The National Banner, Volume 13, Number 15, Ligonier, Noble County, 1 August 1878 — Page 2

GBS G TRR ¢ oY O S e, ¢ 5 } 4 : Ay The Pational Banuer ' vk g & . 4 Aat J. B. STOLL, Editor and Propirietor. s e T LIGONIER, IND. AUG. Ist, 1878. W. - “No man worthy of the office of President {should be willing to hold it if counted in or placed i thiere by frand.”—U,’S, GBANT, ' i Democratic Congressional Convention. \ - " Notice is hereby given that a delegate couyentior of the Democrats of the 13th Congressional District, and all others in said district who sub-’ scribe to the principles enunciated through the Democratic Stafe Platform, adopted at Indianapolis on the 20th of lask February, will be held at ; g KEI‘{DALLVILLE, ‘ On Tuesday, August 20th, 1575, At 10 o’cloek, A. M., for the purpose of nominating a candidate for Congress, aud for the transaction of such othier business as may be presented, In accordance with the basis of representation heretofore established the. several counties are entitled to send thé followinginumber of delegates to said convention: ; bl KeKalbeuoosiiun,.o...26{|Kosclusko ... .c..... 27 LaGrange.. ... ... .. 13} INODI® i ocvcac oo R Eikhart........... .34} Steaven. .0l ... 8 Mar5ha11.............28 By authority of the Congressional Central Com- . mittee, % @, A, 0. MoCLELLAN, Cl'n. S A A g Tl T 2 of 4 e WE SURRENDER ‘almost this entire page to the able and exhaustive letter of the Hon. Hiram 8. Tousley, and in

doing so we know that no apology is required for the exclusion of our usual supply of éditox_'fiai and general matter. The views of Judge Tousley on the great issue now before the pedple have not heretofore been’ presented to the publie, arid as he has recently been placed in nomination as a egé‘mdi‘daté

for representative in Congtess, we

know whereof we speak when saying that every sentence in-his letteér will be eagerly read by ‘thousands.

SENATOR VOORHEES delivered a masterly speech at South Bend on Saturday.last. He had a splendid audience, and, as usual, made a very favorable impression. U

THE DECLINATION of Judge Tousley 'Willg,‘doﬁbtlessv be a great disappointment to thousands in this District who desifed to cast their votes for-lis election to Congress. Yet, when made familiar ‘with the reasons that ‘have prompted the Judge to decline, no real personal friend will feel like finding fault. Itis true, the people have claims ‘upon men in public life, but not to the extent of sending them to a premature grave. ol

- MR. COLVILLE, & prominent Cineinnati banker, says John Sherman hasno warrant in law for hoarding coin or greenbacks for resumption: purposes, yet he knows that it is being done constantly, “If I gave you a check for fifteen or twenty thousand dollars on any of the public depositories,” said he, “they would not givre a dollar of greenbacks in cashing g,’ but would pay you in National Bank notes. They are hoarding the greenbacks so that they can not‘he presented for redemption.” 2 :

The managers of both of the old parties begin to understand that the financial question will be the controlling question in the fall campaign.— Their recognition of the fact is the more significant because accorded reluctantly and in spite of the preparations made for the adoption of different tactics.—New York Times. .

The T'imes prognosticates correctly. The finance question is the issué of the hour. It must be met, fairly and squarely. The Democracy is already eplisted in the great contest, flying the banners of the people: Bold ‘men to the front, cowards to the rear! No surrender to the Shylocks!

To satisfy the wishes of hosts of friends here and through the county —men of both parties who have been intimately acquainted with- Wm. B. Garman, of Osolo twp., we present his name as a candidate for the office of Sheriff of Elkhart county, subject;to the will of the voters aﬁ;sembled:in convention August 10, at Goshen. His nomination will be a tower of strength in the coming campaign.—Elkhart Union. el { ;

Correct. Mr, Garman-is a man possessing many elements of popularity. His nomination is one eminently fit to be made, and certain to be ratified at the polls in October. £

Junaék ToOUSLEY, thé Greenback A%ndidatia_ of the 13th Congressional istrict, has as yet made no public declaration as to his accepting the position o which he was nominated.” If the Judge should consent to do soand receive the hearty support of all per~Bons opposed to the present radical party, he would stand a good chance “of an election, and in that case would certainly be an improyement in the right direction. Inthe vicinity where the Judge is best known he would at least receive an overwhelming vote from all parties favorable to a reform in our financial system.—&oshen Democrat, 4 i ;

Wolf Lake Locals.

~ The recent rains have proved bene- . ficial to the growing crops....The M. E. friends will soon dedicate. Much taste is exhibited in the finish of their edifice. ... Many farmers have threshed their wheat and are receiving an abundant yiéld.. ~.The residence of “C. R. Wiley is in proeess of repair and - when completed will be a decided improvement....'Qur town is favored with an occasional hop.... Dr. Gants, -the dentist, recently made an official visit here, and, after a tour about the lakes and viewing nature’s seenery, seemed highly pleased. Call again. ... Rev. Atchison, Christian, delivered a farewell discourse to an attentative audience last Sunday. The Rev. is ighly appreciated and efforts will be ‘made to employ him again.... Quite a nmbmprmnt A 8 we are not favored with a scliool at pres- , ent, those desiring to teach will per- ' haps attend the Normal. Thoroughmess is & requisitoin teaching. X, i IQ@M;W 7 Tl i

3 - b y 3 Hon. Hiram S. Tousley. His mnn tg, the Notification of His Nomination for Congress. He Reviews the Financial Question | 4 . at Length, . : And Presents Facts and Figures of Great Importance to the People. = - AwLsIoN, IND., July'3o, 1878. - Messrs. Wu. C. WiLLIAMS, LEw. J. BrAIRr, and B. F. DAWsoN, Committee.. GENTLEMEN:—I acknowledge the receipt of your letter informing me of my nomination as a candidate for Rep-/ -resentative in Congress for the Thirteenth District of Indiana. It is proper to revert to a letter addressed to Judge Skillen and read before the National Greenback convention which assembled at Kendallville on the 17th of July. lln that lebter 1 gignified my disinclination to assume the responsibilities of a candidacy for ‘Congress, and expressed the .earnest hope that some one, better qualified physically than myself, would be selected to make the race. Notwithstanding this tact, I observe from the published proceedings .of the convention that several gentlemen whose names were presented for nomination, withdrew and united in the nomination of myself as the candidate. i The question now. presented to me is, ought I to reconsider the determination expressed in my letter of declination, or accept the nomination? The battle to be faught, throeugh the ‘medium of the ballot, is - one of vital importance to all the people: It is tc be decided by the votes of American freemen whether the greenback shall have a permanent. existence in the monetary affairs of the nation, or ‘whether it is to be wiped out in order to make place for a different currency —a currency at once expensive to the nation, and emanating from a bountyfed and subsidized Money Power, viz: the National Banks. Judgment is to be passed upon the proposition to drive out of existence a currency that costs nothing but the expense of printing,—a 'currency constituting a part of the indebtedness of the nation, secured by all the property, energy, wealth and brains of its people; a currency beloved by patriots and venerated by heros, and consecrated and baptized in the blood of the children of a great Republic. 4 midst the hardships and vicissitudes of a suffering people, groaning | under burdens from which they have vainly sought to escape by exertions of a herculean character, it behooves every friend of humanity to carefully, diligently and honestly strive to devise some plan for the amelioration of their sufférings. To calmly sit down and unconcernedly witness the disas~ ters constantly befalling our fellowmen; to turn a deaf ear to the pitiful ‘tales of men bereft of house and home; to cruelly close the eye to all the evidences of absolute want, would but indicate a'hardness of heart that sho’d have no existence among a people poetically described as a “Union of hands and a Union of hearts.” The man who wraps himself in the mantle ' of selfishness, indifferent fo the needs -and wants of his fellow-men,lacks every impulse of generosity and at once exhibits a total disregard of the common weal.

It then becomes our duty to:inquire into the causes of all this distress and misery. No impartial investigator. -will assume, unless warranted by facts, ‘that the men intrusted with the management of public affairs at heart desire the destruction of our industrial interests, or that they would commit a wanton or cruel act against the peo‘ple, unless there be a motiye of some character to control their action. To endeav?r to fathom such motive, and gain a fair understanding of the purposes sought to be attained, should engage the thoughtfiil attention of all.. For myself, candor compels me to say that my investigations have led me to the belief that a conspiracy exists today, and has existed for years, to establish upon the free soil of America a power for the control of both the finances and the polities of the country. It requires no stretch of the imagination to reach this conclusion. The evidences of the existence of such a conspiracy are numerous and indisputable. The eastern organs of the Money Power told us in plain terms during the pendency of the silver remonetization question that the national banks had at last perfected an organization which would effectually thwart the purposes of 'the peoples’ representatives who were engaged in a noble contest for the relief of the industrial classes. DBribery was openly recommended,— They spoke significantly of the power of money judiciously placed “in the itching palms of impecunious western congressmen.” The pernicious influence of this arrogant Money Power was manifested in every step taken by the government to adjust the finances of the country. When, in 18&’, that bold defender of radical republicahism, the Hon. Thaddeus Stevens, secured the passage of the legal tender act—the act creating the greenback with which the government was enabled to successfully prosecute the war for the suppression of a wicked and unholy rebellion—the Money Power emerged from' gilded offices and procured its mutilation by the Senate to such an extent as to make it scarcely recognizable to its authors:and projectors. A few passages from :Mr. Stevens’ closing speech will suffice to substantiate all I have said on this point: I “T have a very few words to say. I approach the subject with more depression of spirits than I ever before .approached any question. No personal feeling or motive influences me. I hope not, at least. I have a melancholy foreboding that we are about to consummate a . cunningly devised scheme, whi§h will carry great injury and great loBs to all classes of people throughout this Union, except one. With my colleague, I believe that no act of legislation of this Government was ever hailed with as much delight throughout the whole length and breadth of this Union, by every class of people, without any exception, as the bill which we passed and sent to the Senate. Congratulations from all clagses—merchants, traders, manufacturers, mechanics and laborers—poured in upon us from all classes. The Boards of Trade from Boston, New York, Philadelphia, Cincinnati, Louisville, Bt. Louis, Chicago and Milwaukee, approved its provisions and urged its passage as it was. o “I have a dispatch 'érom the Chamber of Commerce of Cincinnati, sent to the Secretary of the Treasury, and by him to me, urging the speed& passof the bill as it passed the House. it 1s true, there was a doleful sound came up from the caverns of bullion brokers, and from the saloons of the i eoo o g 4 OOLs Were soon on the ground, and 'Wed,thy'&enm< with but little iberation, to mangle and destroy what it had cost the House months to dige tp« .-. .‘ d and | x:‘.:A ﬁ?ahw éﬁl upon the 1N Dov haste, and so dis. feed and 4 ”g ' '\'nj i b w;,;'(;; ,’”‘ ro ‘;( “‘\,.{i“‘ S"i T e o

ter:] Instead of being a beneficent and invigorating measure, it is now positively mischievous. . If has all the bad qualities-which its enemies charged on the original bill, and none of its benefits. It now creates money, and by its very . terms declares it a depreciated eurrency. It makes two classes of money—one for the banks and another for the people. 1t discriminates between the rights of different classes of creditors, allowing the rich capitalist to demand gold, and compelling the ordinary lender of ‘money on individual security to receive notes which the Government had purposely discredited.n ! ;' 2 Further evidence of the extraordinary power wielded by the Money Power is to be found in the congressional proceedings of 1868-69. The payment of the’s-20 bonds was then under discussion. The: men who framed the legal tender act contended, in connection with others, that these bonds--50me51,500,000,000 in amount—-) were payable in lawful money—greenbacks.. Mr. Thaddeus Stevens so contended, Senator Morton so argued, Ben Wade so declared, and Senator John Sherman, in a speech of great_power, proved conclusively they were thus payable. - : G ‘I quote from the corgressional proceedings of July 17, 1868, the “funding bill” being then under consideration:

Mr. STEVENS. I.hold to the Chicago platform, and as I anderstand it, on that point, to the New York platform - that thosé bonds (5-20’s) shall be paid just according to the original eontract. S i

- A MEMBER. The law, Mr. Stevens, accord- | mﬁto the law. . . ! ‘ . ‘ R, STEVENS. What was that law? That the interest should be paid ug toa certain time at 6 per cent, in coin. After the bonds fell due they would be pa?ra.ble in money, just as the §entleman from Illinois M. Ross]' understood 10 ; {ust-a.s he [Mr, Stevens} understood it ; just as all \mdexggoodlt when the law was enacted ; just as it was explained on the floor a dozen times by the Chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means. . If he knew that any partg n the country would go for paying in coin that which was payable in money, thus m%ming the debt onehalf; if he knew there was such a ﬁlatfom and such a determination on the part of his own party, he would, with Frank Blair and all, vote for the other party. He would vote for no such swimdle on the tax-payers of the countrg. He would vote for no such speculationr in fayvor of the large bondholders and millionaires. He repeated (though it was ha}rd to say it), that cven if Frank Blair stood’on the platform of paying according to the contract, and if the republican candidate stood on the Platfonn of puymﬁ bloated syeculatm's fwice the amount agree to be paid to them, and of taxing his constituents to death, he would vote for Frank Blair, even if a wors¢ man than Seymour was on the ticket.: [Much excitement and sensation.} Senator Morton, on the 6th of July, 1868, said in the U. S. Senate: : My. President, I believe that the law—and it is to the law we must look in regard to this question after all—is with the Senator from Ohio on this question. When it is asserted that the Government is bound tv redeem the five-twenties in coin; I say it is not only without:the law, but it is in express violation of at least four statutes, o The dauntless Ben Wade thus expressed himself in a letter; to one of ‘hig constituents: g VIOE PRESIDENT’S CHAMBER. 0 ! : WAs?lwor_oz«.' Dec. 13, 1867, My Dear Sir: —Yours of the Sth inst. is received. and I most cordially’ afgree with every word and sentence of it. I am for the laboring portion of our people. The rich can take care of themselves, While 1 must scrupulously lixe up to all the contracts of the government and fight repudiation to the death, I will figcht the bondholder ar reso lutely when he undertakes to get more than his pound of flesh. Wenever agreed to pay the 5-20 bonds in gold. No man ¢an findit 1n the bond, and I will niever agree to have one payment for the bondholder and another for the people. It would sink any party, and it ought to. To talk -of specie payments or a return to specie under present circumstances is to talk like a fool It would destroy the country ag effectually as fire, and any contraction of the currency at this time ig about as bad, Butl have not time to give my ideas in full, Yours truly, - ’ s BENJ, F. WADE. Cart, A, Denny, Eaton, O. - i

I next cite John Sherman, who, after' his speech in the U. S. Senate, wrote w? follows: v j “United States Senate Chamber, March 20, 1868, — DEAR SIR: ‘I waspleased toreceive yourletter. My personal interests are the same as ij’ours, but, like you, I do not intend to be inuenced bY them. My construction of the law is'the result of careful examination, and I feel (uite sure all_lnlgal'tizv,l court would confirm it if-the case could be tried-before a court. I send you my views as fully stated in a sPeecil. Your idea is that we propose to repudiate or violate a promise when we offer to redeem the ‘prineipal’ in legal-tenders. i “I think the bond-holder violates his promise when he refuses to take the same kind of money he paid for the bond. If the case is to be tested b} the law, I am right; if it is to be tested by Jay Cooke’s advertisements, lam wrong. I hate repudiation or anything like it, but we ought not to be deterred: from doing what is right by fear of undeserved epithets. If, under the law as it stands, the holder of five-twenties can only be paid in gold, then we are repudiators if we propose to pay otherwise. If, on the other hand, the bondholder can lefally demand onlly: the kind of money he })uid, THEN HE IS A REPUDIATOR AND AN (XTORTIONER to demand more money than he gave. Truly yours : o JOHN SHERMAN. ‘“Hon. A. MANN, Jr,, Brooklyn Heights.”

Notwithstanding these emphatic and earnest declarations of men high in the councils of the nation and equally high in the republican party, the Money Power, in 1869, succeeded in inflicting another blow upon the greenback. This was done by the passage of the so-called “public credit act,” which in effect declared that while the greenback was good enough to pay the soldier, and:the mer who furnished food and clothing, and ammunition of war for our great armies during the dark days of the rebellion, it was not good enough to pay the bondholders, who bought the bonds with greenbacks when these were largely depreciated, in consequence of the action which Thad. Stevens denounced s% bitterly in his masterly and eloquen closing- speech of the legal-tender debate. No, the people’s money, the greenback called into existence by the approval of Abraham Lincoln, had to be discarded, that the bondholder might exact from a patriotic but terribly burdened people gold—yes, gold, precious because of its scarcity, hoarded and adored by monarchs and Shylocks, but ever cowardly and treacherous when most needed 1n the hour of peril. - : e i The next victory won by the Money Power over the people was in 1873, wlien by secret manipulation the “dollar of the fathers,” the silver dollar of 1792, was demonetized. This action was. doubtless taken to complete the job of 1869, when currency bonds were made payable in coin. Coin, as all understand, means gold and silver, and ag silver is not good enough for those who hate greenbacks, the law must be so-manipulated as to make all bonds payable in gold—the dearest mioney in the warld: -ty

In 1875 the resumption act was passed. This was pre-eminently a caucus measure.: It was the produet of the ingenious mind of John Sherman, who shortly after his famous letter of 1868 found it more profitable to serve the ,‘ bondholders than the people. Thisresumption act simply meant the gradual extinction of ithe greenback. It provides for the destruction of green- - backs until but $300,000,000 areleft in } circulation.. Then (on the first day of January, 1879,) resumption.is to begin. Where? In the hot-bed of stock job‘bers, and gold gamblers—New York City. . At the very doors of Wall street -greenbacks are to be made exchangeable for gold which John Sherman obtained by issuing long running bonds on which the people must pay interest for a period of twenty years. Yes, millions of bonds issued to buy gold in order to rid the country of this hated - greenback ; millions added to the national debt, that the greenback might be wiped out of existence and the national bank note made monarch of our mouetary system. - But, thanks to the vigilance of a free press and a thinking people; thanks to the currency agitators—the men whom Ben Harrison denominates “id‘iots,”— Congress put a veto upon this cunningly devised s}g};eme of John Shg;;mam Against the earnest protest of the bondholding interests Congress decreed at its late session that not another greenback shall be retired, canoled S goiow :&bgit.l;l#%eww ‘

fast as greenbacks reach the Treasury ‘they must again be paid out. The | ‘passage of this act- was procured as ‘some sort of a compromise, to avoid thg absolute repeal of the resumption act. ; AR e But let us see how faithfally John | Sherman obeys this law—how scrupu«| lously he regards his solemn oath.— | ' The law under consideration declares that “it shall not be lawful:for the “Secretary of the Treasury or other | “officer under him, to cancel or retire “any more of the United States legal“tender notes. And when any of said “notes may.be redeemed, or be re“ceived into the Treasury under any “law from any source whatever and | “shall belong to the United States,| “they shall not be retired; canceled or “destroyed, but they shall be reissued “and paid out again and kepf in eir“culation.” This command is surely made as strong as language-can make it. It is unmistakable and imperative, leaving no discretion to the Sec--retary of the Treasury. The actfurther declares that all acts and parts of acts in conflict with this law are “hereby repealed.” This virtually annuls that part of the resumption act which provides for the retirement of greenbacks. Yet John Sherman proposes .c 0 goon in his mad course, entirely disregarding thelaw which he issworn to obey and execute. In - his letter to Congressman Phillips, dated June 17, he said he “would seek to keep in cir“culation all the United States notes “ (greenbacks) that could be maintain*ed at par with coin.” More recently he announced that he could not maintain resumption if he must reissue dll the greeubicks, and that he would exercise discretionary power in keeping | out or keeping in greenbacks to the extent of three hundred millions.— Congress says $346,000,000 greenbacks must and shall be kept in circulation; but John Sherman, proclaiming himself above the law, says he will keep in circulation only so many notes “as can be maintained at par with coin.” The Treasury statement dated July 19, 1878, shows that he is now, in violation of law, hoarding $62,000,000 of greenbacks —keeping them locked up, withholding them from ecirculation, preventing their use in the business transactions of the country. Should such a faithless oflicer not be impeached ? " Let us now inquire into the motive that governs these men in their opposition to the greenbacks and their | love for the national banking system. As before stated, there must be a motive for all this. In my. search for thismotive, I propose to confine myself closely to the record. Some months ago an “Honest Money League” was organized in the city of Milwaukee, with a branch at Chicago, the avowed purpose of ‘which is to counteract the greenback movement that seems to have alarmed the projectors of said organization, composed chietly of national bank oflicers, bondholders and money lenders. On the 3d of June last this-“ZLeague” invited John Sherman to nhonor its members with his presence and deliver a speech. Mr. Shefrman did not have the time to come in person, but he sent them a letter dated “Treasury Department, Washington, June 6.” In this letter he says: e “It is manifest that my public daties will not permit me to leave this city at that time, or I should be ila(l to join with %fou in the eiforts ou are making to secure to the people of the {lnitcd States. honest mone; BY WHICH I MEAN UNITED STATES NATIONAL BANK NOTES convertible at the will of the holder into gold and silver coin.” : lere, gentlemen, is a bold, public declaration by the Secretary of the Treasury—the man holding the most responsible trust under the Admin.istration—that no other kind of paper money except National Bank notes is “honest money.” Greenbacks do not come within his interpretation ‘of what constitutes honest money. By implication the greenback called into existence by the signature of the martyr President, Abraham Lincoln, is proclaimed to be dishonest money, scabs, shinplaster, rag-stuff, &c. -How well this definition correésponds with a vehement speech delivered in the lower House of Congress on the 13th of November, 1877, by Hon, 8. B. Chit‘tenden, republican member of Congress from the 'l'hird District of New .York (the city of Brooklyn), during the discussion of the bill for the repeal of the resumption act, in the course of which he said: “The pending bill was hurtful, discreditable, and without excuse. The country was now shaken by a wild blast of grand currency illusion which had swept over thé plains of the South and prairies of the West, ca,rrylnF the House by storm and threatening to engulf the national integrity. The greenback was the most powerful enemy the country had ever éncountered—slavery alone excepted, It was a fraud, it was a sham ; it familiarized the individual and dpublic conscience with shams, It had muddled all the springs of honest thrift and solid enterprise ; had confused and misled the publie Judgment ; had sapped the courage and wisdom of the Federal Treasury, and bad given immense comfort to demagogues.” ' Read and re-read this .vehement slander, this vile denunciation of the money of the people. Ponder over it, and then compare the utterance of Mr. Chittenden with the covert attack of John Sherman. These men substantially agree, the only difference bei that Chittenden proclaims outright, boldly and above board, that the greenback is a fraud and a sham, while the crafty Sherman, in more cautious language, proclaims the same atrocious sentiment. : Chittenden, in November, pronoun- { ced the greenback sentiment that has taken such deep root all over the Union, a “currency illusion,” while in the recent republican State convention of Indiana, Gen. Benjamin Harrison cast about for an asylum wherein to lock up the men who doubt the wisdom of theSherman-Chittenden finance policy. One would naturally suppose ‘that the insulting speech of Mr. Chittenden would have aroused the indig-. nation of every representative vitxéﬁongress who entertained the slightest re-. gard for the people’s currency. :The people of the Thirteenth Indiana District had the right to expect that their “distinguished representative” would resent the insult, the indignity, heaped upon them by the representative of the DBrooklyn, bondholders and Shylocks. 1 say the insulted people of this District had a right to expect that their representative would utter at least a few words in denunciation of the Chittenden calumny, —~for the congressional record informs us that some eight months prior “our distinguished representative” made haste to “lock horns” (in more than a wordy sense) with another New Yorker, Mr. Abram Hewitt. Or is it to be inferred that “our. distinguished representative’s” indignation cannot be aroused by the intemperate denunciation of the gréenback ?—that it requires an electoral count to warm him up to such a pitch as to m%lg hiﬁx both t%otosd and feared among his colleagues? Strange that | @ “distinguished representative” who exhibited a marvelous degree of bravery and valor in repressing Mr, Hewitt, should permit an opportunity to escape of “squelching” the irate Chittenden. Passing strange, indeed, that “our distinguished representative” ‘had neither word nor nerve to confront the calumniator of the green‘back, and that it devolved wpon a | Gl B e, i bis tellow-Shylocks: . “And yet you undertake to comfort. the country by telling it that all these Gy Milte Mt e R R Rl T e i e R e e e

themselves when they have touched the bottomless pit of despair and poverty. Look yonder atthat storm-driv-en ocean. Hurricanes and darkness are upon the deep; signal-guns are firing every minute; ships are going down by the hundred; thousands of precious lives are being engulfed, and in the midst of all the ruins there (pointing at Chittenden) stands the wrecker waiting for the spoils, and assuring those in peril of destruction that all these things will' right themselves.” s

Let us pause a moment and xmsime that Thad. Stevens and Abraham Lincoln had heard the words spoken in. this debate. Contémplate the picture: Chittenden, frothing from excitement and venom, denouncing the greenback as a fraud and a sham, and the “Con-. federate DBrigadiers,” on the other hand, appearing in the attitude of de-. fenders of the currency that throttled the rebellion! Or, imagine that some humble Republgean from this District, strong in the faith of republicanism as taught by Lincoln ‘and Stevens, had quietly listened to this debate, with no knowledge of the antecedents of the speakers; how great his astggishment had he then and there learned that the republican .lea.dexs,—;’Garﬁeld, Foster, Hale, Frye, etc,—had not a word of rebuke for the defamer of the Lincoln greenback, %ld that bLattle-scarred Confederate Brigadiers were foremost in defending the greenback and a suffering people! = © -7 But I must revert to the “honest money” which the Sherman and Chittenden financiers propose to substitute in lieu of the “fraudulent and shamlike” greenback. ILet us see what kind of money they have in store for the people. The‘“honest money” these able financiers advocate is that issued by the national banks, the peculiarities and exc?lencies of which are accurately and tersely set iforth in a speech delivered by Gen. Benj.:F. Butler in the House of Representatives, November 27 and 28,'1867: HOW A NATIONAL BANK-GOT INTO EXISTENCE, Let me state the wa& a National bank got itself into exisl;eﬁce in New England during the war, when gold was at 200, and five-twenties were at par, ih currency, or nearly that, A ~company of men got together $300,000 in National bank bib;s, and went to the it(:{;ister of the Treasury, iwith gold. at 200, and bought United States five-twenty bonds at par. They stepped into the office of the Comlptroller of the Currency and asked to be established as a National bank, and received from him $270,000 in currency, without interest, upon pledging these bonds of the United States they had just bought with their $300,000 of the same kind of ’ mon?. Now, let us balance the books, and ‘how does the account stand? Why, the United States Government receives $30,000 in National bank bills more from the banks than it gave them in bills ; in other words, it borrowed of the bank $30,000 in currency, for which, ‘ in fact, it paid $lB,OOO a year in gold interest, equal to $36,000 in currency, for the use of this $30,000. Let me repeat. The difference between what the United States réceived and pald out was only $30,000, and for the use of that the Govemmgnt pays on the bonds deposited by the company, bought with the same kind of money, $lB,OOO a year interest in gold, | eqélal to $36,000 in curreéncy. L ‘ ut the thing did not stop.there. The gentlemen were shrewd financiers ; their bank . was a good one ; they went to the Secretary - of the l‘rea.s.ma/ and said, * Let our bank be made a gubllc epository.” Very well ;it was. a good bank ; the managers were good men ; there was no objection to the bank. It was - made a public depository, and thereupon the - commissaries, the quartermasters, the medical ’ director and purveyor, and the paymasters, - were all directed to deposit their )i)‘ublic funds in this bank, Very soon the bank found that they had a line of steady deposits belonging to the Government of about a million dollars, and that the $270,000 they had received from the Comptroller of the Currency would substantialIy carry on their daily business, and as the Government gives three days on all its drafts, if the bank was iPressed it was casy enough t‘f £0 on the street if they had good security. They ‘took the million of Government money so deposited with them and loaned it to the Government for the Government’s own bonds, ang received therefor $60,000 more interest in gold for the loan to the Government of its own money, which in currency was ‘eqlu'al to $120,000. So that when we come finally to balance the books the Government is paying $156,000 a year . for the loan of $30,000." And this is tﬁssystcm which is to be fastened forever on the country as ameans of furnishing a circulating medium! ANOTHER WAY OF RUNNING A NATIONAL ; BANK. ; ! Let me state another case, which'mi%ht be called an actual case, and perhaps I could call the name of the man., A very shrewd man takes' his $lOO,OOO, and goes t 0 the Treasury and obtains bonds; he then gets a banking charter, and receives his bills, amounting to $90,000 ; then he buys with those same bills $90,000 worth of bonds, and comes home and sits in his office, and that is his bank, and his money is all in -circulation. Says he: Why should I trouble myself to lend my money to the farmers around nie on sixty-day notes, when I can lend it at from ten te twelve per cent. on lon§ twenty-year Government bonds, and Mr. Blaine says I am to be paid in gold for them ; that is as good ba.nkimi: as I want to do ; the bills never come home ; t leX are going all over the West and ‘South, and lam getting $22,800. interést on mmy original $150,000, What do I want more? I am comfortable and happy.; Ethink this “banking system is the wisest one the world ever saw, and that it ought to be adopted all the world over.” IMMENSE PROFITS OF THE NATIONAL BANKS

—FROM WHOM DO THEY COME? ' But let us take the banks’ own exhibit of themselves, I holdin mi.hand the abstract of reports of National banking associations for the Ist of October last. Letussee their condition, 'l‘lle¥l haye $419,000,000 of capital stock paid in; they have been in operation on an average of less than four years ; they have divided from twelve to twenty per cent., about twelve in New Enﬁland, and from fifteen to twenfy per cent. where money is searcer and the rate of interest rules higher. In addition to these dividends, take their own statement : “ Surplus fund, $66,000,000 ; undivided profits, $33,000,000 ;* showing that ihe¥ have go{), after all these dlvidends, near twen J-ﬂve per cent. surplus of that capita.l stock laid away. What other business, taxed or un-taxed, if any untaxed business can be found in this countrg(, will allow a yearly dividend of from fifteen to twenty-five per cent., and a surplus accumulatlon in four years of twenty-five per cent. on the capital? And from whom and from where do these profits come? They come ultimately from where all taxation, all profits, all groduc—tions must come—the labor of the country, and nowhere else ; and we are asked here to perpetuate a system which takes these immense profits from the labor of the country and puts them into the hands of capitalists, without a y[‘%t;lnse of adequate benefit received by the i h;f. sir, it: Is_an axiom in finance. if there are any axioms in finance, that any business which i 3 safe should have small profits, and business that is hazardous should have iargo profits ; but here the state of things is reversed ; the banking business, which, if well eonducted, is the sz{est business on earth, and which heretofore\ has always been content with small profits, is now the most profitable of all businesses, and has the largest returns without any risks, This system, gentlemen, is the financial panacea that Mr. Sherman prescribes for a suffering peeple. What would have been thought of a man during the war who, in defining what constituted honest money, would have excluded the greenback ? Would Seward not have tinkled his little bell and consigned him to Fort Lafayette ?— ‘What—pay our gallant soldiers with “dishonest money;” pay pensions to the widows in “dishonest money ;” buy food and clothing for the army and navy with “dishonest money?” Is it possible that the great financier, John Sherman, for a long time the head of the Senate tinance committee, could for years look on and see the obligations of the government discharged with what he now terms “dishonest money?” ‘What has ..wroufht this amazing change — this startling discovery ? ; ) SE e : The answer is this: There is now in existence in this country an organization known as “The National Bank Association,” composed of over 2,000 corporations and more than 1,000 private bankers. These corporations have a fixed capital of five hundred million dollars and control in all two thousand millions of concentrated e¢apital, centralized under one supreme central head, and constituting the greatest monopoly known tothe-civﬂézed' world. The object of this association is (1) the perpetuation of the national banking system; (2) the control of the finances of the nation; (3) to reduce lab,oa to the lczhv)ég: mm&ra of eompoi'nsation, and (4) to keep in operation its machinery “so that in any emergency “ the financial corporations of the East “can act %@M& a single day’s no- * tice, and with such power that no act “of Congress can overcome or resist “'yheltfébei%on.”, (Vide N. Y. Pribune. report of ¥ _ngkm' W‘&‘?"? roceedings during pendency of silver iy O, PR s SETE R T SRt R e A __ This, gentlemen, is the avowed obleague of capitalists who have aucked

from the life-blood of the nation over Hifteen hundred millions of dollars as profits on their investments, and are noW annunally drawing over one hundred and eleven millions of dollars in interest.. N P

It is time the people were aroused to a realization of the danger that threatens them from this gigantic monopoly. Unless the entire business of the country is to be virtually placed under the control of this gigantic combination ; unless the people are content to relinquish the control of federal and State legislation to an encroaching Money Power; unless they are longing for the establishment of a monied aristocracy, a determined and earnest effort must be made at once, made now, to defeat this cruel conspiracy against the laboring classes of the land. :

And let me say to you, gentlemen, the contest will be no trivial affair. The power of money is great. The Banking Assogiation above referred to is office and managed by men thoroughly skilled in the use of the appliances for the control of elections.— They have their agents in every quarter of the country. Their corruption fund is simply immense. They have. subsidized the great public journals to do their bidding, to deceive and mislead the people by plausible statements and to.prejudice them by vile denunciation. Theso-called “Honest Money League” of Milwaukee is but a branch establishment of the big institution in New York. Various are the methods adopted to accomplish their designs. Men in need of banking accommodations are made to understand that vig‘orous opposition to the national banking system is a barrier to further favors. Caucuses and conventions are manipulated by the tools of these institutions. Bankers and bondholders are ever on the alert when party platforms are to be constructed or candidates for Cbngress and the Legislature to benominated. They do not always appear in person; that would be an act of indiscretion. But they scarcely ever find any difficulty in thrusting forward some “trusty” individual who knows all about the finances and political economy, but whose powers of manipulation far exceed his fiscal learning. Singe staid national bankers are no longer deemed available for seats in Congress and Legislatures, it some times happens that a leading stockholder has a son or son-in-law, gifted in oratory and eloquence, who in fomg way is reluctantly persuaded into an acceptance of .a congressional nomination, at a great -gacrifice pecuniarily, and wholly with a view to vindicating the “great and, glorious principles” of this or that party—but never, no never, for the purpose of accomplishing a little legislation in the peculiar interest of a kind father or father-in-law, or in the interest of the oppressed capitalist-and the starving banker! Audacious as it ‘may appear, there ‘are people to-day who express grave doubts as to the expediency of sending this class of persons to Congress. The national banking system is likely to meet with opposition at future ses‘sions, and for some reason or other farmers, laborers and mechanics, who work incessantly, from “early morn ’til dewy eve,” and yet find it no easy task to make both ends meet, seem to have reached the conclusion that the greenback is a good enough currency for all, and that there is neither sense ‘ nor justice in paying a bounty of sev--enteen millions each year to the national bankers for putting in.circulation their notes, furnished by the government and secured by gold in-terest-bearing bonds. Inother words, the working people of this country no longer see any propriety in the government paying the national banker from fifty to sixty cents per year for issuing a ten-dollar bill, which, before ‘it goes into cireulation, must be bor‘rowed of the banker at.a rate of inYterest varying all the wayfrom 7 to 15 per cent., payable in advance—the ‘rate depending upon the cheek and greed of the lender. ' _ Of the 2,008 national banks in exist“ence, 99 are located in Indiana. The 'bonds held by these baunks and on ’ which they draw from 5 to 6 per cent. interest in gold, aggregate $13,571,700. The annual interest paid thereon is $'746,443.50, twice as much ds it costs the State every year to maintain your public institutions—the hospital . for the insane, asylum for the deaf and dumb, institution for'the blind, soldier’s home, house of refuge, State prisons, State University, &¢. Yetnoone will be foolhardy enough to declare that these banks are in any sense benevolent institutions. Banks are necessary for the transaction of business, but do not private banks answer every purpose? Is a draft issued by Judge Clapp, or Straus Brothers, or Sol. Mier, or Andrew Ellison. or Best & McClellan, or Hascall & Irwin, not fully as good as one issued by any of the national banks in this district? Are deposits not equally safe in the i vaults of these private banks? Why then tax the people for the issue of bills by national banks that might as well be issued by the government di‘rect? Uncle Sam does not subsidize manufacturing establishments, offers no bounty for extensive farming operations, pays now no bonus to railroads ‘or stage coaches for carrying passengers or freight. Why then make an exception in the interest of these pampered national bankers ? The “honest money” policy advocated by Sherman simply means an increase of these bounti-fed national banking institutions. For every one ‘hundred thousand non-interest bearing greenbacks national bank notes costing the people from $4,500 to $6,000 each year are to be substituted.— The bankers are to be made the exclusive judges of how much money is to .circulate; they alone are to determine 'the volume of currency ; make it scarce or plentiful. Are you prepared to intrust them with this dangerous power? Are you in favor of a system that compels the people to pay interest or bank notes, whether in - circulation on hoarded by misers, bankers, or money sharks—whether sunk in midocean or buried in the bottoms of your lakes and rivers? Let the answer come from the polls in Octobét.

4.eBt I be accused of partiality in my statement of the “relief” offered a debt-burdened nation by the advocates of the so-called “honest money” system, I herewith append a “remedy” proposed in the New York Z'imes, the foremost republican organ of the country. 1t is well known that eastern capitalists have zbout three hundred million dollars invested in mort- | gages on western farms, These mortgages bear interest at the rate of ten per cent. per annum, payable semiannually, From three to five per cent. was deducteg from the principal to pay the agen®s commission. To what extent the farms of the West are thus mortgaged may be inferred from the following statement published in the Indianapolis Journal, the State organ of the republican party of Indiana: I > 4 a 5 jg&%%&ﬁﬂf{%% 5& .ﬁlffaaﬁgé?ggit%%g 3on‘§monp3: property -,%wnaors.‘ %oits Yeal ostats is mo d to eastern creditors to the amount of about.s6,ooo,ooo, while its entire assessed valuation is Eesst\mn double that amount, being $11,202,000, Half the value of all the land 18 owned in the East and pays to the East an interest of about $600,000 annually, besides a tax of about 58416.000 ; total over 81,000,000, hmis over 81, tor,evaéy aere, and zzaﬁo tor,;evarx\ man,.wa:nan. an clﬁl% in th .c%ga;z. Add this to f immense de thumﬁ | by land $O5 spnies i o SO Lo V%hy our farmers Ao AIMOSt haukPuDt Mud

scores of farms in every county are béing sold under trust-deeds, : g _Champaign county is one of the richest agricultural counties in Central Illinois, and while it is to be hop-. ed that the same deplorable state of affairs does not exist throughout, there is every evidence to show that the mortgages upon the farms of Indiana amount tomillions of dollars, It is & well-kuown fact that a farm mortgaged to the extent of a few thousand dollars cannot, with the prevailing low prices of produce, be expected to yield more than the living expenses of the farmer and his family, taxes, and interest upon his debt. Time rolls on rapidly, mortgages become due, and foreciosure is inevitable. Need it be remarked that if the currency had not been remorsély contracted, that if more than half the circulating medium of 1865 had not been destroyed. at the instigation of the Money Power, that if labor had employment and could create a demand for the farmer’s product,—prices would be better, and real estate would not be enoimously depreciated ?. Every man of ordinary intelligence must understand this fact. . S i O

' But what is the remedy proposed in the columns of the N. Y. Z%mes, above referred to? I quote from the Times dated April 25,1877: e

“There secms to be but one: rcmet‘iry, and that is a slow one, and not immediately effective.’ To: reach it both farmers and capitalists nced to be. educated to it. but it seems to be inevitable, - I'T I 8 A CHANGE OF _OWNERSI}IE OF THI SOIL, and the creation of a class 6f LANDOWN-. ERS on the one hand, and of TENANT FARMERS on the other. Somethtng similar, in both cases, to what has long existed, and now exists, in the oldér countries of Europe, and similar, also, to a system that is common in our own State of California. Those farmers who are land poor must seil, and become {enantsin place of owners of the goil. ‘The hoarded idle capital must be invested in these lands and -turned ovgr. to the poor farmers, who will at once be set upon their feet; not to go and loaf about fowns and villages spending their money while it may last,* but to buy with this money stock, fertihzers, impléements, machines, and go to work to cultivate: the soil profitably, Instead of their (?;oney being sunk and dead in unﬁroductive ‘acres, it 'will be Invested in cows, sheep, ewine, of improved breeds; in guano and - fertilizers. by which the crops will be doubled or trebled. It will thus become active and ﬁ'roductwe, and .capable of ‘doubling itself within the.year. ‘The farmers will be relieved from the burden of a bad investment on which he now makes no- interest, and his money will be placed where it will ‘do. the most good, He will at once be lified-from poverty'to financial case. and.-in place ofan unealeable farm, he will have to show for his money some property that will realize all that it is worth at a public sale at 24 hours’ notice. VERY MUCH MORE THAN THIS IS IMPLIED IN THIS CHANGE that is so obyious to the praciical man that it need not be particnlarized.” ; L

Here you have it, gentlemen. - First the Money Power reduces the curren¢y to such an extent as to reénder the payment of. debts impossible, then comes the proposition .to establish in free America the tenant system that has contributed so largely toward pauperizing labor in Great Britain.. Ponder over it, ye farmers ;who have labored long and steadfastly for the ownership of homesteads that would afford you and your children a source of income. You may have-built a barn or a comfortable dwelling, and it may have been necessary to incur an indebtedness which, under ordinary circumstances, you could hayve paid ‘without serious difliculty, but which, under the remorseless-contraction policy, you find yourself unable to meet. I know very well. what answer the advocates of the Sherman policy will make to this observation. It will be about this: “He had no business to: go in debt. He might have waited 5 or 10 years before building a comfortable dwelling wherein. to raise his children, or a barn wherein tostore his. grain and shelter his horses and eattle.” Bat, while admitting that ‘the pay-as-you-go policy is the safest and best,"yet I want to know whetheér we have come to this that enterprise is to be regarded a crime; whether this: man, in building partly on:borrowed capital, did not give employment:to carpenters, masons,.brick-layers; plasterers, ete., _%nd thus contribute his mite toward the thrift and prosperity of the mechanic and -laborer? - Did not the hardware dealer and lumber-: man profit by the builder’s expenditures, and did not the money-lender find a customer for his surplus capital? Were not all our railroads, canalg, and all other great enterprises constructed on- credit? © Would this country be what it is if all corporations had waited until enough money could have been raised to “pay-as-you-go?” Did not the goverpment itself preserve the Union on credit? . Carry your theory strictly into practical effect, and the money lender’s occupation will soon be gone; real estate will wait long for purchasers. The young, energetic plowman, possessed of a few hundred or perhaps a few thousand dollars, will ' wait many a year before investing his hard earnings in land. ek TR But let us get a glimpse of the beauties of the British tenant system which it is ‘proposed to transplant to the United States. In his greatspeech on the repeal of the resumption act Mr. Voorhees presented some facts and figures well worthy of every freeman’s thoughtful' consideration. I quote the following: =~ . ... ..

: S‘pegkin{: of the land owners in England, Ireland, Scotland and other countries, he gaid'the population of England is estimated at a fraction over 18,000,000, She contains 29,179,622 acres of land that are owned by her citizens. 'ln the last report of the Financial Reform: association of Epgland the amazing fact appears that 16,352,606 acres of these lands, being largely more than onehalf the entire landed property of the country, arec owned by the insignificant number of 4,736 individuals. The rental income arising-from these vast possessions amount to $172,219,645 per annum, thus showmé-: anaverage ownership on the part of less than 5,000 persons of over -350,000 acres and an annual average income to each of them of about $95,000,. The g‘opulatlon of Wales is placed at 1,217,135 souls, - The land'held by fﬂ' vate ownership amount to 3,833,968 acres; and of these 2,342,022 acres are ow.ue(‘i by 672 individu~ als, with an annual rental income, arising from the labor of a peasantry in a state of semi starvation, amounting to $12,227,600, Scotland has a population of 3,859,567 inhabitants. Her lands are estimated at 18,946,594 acres.. How incredible it appears to.the American mind that 1,758 indi-. viduals own 17,584,828 of the acres, nearly all fhe land of the entire country. And’ yet such is the fact. The lords and barons of these broad domains draw {from porridge-fed tenantry who cultivate them the sum of $36,463,300 per annum.-— The population of Ireland is computed to:bebs,409,490, Her lands measure 30,158,678 acres, and 15,604,792 are owned by 8,722 indiyiduals, who' each year collect a rental income of $37,765,080 from "the toiling men and women who inhabit that oppressed angd imgovensheg .island. The murder of a landlord a few days ago in Ireland attracted the attention of the ctvilized world, I have had the curiosity to examine the extent of his possessious, and consequently the exient of his power to oppress the landless poor.. The Earl of Leitrim at the time of his death owned in' county Donegal, 56,184 acres; in county Leitrim, 21,179 acres ; in county Galway, 18,203 acres; and in connty Khdare. 53; making a landed estate of. 95,619 hcres. - A general summary of the landholders of the united kingdom of England, Wales, Scotland and Ireland therefore shows that, while the whole extent of land reached 72,119.961 acres and the entire population is 28,227,876, yet the meager number of 10,888 individnals own 51,885, 118 acres, more than twosthirds of the lands of the entire kingdom, - . : o G

Those familiar with the extensive landownership in California can tell how. advantageous ‘that system is to the “Golden State.”” The Genessee valley in New York, where: immense tracts are owned by great capitalists, furnishes some' index to ‘the beauties of the tenant system. THe decay of school-houses and churches tells the sad story of a once flourishing farming community. Tell'me not that the tenant system is to be welcomed to the free soil of great America, Give usa multitude of small landowners, and you will always find true friends of liberty, religion and virtue. * .

With ample proof to show that the contraction of the currency has bro’t untold misery upon the country, has made bankrupts of thousands upon thousands of men-of enterprise and energy, has filled the land with beggars and paupers, is it not the duty of every good citizen to give earnest thought to the grave subject now before the country? Shall the people obtain relief, or is this misery and distress to continue indefinitely, until the ends of the “Money Leaﬁua%;’ are. fully accomplished? Shall the country be

Dbrough ,a‘erzaofbankm in arﬁg ' make John Sherman an§ Dot only of all labor, all industry, a) coxmerce, all gwealth. but also of a 1 Dolitical power? Hncroachment o capital has ever wrought the destrys. tion of republics. And when we al. most daily hear bondholders speak in glowing terms of the beauties of the English form of government, for the overthrow of which, upon American Boil, our forefathers shed their precious blood, is it not time to sound the alarm? When such sentiments are openly proclaimed, it behooves the _lgb&nty-lovin-g masses fo assert their - rights and their power. The demand -of the hour is:- wholesome laws for -all; no class legislation ; no distinetion on account of wealth, The poor boy; endowed with mental vigor and power; and - struggling manfully for an honorable position among his fellows, shall stand an equal echance with the sons of national bank presidents who have fattened on theémdney;’wr‘ung from " a tax-burdened people, Moral _worth and persona] merit shall not be out-weighed by doLlar,s and cents. What the peopl now want, what they need in the halls of Congress, arn bold, - earnest and able men—men whose hearts are enlisted in the cause of the people, men who wiil battle at all times and under all circumstances’ for the liberties of the<people. ‘Such, men must be chosen.now, wiile the! .power is yet in the people’s hands, — . The issue is made up and cannot be evaded. It isthe industrial classes on ‘one-side and the national bankers on ‘the other. The demand for silence, },,c"oming from republican egn‘ventions, at the dictation of the Mouey Power, comes too late. Too much mischief has been done in their interest to admit of silence now. Agitation, agita‘tion, is demanded in the interest of labor. The -Money Power has had control of legislation for fifteen years; much of its: work must be undone, if prosperity is again to bless this country. Silence now means humbie supmission to wrong, injustice, poverty, Tuin. . Silence was demanded by the proslaveryites in 1852, .when {lje slave oligarchy sought to extend its - power. Pro-slavery Whigs and proslavery Democrats protested against “agitation,” but free speech could not ‘be suppressed; the-spirit of freedom could not be subdued. ‘The more silence was demanded, the more emphatic and determined came up the battle-cry of freedom. So it i to-day. Hide-bound partisans who persistent1y close their eyes and ears to the depressed condition of industry and to the wail of distress that comes from every -quarter of this land of plenty, ‘must be taught to understand that agitation will continue and Increase until relief is afforded through whole- | some legislation. Mother Earth has done all that\ could be asked, but legislation has been wholly in an opposite direction. lence the obvious ne‘cessity of agitation-‘-—especially‘ since John Sherman and the Money Leagues never tire of agitating for the extine- ‘ tion of the greenback, - .

~ To ‘counteract and thwart the designs of the Money Power, men who have the prosperity of the eountry | and the happiness of the people at heart, must look each other Squarely in the eye. No matter what their past _ party afiiliations may have been, they must come together and labor for the common good—for their interests, for their children’s interests, and for the. interests of the whole nation. A man has a perfect right to vote himgelf a pauper if he so ehooses, but he has no moral right to vote his children into ‘pauperism; he has no right to so abuse his rights of citizenship as to turn this nation over into the hands of the few, that they may fatten on the sweab of the toiling millions. : Profoundly impressed with the great. importance of the pending contest, 1 have given the matter of _aceeptance or non-acceptance of the nomjination, so kindly tendered me, the mo{stic?u'e—ful and thorough consideration.’ The determination thus reached is there: fore neither hasty nor inconsiderate, ‘The fact that I was elected to the Judgeship of this Judicial Circuit two .years ago for a period of six years, and that my success then was largely due to the generous action.of kind friends, irrespective of party, who desired that I should occupy a seat on the bench, - ‘admonishies me of asolemn obligation -to serve them in the position I sought -at their hands. To «relinquish that position eighteen months after enter‘ing upon a discharge of itg duties, would in my judgment be inconsistent .and ‘in-ednfliet . with my efforts two ‘years ago. Besides, the impaired condition of my health peremptorily forbids an engagement in a contest ne‘cessarily more or less exciting, and re<quiring exertions that I could not pos--Bibly endure. . The injunction of my physician is imperative; the appbals oof my family I cannot disregard. Ever the labor attending the preparation of - this document hastaxed my system to ‘its utmost eapacity. However deeply ' 1 may feel ‘interested in the out-come of the pending contest, and whateyer disappointment my decision may occasion, I feel assured none ofi my friends would ask me to jeopardize life itself. I therefore beg leave to ‘deeline the nomin“gion tendered me ‘by the 17th of July convention. ‘While this ‘action en my paggemay put the ‘organization 'y‘{tlxl ‘represent as a coms‘mittee fo the inconvenience of holding another convention, I feel that the loss - of time may be more than compensat- - ed by the selection of some one younger in years, stronger in physical endurance, and more efficient on the stump, to carry aloft the banner of the people, and lead them to a great and glorious victory. . gty

.- With assurances of profound gratttude for the honor 80 unexpectedly conferred upon me, I remain, i Pruly yours, - : el s HIIRAM B, TOUSLRY, -

) < fi— SPARTA ITEMS.

Judging from the wheat that has been threshed, the yield will be about onethird less than it was last year. ! Hon. Orlando Kimmell has been talked of by a great many of his friends - as:-a probable republican candidate for Representative. But he informs us that he will positively not be a candix date for re-election. ] ~ Elder Peter Winebrenner, will preach once a month at the Broadway Chapel, the next conferential year—he being the choice of the organiza- ' tion at that place. : . _James Ohlwine, a young gentieman from Illinois, is at present visiting his ' numerous friends and relatives in this county. : = - Wm. Matthews informs us that he intends to locate in Cromwell, as he thinks that will be a better place for his business than a great -mani{oigher more pretentious towns. Mr: M. is a very ‘energetic young man, and we - predict great success for him in any enterprise that he may engage in. York township’s loss will be Cromwell's great gain. = . 0 - “Profane literature” seems to be ab a big discount, and men of reason who read and _t;xm%gbr thﬂmmmsrez:: too dull to learn the fact that we not living in a yery dark age. | soy s 4 LT e o S e e L