The National Banner, Volume 9, Number 22, Ligonier, Noble County, 24 September 1874 — Page 5

el o X SPEECH | ] . i Gov. Hendricks, DELIVERED AT INDIANAPOLI3 SEP. 14TH, ——— il The fortunes ot the repubiican party had i become so desperate at the lateadjournment "ot Congress that it was found pecessary to appeal to the people in A CONGRESSIONAL ADDRESS to stand by the leaders. The address was‘ signed by thirty-nine members, constitut. ing the congressional committee. Gen. | . John Coburn, of this State, was one of the thirty-nine. They atgk. to be continued fn power, and .their army of eignty thousand office-holders to be perpetiiated on the pay-rolls, because they are good and the democrats are bad. And they go bf‘Cki thirty vears before the war to provedhelatter, I think no Imdianian had a right to signa ‘paper saying that from 1830 to 1860 *hereis hardiy .a’ memory leit copnected with the control of publi: affairs, *‘at which | the nation should notblush.” During that tbirty years our population increased from twelve to thirty-ons million, and the wealth end commerce of the country correspondingly advanced. The resourc:s were gradu-, ally but steadily developed. The per{(ple we re prosperous,contented and happy. You know that bad government could not bear siLch truit, That period included the greater part of Jackson’s adnmnistration, Which is yet distinguished ' for integrity, firinness and statesmanship, Fnd whicn strengtbened the confidence of the world ‘in free and reg~a«n insututions. During that period exas was annexed, a couniry large enough for three great States; and now, atter the l;ublic lands under the control of Congress ave been so largely granted away, no portion of our courntry offers greater advantages to our people, who need and seek cheap homes and farms, than Texas, That period includes the administration of thé treasury by James Guthrie, of Kentucky, a great man, who did not suffr the loss of one - dollar of the pcople’s mooey. That generation bhas passed away, but it has lefc many names illustrious for patriotic devotion to country and elevated statesmanship. What think you ot Jackson, of Benton, and Cass, and Silas Wrigbt, of Marey and Woodbury, aud of Douglass? Did they not aiways and everywhere vindicate their ieccuntry’s right and honor; and in the great contests with the giantsof the whig party were they not able, with dignity and credit, to maintain themselves, their party and their cause? Over them, their works and their achievements, this congressional committee of thirty nine, moved by the spirit or modest virtue, and like the sons of Noah going biegward, would throw the mantle of forget- " fulness. Who are the committee of thirtynine, good souls and pure, who are so ashamed and would have the country blush for ;what our fathers did? I will not name thém ail; that would be too much. So much excellence and virtue would over‘eome you, as an excess of light would blind . ¥ou. ¢nandler, Cameron, Copover, of lorida; Mitehell, of Oregon; Cobb, of Kansas; some delegates from the territories and Stewart, of Nevada, ‘ The meeting ot the committes for a last reading of the address musy have presented a scene of thrilling interest. The delicate sensibilities of Chandler were thoroughly -~ aroused by the sentiment that he lived in ' times of suchelevated purity, and that he was not exposed tothe corrupting'influences of association with Andrew Jackson.

At first, Mr. Cameron was disturbed by some obscure reference to official integrity, which was hinted at as proper, forit sugPested the disagreeable memory of the resoution "ot the House of Representatives during the'war, which made it necessary for him to abdicate the war department; but when he percéived the blows struck at the men of .the past he was comforted, for they hit that granite man, Wiliam L. Marcy, who set an example of illiberaiity and unkinduess in that office in his conduct of the Mexican war, in_ not aliowing his friends and partisaus to grow rich off ofthe army and the people. : Mitchell, of Oregon, had been a little unfortunate in coming into the Senate wilh a very disagreeable odor about his character, 80 much 80, indeed, that otbers were restless in sitting in the chamber with him, but that was past, lumigatery explanations bad been made, and they bad become accustomed to it, as indeed they have lately become accus tomed to a good many new things; but his distress on that account was forgotten in the abasement which he felt in countemplaling so much above bim, the sublime taith of Stephen A. Douglas, in man’s right and capability for selt-govera-ment, - i :

Seuator Clayton, of Arkansas, could properly sign such an address, because be had been investigated and whitewashed, but I could not teli why tbe geuntle delegates, political eunocbs, irom Coulorado, Nuw Mexico and Arizona stiould display so much passion towards the men of the pas:, But upon reflection I kuew it was because they had seen g 0 much of the Indian service out there, and 80 appreciated i's purity, its justice to the white man, and its care jor the Indian, that they could not endure the stern and positive way in which Jackson made the Indian obey the authority of the country, and the white man respect the rights of the Indian, True, the service has been uunfortundte of late; it costs above seven million dollars for the suppties and maintainance, whereas it used tu cost, when the number was far greater, bui three Imillion doilars, ‘And it we include the military government and control the cost must be many times greater; and the mustortune is that the Indiau is becoming worse, and the borders more inseocure, ; ' I But if I am mistaken in supposing that it was the Indian service which so-moved the pure mivds of these delegates, then it lust be their long residence in the city of Washington, and their observation ol the bighest development of their party in the governwment and imgrovement of the District of - Columbia, rue, a terrible and ¢érusbing debt has been’ created, reaching nearly thirty million dollars, which Congress will probably pay out ot the treasury; and corruption bore tsway, 80 that even the lorm of republican goverunment was abandoned, and a Roman triumvirale was established and rules the capital of the na ion. But what carethese delegates for all that? They see the grandeur and tre splendor of the city, rivalling the sests of monarchy'in tte old world, &hd they look with contempt upon tie cheap and plain style that prevailed during the thiity years which tliey denounce. It may bave been this feeling that caused them to unite with Gen, Coburn and the others in this sentiment, taken from the address: “Tt has beén loudly vaunted that those were cheap adininisirations. Cowpared with the .expenditures of these times, they were cheap, werly cheap. Compared with their worth to the couuntry, they were probably the most profligate the world ever saw. They cost the people from $50,000,000 to $75,000,000 per annum. Those miliions maintained for us the empty pageant we called government. It was Lhe worst pageant that could be contrlv?d. It was not even showy; it was vular.”’ ‘ o That, it seems, is clear enough. The simgle and unostentatious style of the past is to e held in contempt a 3 yulgar. Then men labored faibhfullev and accounted truly in every pnblic trust; then taxes were low, and the laws were plain and easily understood ; then. influence. and respectability wera sought and won because of official integrity. Some old men yet live who recollect those times, But now iovernment is to be 'made 8 pageant. : glittering, gaudy p&-fiom and parvenus aris-

tocracy is to take the place‘ to a dedpised and ecrnshed dsmocracy. The' people are to be made contented by brilliant | and costly show and the display of power, By such a course Louis Napoleon maintained himself for 8 while upon the throne of France, but failure and disgrace cams upon him and his people when the hollow structura of bis authority wes brought against the real power of a &olid people.. . - Let us look at some of the gpecific charges 1 in the address against democratic rnle. “We ‘bullied Augiriaout of a Hungarian refu- | geo,”” That was the case of Martin Kosz'a, ' Hungarian by birth, who had emigrated | 'bo this country, had lived in New York one} 1 yoar and eleven months, and in proper | iorm, acecrding to our laws, had declared his intention to brcoms g citizen of the United States, In 1853, he went to Europe on business, carrying an suthentichted! copy of his declaration, and intendingsoon to return. While at Smyrna, hs was seized by the emissaries of Austria and foreibly taken on board the Hussar, anp Austrian brig-ot-war, aud beld in‘close confinement, to be carried back for punishment by that cruel government, beeanse of his aspirations for liberty. . Capt. Ingraham, of our navy, was then in command of the sloop of-war St, Louis, in the Mediterranean, and coming to anchor at Smyrna was told by our consul what had taken place. After consuliing our T presentative at Constantinople, he demanded of the Ausirian commander the surrender of Koszta, with the assurance that he would be taken it not surrendered. He was surrendered, and placed under the protection of the French consul, and returned to the United States, and Austria never laid her iron hand upon bim again. For his gallant and noble conduct Cnngress voted Capt. Ingrabham a medal. Mr. Marcy, as secretzjfiy of stare, in a' correspondence of extraordinary ' ability = maintained = and vindicated ‘our country’s position and conduct, and established public jndgment in our favor. Do you regret that Kosz'a was not lefc #n Austrian prisoner? If not, what think yon of this charge against the democracy by the réepublican Congressmen? :

Tne next charge is in there words; “We despoiled MeXico of a portion of her, territory.” By treaty, at the close of the Mexican war, we acquired New Mexico and California; we hold them still.; From the latter wie baye realized untold wealth, But is it true tbat the acquisition was not the result of legitimare war and fair treaty? that it was the act of force by the strong over the weak? that it was robbery? and that the officers and soldiers in that war were despoilers? If that be so, then, however proud the people have been of the achievements of the soldiers, and of the magnificence of the acquisition, ought not the country to be restored? No; the question was long since settled. It is ours by lexitimate and proper war and fair treaty, and the demand made that we shounld blush because of that war and its results, only shows their inability to find real fault in democratic administrations. They aiso charge, “We demolished Greytown.”” That is true. It was in 1854. It was on the line of travel and commerce between the Atlantic States and California, and after that toe semji-barbarians and halfclothed savages of that locality no more interrupted our commerce, or murdered our people. ) , REGULATION OF TRANSPORTATION, By what authority and in what manner our internal commerce shall be regulated is ‘a question of present and deep interest, and party managers who ask an indefinite extension of power should declare their policy 1n unmistakable terms., In their address the members of Congress evade it, excapt.to say. that whatever may or may not be expedient to be done, ‘“only the republiean party can be relied uponto do it.”’ Why rgo? Has that party not been in power, both Ssate and national, long enough to have done something, if its leaders were really in favor of anything? ; :

In reepect to tho Fmposition that Congress shall build a double-track railway from the Mississippi to the Atlantic, the congressional address says, ‘‘this is worthy of careful consuderation.’’ And in respect to tho proposed expenditure of $20,000,000 per year by Congress to open or enlarge several watsr channels over the country, they say, ‘“we invite vour earnest and careful consideration of that proposa’.”” Cun you tell what they are in favor ot ?

But their ntterances sre yet more confused in respect to the regulation of tfares and freights., Shall it be under the control ot‘l the States or of the companies? They say that the objsctions to State control ‘‘are soserious tbat it'should not be embraced if a better one can ke found;” that it would drive capital from ua, They add, ‘it is now a mooted question wheiher that price (fare aad freigbtz) shall be named by the company or by the people.”” # # ® &J¢ 4y maunitest that if the cr.)mé)auy be allowed to fix the price, they may demand tco much. Venders of all commodities are very apt to want all they can get, On the contrary, if the people:or their agents fix the price they may set it tco low. Purchasers are very apt to want commodities as cheap as they can be had, Itis not probable. that either party to the transaction would always hit upon the exact equivalent. The consequences of a mistake would prcbably be found most injurious if made by the people. If the‘ company makes the mistake and charges too much, no one is obliged to employ it. The pr?dgcer does his own carrying belore the railway is built. He has the perfect right to do 8o after it is built.” # #* % «Under favorable conditions indeed the carrier may demand and receive more than a fair share of the profits of production, Where such is the case, when the State finds the producer makes but ten per cent. while the carrier makes 15 or 20 per cent., it i 8 very eary and perfectly legitimate for it to say to the company, °‘the wurk you do can be done for less monav; we will pay you for your road what it will cost to build such andther, orsvou may keeg your road and we will build avother.’ o the people are not helpless against exorbitant cnarges. On the contrary,if the people set the price, and set it too low, the consequences' may be graver,” . . From this address I bave read thus fully because it is a carefully prepared appeal to the people, and speaks with authority for the party; And now I ask, what are they for? ‘What are they against? Isita grand government railroad, or water lines ot communication? ‘‘Worthy your. cireful consideration,” is the answer. This alone appears clear, that they oppyse the regulation of tares and freights by public autbority, and favor leaving their regulation to the companies. Whaiever you think of the po‘sition, the reasons given are vicious. ‘lt the people fix the rates - they are likely to be too low, and capital will be driven off.”” Why s 80? Intelligent legislation would regard railroads as important public agencies to be protected, it not encouraged. But they add, “if the company makes the mistake and charges too much no one is obliged to employ It. The producer does his own carrying betore the railway 1s built. He basthe {)erfect right to do so after it is built.” That an%uage inthe mouth of the company itself would be justly oftensive. 1t does not correctly state therelations between the companies and society. The companies are created by law, as artificial persons, and clothed with important privileges, because of the. benefits the construction and maintenance ot their roads will be to community. Excegb,for that, they would not exist. Except for that, they would not be 'clothed by law with thatquality of sovereignty which enables thém, like the State, to appropriate private rropert . But for the fact that they are public, amdy for the public, and nov private, they could not enter upon, condemn and appropriate the lands and timber of the sitigen, g’hh view 1s 1n

accordance with legislation, judicial de. cisions and public policy. Aund the companies can not .say to the producers, nor can these members of Congress say for them, “if the fares and freights are too high you can carry your own produce to market as you used to do.”” The public corporation niust serve the public at reasonable charges. That is the purpose of its existence, and the advantage to the members is but'ah incident. Highways, whether rail or’ gravel, might be made by the State directly, and in every res;;)ect would be under State control, The public corporation, created to 'puild and maintain such highway, stands, in respect.to its powers and its duties, in the. place ot the State. [ltis a crestursof the State, endowed with a part of its powers, to serve the public. And if such a corporation Irefuses to serve the public at reasonable rates, the State may compel euch service, I suppose the rule i respect to & private corporation would be. different, In: this I do not refer to the case in which the State :ma?z have expressly rélinquished the control to the corporation itselt. In this Scate the power is expressly reserved to amend the general laws under which railroad companies have been organized since 1853.~ l If possible, the other remedy against exorbitant charges, suggested by the congresgional address, is more objectionable. It is,. that the Staie shall buy the road from the company, or build another road by its side. i It'is not probable that the people of Indiana will ever again permit the State to enter upon the hazardous work of constructing or managing works of internal improvement. The reliable remedy is to be found in the wise and prudent exercise of the powers which the Statehasover herown institutions,

Under the pretext of regulating commerce among tbe States, the dangerons scheme has been devised of congressional intervention and control over State corporations. The real purdpose is to strengthen federal authority, and promote the concentration of power, (an you conceive a schemo of‘ greater danger to the reserved righkts of the States and of the people? These corporations exist by State: authority, and their} powers are defined by State iaws, whichi congress has no right to modify. Should congress, by commisgioners to be appointed by the president, take the management of the railroads and lines of telegrapb, every person in the employment of the companies will, to some extent, be made dependent upon this new power, and made to do its bidding. Give this new power this enormous partronage to the president and the problem of the nomination for the third term issettled. Can you estimate the corruption it would introdoce? Senators Morton and Pratt both advocatetheappgintment of ccmmissioners with power to fix the fares and freights. They concede thati the same rates can not be adopted for all the roads; that they must be adjusted according to cost of coustruction and repairs, and amount of busihess,etc, Who will be the commissioners with such powers to regulate rates as between the companies themselves’ and between them and the people? With the president’s capacity for bringing into office men not known to the country, we miiht expect a new Sanborn, an unheardof Ricbardson, a Tennessee Murphy,a Sawyeor, and a Shepherd. : Their brilliant passage from road to roasd in the palace ears ot the companies, as they inspect, and judge and adjust the rates, will never -be forgotten by the people. The ‘scenes will be gay and festive, for the officers.of the companies will know that miillions will depend upon the decisions. And when they come to decide between the in‘terests of the corporatiotis on the one hand ‘and the modest rights of the farmers on the ‘other, how do you think the case will go? Iv will be no case at all. Thecredit mobiliepwas‘a modest and I'etirin§ cyprian compared with this brazen faced barlot. It was a strange coineidence that the credit mobilier overcams men of only one class with but a siugie excep- 4 #ion. They were good men, and to be trusted, and not like the democrats, bad. The people ars nearly done with such trash and deception. ’ . To secure a fair management of rallroads, and a just rate of transportation are the faripers ‘and mechanics not safer in the hands of their immediate representatives in the Stute * legislatura, than lin the hands of. Congress or of such commigsioners? The| respopwibility to' the people is more direct, and the representatives are more in yonri sympathy, and corrupting influences are less powerful. The credit mobilier grew cut'of a congressional enterprise. Within the past three vears the Pennsylvania railroad was able in Congress to make its own selection of extensive and valuable grounds: in the city 6t Washington over a poweriul opposition, - ''The Central Pacific railroad came very near carrying through Congress a grant of an island of immense value in the harbor of San Francisco, although it was ot the highest importance to the government for military purposes, and was so reported by the army engineers. Home interests are safest nrder home management. The proceeding to régulate the relations betwean the raiiroad corporatiorns and the producers by Washington city conmissioners, would.preseut the spectacle of the jury eating and drinking inthe dininghall of the rich defendant, whilst the poorer suitor, in his humble bome, bewails bis unequal fortune,

KINANCE. The expression in favor of a return to specie payments is very general, but the real queetion is when and how can that be ac- | complished? So longas the supply of coin 18 8p small as compared with the paper money it is impossible. The effort now would probably result in commercial disaster, The people so believe. No sentiment attributed to Mr. Greeley in 1872 was more burtful to his political fortunes than the de | mand jor immediate specie payments. To render it pcssible, without hurt to tne country, coin and paper must come nearer together in quantity. They will then be nearer, if not uniform, in valus. How shall that be brought about? By reducing the paper currency? With the present burthen of national, State and local taxation, and the large volume of other indebtedness to be provided for, that can not be borne 1t would cramp business and paralyze labor. No one desires a return to specie payments more earnestly than mlyself, for I believe gold andsilver are the real standard of values, universal and permanent. As I had occasion once before to say, the existence of commercial mediums ot different values, one description of money for one class and purpcse, and another for a different class and purpose, is too serious an evil to be long endured.’ All the money of the country shou!d be of uniform value and readily convertible. But we are not in that condition. Our paper money exceeds the coin by nearly five dollars to one. How will we brin% them - nearer together in - quantity, that they may approach and meet in value? Shall we commence at the top and tear down, or at the bottom and build up? Business, enterprise and labor, every important interest of the country demand that the volume of the currency be maintained to meet their requirements; but every interest will be strengthened by increasing the sgsplv ot coin. How is that to be accomplished? By encouraging an increased produection of our great staples that command the foreign market; by reducin Eour expenditures in foreign purchases; ang by reversing the fatal policy which has sought to make our debt a foreign debt. 'When we purchase less ot foreign goods and sell more of our %rodnctions ‘abroad, and cease to pay so much of the interest on our debt abroad and pay it to our own citizens, the current off gold will turn towards our shores; and then specie payments will ‘De certain, natural and permanent, and will become the basis of an endurinfi prosperity. l The declaration in our Bt.sb:f) ttorm that the five-bwenty bonds sbould be paid in

treasury notes;has attracted much attention. | The subjact, for some ybars, has not heen | considered ‘)y the people. In 1868, when it wasaliving and practical question,l thought, and 80 attempted to maintain, that the Jaws under which the bonds and greenbacks were issued allowed the payment in the latter. I haveno doubt the laws admitted that construction; that it was the proper construction. And I think no subsequent legislation should have chapged the mode of payment. But by the 'first act which President Grant signed in 1869 the faith and bonor of the country are pledged tol the payment in gold. That 'was an‘ act;not required by any circumstance in the condition of onrn affairs; it was a special ta- | vor to the holders of the bonds, to ' which | they were not entitled; and it was'a corres- “ ponding wrong to the tax payers. Under it, many millions of premium have been paici which the contract did not authorize. But the present question is, what is the effect of the act ot 1869, pledging payment in gold? Upen that question I have no doubts. Congress passed it, and the smsident approved and signed it. They had the constitutional power. The people had elected ‘them upon an equivocal platform, and their acts = within the sphere of their power bind the people. Millions ot ‘the bonds have sinece been sold, and the } purchasers must be paid in accordance with the pledge given. It my neighbor holds my note for money, to which I have a complete defence in 1: w, as that it was given without any consideration, or that it was obtained by fraud, and I say to ancother neighbor who contemplates purchasing it, that it is right and will, be paid, and, relying upon that statement, he does purchase it, I can not 'withdraw that statement, It binds me, ‘into whatever hands tne note may subsequently pass. It is because my assurance induced him -to buy the. note,” and it would be a fraud upon the holder to allow me to set up any defence which exl isted at tbe time I made it. A lower standard can not be set up for the government | than thdt which measures the rights aud liabilities of individuals, It is because the act ‘of 1869 is thus binding that it was so grievous a wrong upon the peopla. ' The party whieh did it should be held politically responsible. This question is rapidly losing practical importance, for the bonds have been converted in large quantities, and are now being converied into five per cents, carrying the promise of payment in gold upoen their face. That is one of the wrongs resulting from the act of 1869. :

. THE OIVIL RIGHTS BILL. We had been led to hope that the questions and controversies between the white and black races had been finally and definitely settled. By law they had been placed upon terms of equality in respect to personal and politicai rights, and it was supposed that control of ths soecial relations would not be. undertaken. But we were mistaken. There is pending in the House a Senate bill which' assumes the right to regulate the schools, places of amusement, hote!s, public conveyances, etc., in the States,and to declare by whom and upon what terms they shall be enjoyed. T'h"gse have always been held to be domesticinstitutions and subject only to State control, This is another effort to concentrate power.

If Congress, upon any preténse, may pre scribe who shall be admitted to the schools, may it not on the same pretense go further, and prescribe the terms and regulate the treatment of the scholars in the schools, and do whatever may be desired to pressrve asupposed equality? And thepretense under which Congress compels admissicn to hotels ana places ot amusement, will go further and regulate the treatment after being admitted, for equality may require that, too. Thus we will' have a usurpation of power in Congress to regulate the most interesting and delicate of our domesticaffairs. It isan assumption—a usurpation. Thereis nosuch power. The constitutional amendments do not confer it. Our common schools, in their control and management, should be kept as near to the fainilies us possible, This movement is anether and dangerous effort t-:? concentrate power. It ean do neither! race any good, and will probably harm both. The ruces are not alike, and their amalgamation is unpnatural and oftensive to'the better classes of both. I supposs. it leit to their own judgment and wish, the colored .people would be content to assnciate together. Are they not willing that their chiidren shall go to school together? Why not? Full and sufficient provision should be made for their education, as ampie &s for the whites. It isso now in all onr ci iss, I believe, and will soon be 80 throughout the State. Let us protect free education throughout the country from this dangerous blow. Our senators supported the measure. Mr. Pratt now seeks a reelection. To show you thespirit influencing bim, I will read an extract trom his speech made in the Senate the 20tk of last May: “It bas seemed to mea most surprising thing that people who declaim against what they cal! negro equality are never heard to svart any objection to; admission to fullest rights of citizenship ot the foreigner, though he be ignorant to the last degree, a pauper or a criminal, unacquainted with our laws and not capable even of speaking our language. More than the third of a million of immigrants from every couuntry of Eujrope annually land upon our shores and are ‘beartily welcomed to the privileges of citizenship, with whom it is not unfair to saff the negro population of this country will bear tavorable comparison in all the elements that go to make useful citizens.”

SOUTHERN TROUBLES, 1t is now &0 noticable a fact that no one can fail to see it, thatimmediately preceding the important elections troubles are excited between the whites and blacks in the South. it has two effects. It is made the pretext for sending troops into the Southern States and conrtrolling theelections for tae radicals, and it is used in the North to arouse radical passion and thus carry the electigms there. Now as these are the only results that can tollow, who does it? The emissaries ot the party that makesa gain by it. My countrymen, we must look squarely and bonestly at this question of the strife between the two races. During the war, when the Southern men were off in the field, there were no insurrections,, The colored people preserved the peace at home. After the close of the war there was harmony between the races until your unfortunate policy ot reconstruction was started. In that you undertook to base the machinery of society upon one element, and to excluae intelli§ence. You stripped the white man of political privileges, and clothed the negio with political power. The races had been harmonious, . but at once and for' a purpose you placed them in hostile attitude. You left many of the hangers-on of the army in the South; men who went not to fight, butito plunder. They were your emissaries; ébe,v organized the negroes intoa political party. In every neighborhood they formed them into oath-bound secret societies, called loyal leagues. They were sworn to stand together. In these societies, from which the Southern white man was excluded, they were taught to regard the white men as their enemies, and that they would soon receive their proPerty. Thus they were arrayed in anta%;)n sm to the whites. The work was done thoroughs ly, and by it you heid political power in many states. But those states are crushed ‘and ruined now. We can not, we must not, ‘goon in this, direction. The weltare of ou country calls for a change. Men must be ;flaoe‘d in power who .will relieve sooiet.{ rom these dangerous influences; who will stand honestly between the two races, and fally proiected 3o ita righis; who wil an protec o ; 8} who w [ Mlzmouw, based upa‘bhflhq i o

stored; so that labor shall be secure and ! capital shall not be afraid. o B Tfe South is now being covered with | troops. If Gen. Grant would investigate for ! himselt I would not fear the result. In many | respects I admire- him. He is' a man of' great ability, and dves not hate people mers1y becauss they oppose s ‘corrupt party.l Two years ago I said tbat we'were fighting the ring that controlled himm more than _thel -president himself, and now we have to foear | the bad influences that surround him. He! will not investigate. He will take his in® formation from the most malignant man in the country, the attorney general. ' The men who are maintaining . such baleful authority in the South, crawl into the office of attorney general, and do their work. Itisa dreadful thing thav our army must be used to perpetuate a rule so hurttul to the whole country, such as pre-| ‘vails in South Carolina, Florida, Mississippi | and Louisiana. Whoie communities and | the business and production of the country are being played upon for political results. The weifare of the, country calls for s change. Let the s@itiment be i¢it everywhere [ from the palace of the capitalist to the cabin ~of the negro that complete and exact justice ‘shall prevail, and then all will once more ' bow to public authority. It was &0 once; it may be so again. The party in power has failed. Let us not be led by hate to uttér‘ ruin, : i : : i PUBLIO LANDS, FOREIGN POSTAGE, KTO. l The congressional address says “‘since the advent of the republican party the finish-‘ ing touches have been given to our land system.” That is nearly true. There may not ba much more to grant. Buat Senator Pratt claims for his party the credit of the homestead policy. That measure was not carried t‘)iy the votes of either parcy, it was snpported by men of both paries. But Andrew Jobnson, whom they sought to impeach, was the real author of the measure. He was its earnest and persistent advocate in Congress before the birth of the republican party. I understand that Senator Pratt also claims for his party the credit of securing the full right of natural:zation and its reccgnition by Eurcpean countries; and also the credit of cheap foreign postage, How can _he make such a claim? Thess important and valuable measures were not secured hy legislation, buv. by treaties—and the leading treaties were negotiated by Andrew Johnson, at a (imb when he was opposed by the party, when the party hatred of him was so great that it pursaoed him by wicked impeachment. I voted to ratify the important treaties of that class. Senator Pratt was not then in the Senate.

: FRAUDULENT APPORTIONMENT, 1 will ask your attention |to some questions more immadiately affedting our Siste. At the spacial session of a legislature ot 1872, an unjust and wicked law was passed dividing the State into senatorial and representa-. tive districts, It was dorm;l‘ to enable the party to hold political power in the iegislawure against vhe majority of the paople. Gov. Baker would not s-igtn it. No man ought to have voted for it. They now propose to appropriate and use the advantages of the crime by securing-the re-slection of Senator Pratt. The history of such nefarious efiorts has generaily been kihat they turn against the guilty party. How shall it benow? Will the peog)le of Indiana become a direct partyto it by so voling asto give them the benetit of the wrong? Let us ses, That my motives may not be misunderstood in what it is my duty to say upon this subject, 1 wish. to assure you that in no event can I have any personal interest in it. I am not, and will not,be a candidate for the Unitad States Senate. ‘I did not want to be a candidate for governor,as many of you know, but I have accepted the oftics, and intond to hold it during the term. : As we all have to obey the laws, it is fair and right, and by all honorable men recognized as fair and right, that 'we shall have an equal veice in makingthe laws. Buf deeming it possible that, for party gaing, some men‘ might reject. this sentiment of justice - and right, our constitution has provided that theapportionment ofsenators and representatives among the counties shall be according to the numbers of the voting pO{.mlation,t_o be ascertained by an enumeration every sixth year. The oath of the legislator to obey the constitution is, in this respect, only to do what is Jjustiand right, The enumeration next before the pasgage. of this law made the voting population of the State to be 379,088. The entire vote in October, 1872, just before the law passed, was 377,819, The difference betwean the enumera.ion and the vote was only 1,269. I will test the law by ‘a comparison of the apportionment to the counties, with their vote.: ‘l'he entire vote of the State, 377,819, apportioned among one hundred representatives and fifty senators, would give one representative to 3,778, and one senator to 7,566 voters. \ - P Lake county, with a vote of 2,444, which is 1,334 below the representative ratio, has one representative, § Porter, with a vote of 2,977, which is 801 below the ratio, bas one representative. Steuben, with a vote of 2,793, which I 8 985 below the ratio, has one representative. Lagrange, with a vote of 2,867, which is 911 below the ratio, has one representative. Jennings, with a vote of 3,434, which is 333 below the ratio, bas one representative. Vermillion, with a vote ot 2,245, which is 1,533 below the ratio, has one representative. : - Warren, with a vote of 2,490, which is 1,288 below the ratin, has one representative, Lawrence, with a vote ot 3,569, which is 209 below the ratio, bas one repres ntative, Monroe, with a vote ot 3,216, which is 562 below the ratio, has one representative, And Benton and Newton togeiher, with a vote of 2,935, which is 843 below the ratio, have oner repesentative. : . These eleven counties are strongly repub lican, giving an aggregate republican majority of 4,692, but they lack 8799 votes:to entitle them to the ten representatives given them.

There are seven other counties which fall below the ratio in their vote, and are aliowed each a representative, but the aggregate deficiency is Jess than one repressntative apportionment, : « Bartholomew is'a democratic county, with - voting population of 4,761, which was 983 more than enough for a representaiive, but she was allowed none. 'Brown tounty is democratic, with a total vote of 1633. She was allowed no representative; but she and Bartholomew constitute one representative district, with an eutire vote of 6,394, being an excess of 2616 over the ratio of representation, and such excess being Imore than vhe entire vote of either. Lake,Vermillion or Warren, each of which has a representative. Bartholomew is denied a separate representation, whilst Lawrence, with 1,192 less votes, Monroe, with 1545 less votes, Vermillion, with 2,516 less votes, Warren, with 2 671 less votes, Lake, with 2317 less votes, Porter,with 1,784 less votes,La Graoge with 1,894 less votes, and Steuben ,with 1,961§ less votes, have each a representative; and Jeunings, an adjoining county, with 1,327 less, has a separate representative and a representative jointlY with Jefferson and Scott; Decatur, with 356 less, and Rush, with 602 less, and Ripley, with 4556 less votes, have each a r&presentative and one jointly; Grant ‘ with 408 less has one representative and one jointly with Blacktord; Delaware, with 461 less votes, has one representative, and one jointly with Jay; and Hamilton, with - but five more votes, has one representative, and one jointly with Tipton, : 1 Wells, a democratic oount{, has 3,006 votes, being 854 more than Lake, 210 more than bmuben, 766 more than Vermillion and 518 more than Warren, is allowed no sepashte vanressnlative, whilet saek of she

others has one. Wells. and Adams, democrati¢ counties, are joined for one representative, Their aggragate vota is 5,187, being 1,409 more - than the representative ratio. Brown and Bartholomew, with 6,394 votes, and Lake, with 2,444, have the samerepresentation, which gives two men in Lake more than the . vote.and political power or five men in either -Bartholomnew or Brown. It is so also in- Vermillion and- Warren and ' nearly g 0 in Porter, Steubén and Lagrange, The wrong is equally.great in the Senate. Posey and Gibson, with 8,177 voters, have onse senatorand Lake and Porter,with 5,421 voters; bave a senstor. : " - Dearborn and Franklin, strongly demecratic,with 9,404 have a senator, ang Elkhart, with but 5,892 voters, has a senator. Jeflerson with " but 5,405 has a senator, whilst Clark and Floyd together, with 10,278 votérs, have but one. - Shelby and Johason, with 9,024 voters, have asenstor and Parke -and Vermillion with bnt 6,164 have one senstOr. i} - : Adams and Wells, with unequal representation in the House, have no sepator except with Allen in a distriet of 14,989, ‘Randaolph with but 5,014 bas one senator and Putnam and Hendricks,with 9,857, have one, wiich is confrolied by the republican majority of Hendricks, , Bartholomew and Brown, with 6,304 votes; have one representative and one grenatar, whilst Liake and Porter, with but 5,421 votes, have two represontatives and-one senator. Why shall one voter in l Lake, Vermillion, .Steuben or La'Hrango have a voice in making the laws more than equal to two in Brown, Bartholo'mew. Adams or Wells? Why shall these counties have so much mora voice in pro-, ' portion to numbars “than Shelby or Johnson, Dearborn or Franklin? Is it because thai same year Bartholomew was: taxed apon more than nine millions, Johhson more than ten and oie half millions, and She!by more 'than ten’ and a guarter millions, and Dearborn and I‘rank~, lin each more . than eight millien dollars; whilst Lake was but three million six hundred thousand; Vermillion four million i four hundréd thousand; and Steuben less than three miillion? ° - ' i I do not wish to be understood as saying that this apportionment may be changed iby the next legislature. [ think it is a lgrave question whether it ‘must not stand |nmil another enameration is made at the explration of six years from the last, as required .by the ' constitution. But ‘the people may and shonld rebuke the outrage, as n _blow at popular representation agd republican government.. Tney should rebuke it by defeating its puri pose, by proveunting the misrepresentation intended. It isa gratification to methat in my first address to the people as a candidate in 1872, In .the expectation that the legislature would be democratic, I Baid: *“lt wiil be the duty of the legislatura to redistrict the State for legislative and Congress.onal pur- ' poses, | Noton]y the constitution but just l and honest representalion requires that the apportionment shall be made among the | counties accoraing to their voting populaticn, Itis a shame if the people allow the ' adjustment of representation to be made ' upon any otheér basis. It is an aggravated i traud if some counties be allowed more and other counties iess than their proportion of: ‘ senators and representatives because of the political opinions "of their people. ' The !apportiomnent of 1867 was thus tainted. Should the men who sopport me this year have the control ot the Legislature, I hope thev will bs governed by the counstitation and justice only in makipg the new apportionment, for it 1s right, and it will prove politically expe ient and wlise. Foi that mi’ labor and my imtfluence shall be given.”’ think you know that the corrupting sentiment bus beeu growing: that untair advantages are right 1n politics, and that private gain may be made of political success. I .think you know that from that sintimment | the corruption has come which $ andermining cur institutions.: Then, need I speciiy the large sums.. of money of which the people were defranded by the Sanborn. contracts, by “the ecredit mobilie;, by the New York enstom house frauds, so hurtful to our commerce, and 50 wrong to the mierchants? Need I speak of the great fortunes built upon the Distiiet of %o’lumbh corruption ;and of the scores of investigations which the clamor of an outraged people compelled? Need I meution that for all these none ot the guilty parties have besn punished save only. oné old man expelléd from the house; whil t others have been rewarded by, and now hold high and lucrative offices? - Why is it not enough to turn to this unparalelled legislative fraud in our own-State? Would you again trust a man who would corruptly wrong even an enemy? Would you employ him in your store, or office, or shop, or on vour farm? Then bow can you trust the affairs of goyernment in ‘the bands of a party which requires its legislators to despoil a part of the people cf their rights, and -to bestow ' them upon, others. .Do they - not all equally pay taxes and - bear = the public burthens? Why then sball some be robbed of their rightgas citizens? The industries and resources of the counu‘-jy will restore the millions lost by the frauds and corruptions to which I have referred; but who shall restore -to the peaple of many counties their lost privilege and right of an equal voice in making the laws which all must obey? : Ll e _ LEGISLATIVE BXPENSKS, I will detain you to speak only of one other characteristic' of the last legislature. I speak of its own éxtravagance. in the use of the public. money. The general’ and special sessions continued 101 days, and the expenses were $199,563 32, as appears by the report of Mr. Glover, as treasurer of State, page 10. That includes only legislative expepses, It was at the rate of $1,976 per daiy. The legisiature of 1871 was in BesBsion on y 53 days. 'The imporiant measures and business of the session were de¢feated fiy the resignation of ‘republicans in the House 80 as to destroy the quorum, and they stop busi~ ners., The breaking up ot the legislature was revolutionary in its character, and not Jjustified by any public consideration, or sufficient reazon _in° the condition of - its business. - That’ proceedin made the session of 1871 only . 6%5 days, and the expenses were §82,520, as appears by Mr. Ryan’s report, page 9. That' waB at the rate o 1 §1,657 per day, and - was ‘3419 less per day tnan‘the expenses ‘of the legislature of 1873, But it .is proper to add that the pay of members of the legislature was increased at the special 'session from $5 to $8 per day. That increase of §3 per day, for one. hundred representatives and fifty senators, was $450 per day,but applied only td the regular session‘ot sixty-one days. It amounted to $27,450; and, dedacting that . from the $199,5663, leaves $172,113 as the expenss of the 101 days, excluding increased pay, or $1,704 per day, which was $147 per day, excludin% increased Fay, more . than the democratio legislature’ w 0 yvears beiore, o : : CONCLUSION, ‘ . I understand that Judge Turpie, our candidate for the legislature, will address you upon the question of temperance, and the })rop'e‘r legislation in relation thereto, and as have heretofore stated my views very fully thereon, T will not detain. yqn to repeat them. . : o : 3 - We hear no more ot the foolish cry that the democratic party is dead. Stanner, strong and earnest, it has'its work to do; tL.e pleasing work of restoring good govex‘nme.x:iv wholesome and equal laws, and univers harmony to a great people. It is cheerad torward by the inc:esnfpg;esm.snd coutidence of the people, as showr in the eicvions as they come on. When the day ct complete triumph shall come, and the burthens and responsibilities of government sh:ll rest upon its broad shouidm::eavon forgidvthlt the peopie shall be dimap ol il in