of this election.”— Quite likely; and on his own theory he ;pro*babl!- never will; for, in the same connection, just preceding the last quotation, he strong{; intimates that in his judgment the . whole procecdings wis unofficial and unauthorized; though he says ‘it was pe_aceablﬁ conducted under his instructions.” But is it so that when ‘2 man becomes President he loses his natural organs—has only official ey¢sand official -ears; and may not by ordin: ry channels of information, learn, believe and act.upon an unquestionable fact? 'lf this is not true, then did he know ‘and believe, ‘when 'his' ‘message ‘was written; that the people of Kansas made no such ' roquest as he attributes tothem. - - e e

Passing through this maze of old fishioned herésy and new fashioned Demoeraey; it is pleasant'to find a com‘mendable sentiment. - Itis this: “popular sovereignty should be exercised here only through the ballot-box,” and “th'r()ugz ‘the instrumentality of established law”-—a ' general proposition ‘which none should deny. ‘Republicans do not controvertit.. On the eontrary, ‘that sovereignty having been conferred on the people of Kangas by an established' law, Republicans in that TerritoTy and out’of it, have insisted from the‘l ‘beginning that they should be protected in the enjoyment of the right. Its wviolation by the raid of March 30, ’55, when the established law was ignored, and the voice of Kansas stified at the ballot-box, and 'the ' .continued recognition, by the Executive and his agents, of .the ;}quipagiog sthen inaugurated, h&ye}lbe'en the grand causes of the poﬁfi"ca( confusions of that Territory. It isthatusurpation,in all its ramifications,

’aﬁd not | the-established law,. that the people.there have resisted: Iknow the !gpology for that /interference; I say a‘polo?yffdr no one can pretend that it would amount, if true, to anything like a justification. ' It was said; and is said that it was to counteruct the efforts of | eastern aid societes and their agents, who, .it ,was alleged, had flooded and were flooding Kansas with emigrants, | through ‘whdse voteés they thought to| shape its:iaws and institutions. ® Suppose this was done. 8o lon? as they @?n&;t%ere?on_‘ly bona_fide settlers, what ggh}, legal or moral, did they violate? Noteven to this ‘extent ‘would ‘legitis mate‘evidenoe sustain theé chaage. much | less wonld it conviot: them of sending | to.that, Territory, mere. ,‘.l"tnéen,ﬁg?‘}_‘!%b ters, to interfere with the rights of actnal settlers.’ gl; , sir, when- the| Kyitas Nebrabks’ Bill ‘wad: ponding i Qongross, through all the long disetis-

Shems pon i, was 2 peint conoeded that; e R e established in either of those Fewritories, Passing over the admissions of distinisbzg friends of the measure iw the g:_nate, I will rest the proof of ‘this as-* sertion wpon - the language of my colleague,’ [hMi'?.v-'; English.] In a speech made fvy im in favor cf the bill, on the 9th day of May, 1854, bo used these words: e e “l havesaid that in my opinion the people of these Territories will ‘never adopt the institution of slayery: and I have yet to hear a member Of'egongrcss : of either House, express a contrary. apititen:” 00 e « '

Sir, what was such lauguage, in substance uttered and reitterated by many from the South as well as from the North, but an ' invitation and a licence to the whole North to go there and settle and establish their own institutions? And if they accepted the invitation, and rushed in'by thousands as soon as Kansas was opened to them, what. right express or implied, was interferred with? Was there a a law providing that cmigrants toa mew Territory should go solitary and alone, and that no more than a given namber shouldenter it within a given time? If not, then if it were true that a million of New Fngland emigrants stood mpon-the Kunsas line and poured themselves into it the first moment it was open to emigration 1t was no wrong to any body. = - I come back now to the charge of rebellion it is- well founded? To settle that question correetly we must deter- - mine one preliminary, namely: what is - the governing power of Kansas, - ‘Happily so fur as the President and hissupporters are concerned, this question is - conclusively settled by an - authorit y which he says is the highest known to our laws, and that, too, in a decision which he and they most heartily approve Once there was much noise and confusion about popular sovereignty ac applicable to Territories. Once, a portion of the President’s friends denied or doubted the right of Congress to legislate for them. Their ‘theory seewed to be, that the ‘people of a Territory, like those of a State, ‘were sovercign; and that-Congress had 'not comstitutional power to interfere with that sovereignty in either case. . The Supreme Court, in the famous Dred Scott decision, get that torest. They decided in substance (indeed it was no new doctrine i that : court,) that ‘Congress is* the law-mak--ing powergfor all our common domain; thatgthe Federal -Government is ‘the ‘governing power of that dommain. ‘ True, they said that Congress could - not interfere with a cortain Institution there, not beeause it was not the legiti‘mate law-making authority, but because that institution was above ail legislation. ‘But equally explicit were they in the ‘doctrine ' that whatever laws may beenacted for a_Territoty, Congress may pass; whatover power a Torritorial Legislatare may have, is such as Congress gives it, and no more. That theso points were ruled, -of attempted to be ruled in -that celebruted case, is past dispute.. It follows that, fthough Congress may grant to the people of a Ter - ritory . the right of self-government, only a delegated right is conferred, which may, at any time, be resunied, no matter how unconditional the grant be on. its face; for Congress eannot, if it would, yicld past reclamation, 80vereignty vested in it by the ' Constitution. It follows, too, that, if Kuansas has had a government, it has becn the Federal Congress, or; such officials— Governors, judges marshals, and legislators—as Congress may! have designated and authorized to act as its agents. We all know what the fact is: Congress ‘provided, by an organic act, for a gov-. ernment : through agents, ‘prescribing for the people of that Territory, Gov- » ernors, Secretaries, judges, and marshals, to be appointed by the Exccutive, and legislators to be chosen by themSolepa = T 000 oo oY E g

| Such having been the legal governing power of Kansas, when, and -by whom has it ever been repudiated or defied ?. ~When have the pcople there resisted the officors of Federal appointment, or denied their authority? Ido not ask for individual acts of resistance to officials. - Buch have doubtless occurred there a 8 they have every where else. But no lawyer will pretend that such “act,s,‘fm;mnt;,tofi'ebelfion. Igo further, and ask when have they denied ‘the authority or resisted the enagtments of ;any Legislature called into being by their Voice! Remember, sir, they werc licensed by tlie organicact to elect their own legislatots, and were told that thus they should freely govern themsolves. That license was at any time subject to congressional modification or recall; but so long as it retuained, it was to them » sufficient wamiant to resist the authority of any pretended I.eg@&mwanas chosprofess 10 go into details, the dnvestigations of ;& prior Congress sufficiently prove that ouly. when such. 3 body o others did they deny its authority, repv - i s M ognize the swaris of officers by thos. enactments called into being. I hai "

NO. 10