The National Banner, Volume 8, Number 23, Ligonier, Noble County, 2 October 1873 — Page 1
The Fatiomd Banuer ‘Publhished by : - JOMN B, STOLL, ‘ . LIGONIER,NOBLE COUNTY,IND. ‘ TERMS OF‘,SUBSCBIPTION : Strlctly I BATANCE, . av.iivaiiicniibrin s 18200 & I'hispaper ispublishedonthe Cash Principle, t 8 Proprietor believingthatit is justasright for hvin to demand advance pay,asitisfor City publishers. §¥~ Anyperson sending aclub oflo, accompaaied with the cash, willbe entitledto acopy of the paper,foroneyear,free ofcharge.
i 4 CITIZENS BANIK, LIGONIER, : INDIANA. DEPOSITS received subject to check without notice, - ADVANCES made on approved collaterals. CERTIFICATUEs of DEPOSITs issued with interest. MONEY loaned on longtor short tiine, NOTES discounted at reasonable rates. . ORDERS for tirst-class securities executed on commission. 2 SeEy AKENTS for the purchase and sale of Real Estate. INSU[IIANCE POLICIES written'in first-class comanies. W EXCIIANGE bou};ht and sold, and drafts drawn on all the principal cities of Europe, AGENTS for the Inman line, 5 Hamburg Line, ety White Star Line. PASSAGE TICKETS sold on all the principal seaports of Europe. MERCHANTS’, Farmers’ and Mechanics’ accounts solicited, and all business transacted on liberal terms, ! STRAUS BROTHERS. Ligonier, Ind., Oct. 22d, 1872.-26 * J Lake Shore & Mich.South’n R. R. On and after August 3d, 1873, trains will leave Stasions as follows: GOING EAST : Sp.N.Y.Ez. Atle, Ex.© Accom. Chicag0.........920am,... 585 pm.. . : E1khart........ 113 pmj... 950/ ... 500 sm Gosbenii i 131 1010 . 896 Millersburg.... t 1 46 Lo 102 e Ll 546 Ligonder...<.... 168 ‘...1039 ..o 605 Wawaka....... t 209 £..110 50 iBRO Brimfield...... 1217 +.+llo 58 saiss 680 Kendallville.... 230 5.0e1119 save 000 Arrive atToledos4o ....240am..,.1045 : GOING WEST : T01ed0..........1055 am.... 1205 am.... 445 pm Kendallville...., 230 pm.... 302 am,.... 843 Brimfield ...... 1247 a 3 1d Ve 9109 Wawaka....... 1257 T3O S, 94 Tipomder .. 0810 (... 339 ~,.0929 Mfilersburg. var TR 28 s 1355 wee 947 G0ghen......... 346 radll v 1010 *Blkhart. . ..., 410 Wive 430 ce2e1035 ArriveatChicagoB 20 :- .82 ve.. 650 am *Stop 20 minutes forbreakfastand supper. | t+Trains do not stop, Expressleaves daily both ways. Accommodat’n makescloseconnectionatElkhart withtraings going Eastand West. CHAS. PAINE, Gen’lSupt.,Cleveland. J.N.KNEPPER, 4gent, Ligonier. :
Pittsburg, F't. W. & Chicago R. R. From and after June 29th, 1873, GOING WEST, : . Nol, Nob, No 7, No. 3. Fast Ex. Mail. Pac Ex. NightEz. Pittsburg....., I:4sam 6 00am 9:loam 1 30pm ‘Rochester..... 2:soam 7 23am 10:23am 2 38pm A11iance......, s:loam 10 40am 12:50pm 5 08pm 0rrvi11e....... 6:slam 1 00pm 3:olpm 7:o6pm Mansfield..... B:ssam 3 18pm s:o9pm 9:llpm Crestline,..Ar, 9:2oam 4 00pm. s:4opm 9:4opm. Crestline...Lv. 9:4oam .5 55am 6:oopm 9:sopm F0re5t.........11°05am 7 35am 7 55pm 11:15pm Lima..........12:08pm 9:ooam 9.15 pm 12:(7am Ft Wayne..... 2:2opm I]:3sam 11:50am 2:35am Plymouth..... 4:45pm 2:35pm 2:55am s:osam Chicago ....... 7.50 pm 6:3opm 6:soam B:2oam GOING EAST. : Nos, No 2, No 6, No 4. Mail. Fast Ez. Pac Ex. NightEzx. Chicago......x~ s:lsam 9 20am 5 30pm 9 20pm Plymouth..... 9:lsam 12 02pm 8 55pm 1 10am Ft Wayne....l2 Olpm’ 2 00pm .11 15pm 4 00am Lima.......... 2:45pm 4 07pm ‘1 18am 6 40am H0re5t........ 4:oopm 5 oSpm 2 27am 8 10am Crestline . .Ar. 5:35pm 6 30pm 4,05 am 10 10am Crestline . .Lv. 6 00am 6 50pm 4 15am 10 30am Mansfield ..... 6 40am 7 19pm 4 43am 11 00am 0rrvi11e....... 9 16am 9 20pm 6 37am 1 00pm A11iance.......11 00am 10 55pm 8 05am 2 25pm Rochester..... 248 pm ........ 10 40am 4 53pm pPirtshurg ..... 4 00pm 2:2oam 11 45am 6 00pm
‘ . 3 : . J 30 G Rapids & Ind. and Cine., Rich. T : & Ft. Wayne R. R. Condensed Téme Card. Daily, except Sundays. To -take eflect June Ist, *73. GOING NORTH. Express, Express. Accom. Richmond (aii g i 1000 am 355 pm Newpotby iel i < 3030755 4W4 Winchostere: oo i TLIB = SO % Ridgevilles stsisiviin 11455 533 s« Portlandiics i 1217 pm 610 * " Decatlic oo iiy 13650 Fort Wayne, D......... 745 am 230 pm Kendallyille ........... 904/« 347 « i Sturgia...... e aalD 5 Y B 0 e Mend0n................1110 ** 547 ** Express Kalamazoo ........... 1210 pm 640 ** 800 am Montelth .i... 0 i 0.0 100 TBO ¢ 845 % Grand Rapid5........a. 230 ** 850 ‘lOO5 * Grand Rapids...:....d. 255 % 7 15am 1015 * Howard City........... 522/‘*. 919 % 1219 pm Up. Big Rapid 5........ 635 ¢* 1030 ¢ 130 * Reed Oltysss e os, 710 % 1108 ¢ aOR o Clam Lake............. 830 * 1230 pm 830 * Tarverse City. ... ... ... -61 D ¢ GOING SOUTH. Express Express Express Traverse Ofty. ......... . 830 am ‘Clam Lake............. 220 pm 500 am :1100 e Reed City.....cx.is.:. 348 693 -1948 pm Up. Big Rapid 5........ 420 ** 655 ¢ 190 ¢ Howars Gty -2, .... 530 810 * 980« Grand Rapids......a.. 74041015 * 430 % Grand Rapids. .....d.. 730am11130 ¢ 440 ¢ - M0nte1th5t............. 858 ** 100 pm - 605 ¢ Kalamazoo, A ........ 985 4% 150 ¢ 650 ¢ Mendon i co. el il 11033 ¢ = 751" Sfurgls .. ... v.. 1118 @ : 827 ¢ Kengn11vi11e...........12 26'pm 942 st FortWiaynae .. oo 1.. 385" 11:00 ** Decaturess., 00. i .. 267 * Accomr . Portland. (1.0 ;... ;409 ' [6d4sam Ridgeville .. .. 0.0 438 716 ¢ Winchester...:........ 503 ' 740 ¢ Newport.... ... ..., B4d ‘* 830" : Richmond .. .. a 0 615 900 ¢ Express traing leaving Richmond at 10 00 a m and Clam Lake at 2-20 p m stop all night at Grand ! ! ! Rapids.
Michigan Lake Shore Rail Road. Trains run daily except Sunday. Condensed time card, taking effect June Ist, '7B. GOING NORTH, GOING BOUTH, | Expr. Mail. STATIQNS' Expr. Mafl. 100 pm 800am..Kalamazoo..1120 am 652 pm 4 42.%% = 845 ¢ . Monteith....lo27>¢ 608 * DRY S 8 aF- 4 CAllegan. ..., 950 % 581 ¢ 618 ** 1083 ** 5 Hamilton. .. 910 ** 448 644 't 1104 S CHoland ... 840.5 418 ¢ 748 ** 12 10pmGrand Haven, 741 ** 316 ¢ 834 Y 1205 Mnskepon:,., 700 . 285 ¢ | . | F.R. MYERS, ' GeneralPassgengerand Ticket Agent, TRY THE NEW.ROUTE. Indianapolis, Peru & Chicago R.R 'I‘HE Great Through Line to INDIANAPOLIS, Cincinnati, Nashville, Memphis, Louisville, Chat;nuoo%(&, New Orlearns, and all points in the south. Ask the ticket agert for tickets via o PERU RARL ROABD. if On and after January 1, 1872, two daily Passenzer Triains will leave LaPorte as follows, Sunday excepted: Day Express leaves LaPorteat 9 45 am und arrive at Indianapolis at 515 p m. ; The Night Express will leavé LaPorte (Saturday excepted) at 11 50 p m, and arrive at Indianapolis at72sam,* Woodrufi’s New Improved PARLOR AND ROTENDA SLEEPING COACHES Always on time. F. P. WADE, . Gen’l Ticket Agent, Indianapolis i§: 3 § Cincinnati, Wabash & Mich. R. R Time Table No. 8, taking effect Monday, the 28th e day of Uctober, 1872: GoING souTH, STATIONS, ' GOING NORTH. N 0.2 N 0.4 ¢ No.l WNo,3 530pm]155m a.....Waba5h....1700am 200 pm 440 ** 1035 am .Nor. Manchester, 745 ** 310 ** 410 % 088 ' ... .BliverLake... 810 % 410 * goB P BB Tl Wareaw. . 880 5 5100 315 ¢ 820 *., .o..Liecsburg.....9lo ** 540 *¢ Lol P TBO Y L i MNTord ..., DBO 610 ¢ 2384 TRO o cNew Parls... 950 't 685 ** 215 ¢ 700 * ..dp.Goshen,ar..lolo ** 700 * 510.% . :.Br.Goshen,dp..lols * 140 **l L...-81khart,.....1048 * Trainsrun by Clevelandtime. : o * } A. G. WELLS, Sup’t. FT.WAYNE,MUNCIE & CINCINNATI RAILROAL The shortest and most direct route to Indianapolis. Close connection with trains on the Columbus & Indianapolis Railway at Muncie. - Departure and arrival of trains at Ft. Wayne: o LEAVE, i ARRIVE, Expre55......... 500 am Mai1............400pm Mai1............12 16 pm|Expre55.........945 ! L. Hl. GREEN, i Attorney-at-Law & Notary Public. LIGOCNIER, - - - - INDIANA. Office second floor front, Landon’s Brick Block,
HIGGINBOTHAM & SON, ‘ 3 . %, ‘;:; o | Pl . (EE——r, 4 ~"fi6“ ‘\\ s Fcaiil, WO §\ 2\ N ""/ )' h - /*/ |’/ 7/7 r » o\ , ol N/ Watchmakers, Jewelers, AND DEALERSIN . Watchess Clocks. JEWELRY AND FANCY GOODS! Repairing neatly and promptly executed, and i ; warranted. L Agents for Lazarus & Morris’ Celebrated v Spect:cles. Cavin & Fourth teh, ourt .n’m?‘fl%mofigzl;’#d‘l’:n@..%mr . May 8, 66-t1
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EXCELSIOR LODGE, No. 267, : 2 00, F'. Meets every Saturday evening at their New Hall, J. B. SroLy, Sec. ‘L. H. Greex, N. G. WASHINGTON ENCAMPM’NT N 0.89,1.0.0. F. . Meets the second and fourth Tuesdays in each | Month, at their New Hall. H. M. GoopsPrED, Scribe. W.K. Wowr, C. P. H. A. MOYER, : . (Successor to W. L. Andrews,) ) SURGEON DENTIST, KENDALLVILLE; INDIANA. LIQUID Nitrous Oxide Gasadministered for the painless extraction of-teeth. All work warranted, Examinations free. ga~Office, Second Story, Mitchell Block. 8-14-1 y eeee e e et ee e, : . P. W. CRUM, Physician and Surgeon, Ligonier, = « = . Indiana,. Office at resdience on Martin #i., near corner of Third. ‘ May 12th, 1869. - D.W. C, DENNY, M. ~ Physician and Surgeon, : LIGONIER, INDIANA, Will promptly and faithfully attend to all calls in the line of his profession—day or night=~in town or any distance in the country. o, W. CARR, : Physician ‘and Surgeon LIGONIER, - - - - -.- IND, Will promeptly attend all calls intrustedto him. Office on 4th St,, one door east ef the NATIONAL Baxnzr office. ; 3-43 C. PALMITER, Surgeon and Physician, : Office at Residence., | | Ligonier, = = » = Indiana, : AL, S, PARKER, M. 8., ¢ HOMEOPAT'HIST, Office on Mitchel street. Residence on Eaststreet. Office hours from 1010 12 A. M., and 2 to 4 ». M. KENDALLVILLE, INDIANA. 1 May 3, 1871 / G. ERICKSON, M. D., Special attention given to the treantment of Ohronic and Surgical. Diseages. Office hours from:10 o'clock A. m.to'2 o'clock, . u. Offiice and residence opposite the Gross Houge. KENDALLVILLE,INDIANA. June 1, 1870. . et e . L : ALBERT IBBANRTA, " Justice of the Peace & Conveyancer. LIGONIER, INDIANA. Special attention given to conveyancing and collections. Deeds, Bonds and Mortgages drawn up, and all legal Business attended to promptly and accnrately. “Office over Straus & Meagher’s store, ; May 151873 15-8-3 JAMES M. DENNY, Attorney and Counsellor at Law. Office in the Court House, : . ALBIONY = = = - = - IND, 6.15 4 I, B. KNISELY, ATTORNEY AT LAW, LIGONIER, -« = - INDIANA. g Office in Mier's Block, 7-2 } L. COVERLL, | Attorney-at-Law & Notary Public, | LIGONIER, INDIANA. , Office, over Beazel Brotners’ new Harnegs Shop, S Cavin Street.
- D. W. GREEN, £ s : i y Justiceofthe Peace & Collection Ag't, Office with Dr. Landond, second floor Laudon’s Brick Block. : LIGONIER, - INDIANA. 9 N TR AN, D RN TIS T Corner of Mitchell and State Sts., one block east of Post Office, room over the Kendallville I'rnit House, Kendallville, Indiana. 35¥~A1l work warranted. Kendallville, May 8, 1871. . H. C. WINEBRENNER, - . s 8 “ 4 Huuse, Sign, & Ornamental Painter, Grainer, Glazier and Paper-Hanger, . Ligonier, Indiana. " par-Give me a call befure letting your work, and I will guarantee satisfaction in every instance. . {vBnl A. GANTS, . 5 Surgical and Mechanical Dentist, LIGONIER, - - INDIANA. > : Is prepared L A to do anything R N * intheirline. A fi;{' e succesful prac-. oo\ e i o tice of over 10 \{\_fi: e “x; e {earfli jusfi?es Wi e nasarE o S him in sayiuw, %\ffif that he can *\-v PUTHRE LS. == = civeentiresatSF R ,’ isfaction to all : o W A who may bestow their patronage. B¥ Office one doornorth of Kime’s; Cavin St. . PHILIP A. CARR, AUCTIONEER, Offers his services to the publicin %;zneral.\_ Terms moderate. Orders may be left at the shoe store of P. Sisterhen.. Ligonier, January 8, *73-37 a 0 TEEGARDEN HOTUSE, Laporte, Indiana. V. W. ANIEBLLL ¢ 1 . Proprietor. anortc, April 5, 1871, CONOORD & CATAWBA WINE. ; — - We sgell Mr. L. SHEETS’ Wines. Pure — Nothing but the Juice of the Grape. ~ SACK BROTHERS. . Ligonier, July 3, "71.-tf i STOP Al TELE BRICK KELLY HOUSE ‘ KENDALLVILLE, INDIANA. | NEW COMMODIOUS THREE STORY BRICK | Hotel, only ten rods trom the L. 8. & M. S. R. R. Degot, and four squares from the G, R. R R.— Only five minutes. walk to any of the princi&)al business houses of the city. Traveling men andstraners will find this a first-class house. Fare $2 per ga{{.; J. B. KELLY, Propretor, | endallville, Aug. 3, 1870.-14 Qov.lexEs, DEALERIN MONUMENTS, ~ Vaults, Tombstones, . AND BUILDING 87TO0NESw% | LIGONIER, IND. © Aprill2, 1871..50 : ;
H. R. CORNEILL, Is now prepored to take GEMS of a superior quality. Having purchased one of the great American Optical Company’s e MULTIPLYING GEM CAMERA, Which has facilities for making 9, 18, 36, or 72 pictures, all at one sitting, the nation can now be supplied with first-class work at a trifling expense, withintherecach ofall. Thefoilowingarétheprices: 7 Pictures forgl 00. 16 e g i i A B 0 2 " s i v ik sr i 00 30' se. i 00, PHOTOGRAPHS THE SAME PRICE! Ligonier, Ind., Nov. 15, 1871. i JOHN GAPPINGER’S HARNESS, SADDLE, And Leather Establishment, Hag been removed to Gi?pinger & Gotsch’s new Block, (formerly Rosshacher’s Block.) : KENDALLVILLE, - - INDIANA., The highest iprfce {mld for Hides, Pelts, &c.,and the trade supplied with Leather, Findings, &c., at lowest figures. . S _ April 6th, 1870.-49. ILIIG O B e T ‘ - TR ewwr e ™ T i s f GEO. W. HUGHES, Principal. TUITION FROM $8 to $lO PER TERM. i ?lr%n‘l,;r:ggnt:‘iinlng fall information may be obaine ressin ‘ H, HOFFMAN, Sec’ 7-49-41 e :fimq “Tigonier TN,
dhe National Danner.
: . (Continued from last week.) [ - THE NEW TRIALS OF AMERICAN DEMOCRACY. Los The Tendencies of the Times and the . Possibilities of the Future. SPEECH OF HON. GEORGE W. JULIAN. | [Delivered at Rockville, Ind., Sept. 13, 773.] ° THE LABOR PROBLEM. The practical success of our democratic experiment is seriouly menaced by thelabor problem. This subject is involved in what I have said of the - monopolization of lands, the growth of cities, and the ' power of corpora- | tions; but it demands a distinet congideration. A right adjustment of the relations of capital and labor is absolutely nedbssary tothe permanent success of populay institutions. Wehave seen this illustrated in the old slave system of the South,; which was simply an extreme form of the tyranny of capital. It was the logical -cli‘max of that system of political philosopby which makes the protection ‘of property the chief end of government. Democracy teaches that the la-' borer is worthy of his hire, and that man is paramoant to wealth. Whether the doinination of capital takes the form of chattle slavery; or serfdom, or that practical ownership of the laborer which our: system of modern industrial skill has inaugurated, can make no sort of difference in prineiple, since in all such cases the sacredness of humanity is invaded, and democracy, in the same degree, renoun‘ced. The great practical difficulty is ‘that improvement in condition of the working people does not keep pace with the inciease of the wealth which they p.oduce, and its constant accumulation in the hands of the few. While the forms of aristocracy and privilege have been driven from our political system, they have reappeared in the industrial. Our great manufacturing establishments are so many great centers of aristocratic power. The cost of labor-saving machinery, which the wealthy alone can afford, causes great mills to spring up which do the work that before was done by the handicraftsman. It is true. that the cost of production is lessened by | the extent of the establishment, -the amount of capital and credit employed, and the division and subdivision of labor. Itis likewise true that a better article is manufatcured, and that the mind of the masteris invigorated and enlarged by the training involved in the supervision of such an establishment. But the -laborer is sacrificed. He becomes the perfect master of the little task allotted to him, but dwarfed in everything else. “In propotion asthe workman improves the man is degraded.”. In themanufacture of a pair of ‘boots there are more than a dozen distinet processes, supervised by as many hands. It takes sixteen persons to make a pin, and each must become more and more a machine the longer he pursues his’ business. “litherto;” says John Stuart Mill, “Itis questionable if all the mechanical inventions yet made have lightened the days toil of any humanbeing. They have enabled a greater population to live the same life of drudgery and imprisonment, and an increased number of manufacturers and others to make fortunes. They have increased the comforts of the mid dle classes. But‘they have not begun to effect those great changes in human destiny which it is in' their nature and.in their futurity: to accomplish.,” They have achieved signal material results, but as yet they have not proved the handmaids of human welfare. On the contrary, they have plunged the laboring classes of all countries into new dangers, which invoke new safeguards for their protection. They have created a new’ tridl for demoecratic institutions, and thus pointed the way to new fields of ‘ political action in the interest of multitudes, who will need the strong hand of law in their struggle against new and formidable forces. The abolition of the 'small industries which once flourished, and the substitution of the factory system, carried on by great capital and the vast power of machinery, have found a
NEW ERA IN INDUSTRIAL ECONOMY, to be followed by a new era in legislation. It is estimated that the steam engine is now doing the work which would employ the whole population of the globe without it. Improved machinery is revolutionizing the business world. The innumerable contrivances for economizing labor now ‘in use, while they greatly facilitate production, naturally tend . to the -concentration of capital, and thus to render the laborer more and more depen- ‘ dent, while the capitalist is enabled to amass inereasing wealth. This ‘law of concentration is to-day in full blast, pointing to the still further degradation and helplessness of the masses, and the more complete domination of the few. -Can American Democracy stand so severe a trial of its very life? Is there no remedy? Wé are often told that this ugly conflict between the power of wealth and the rights of humanity will settle itself. Pretended political economists and great par--ty leaders assure us that the law of supply and demand will solve the whole problem, and that government has nothing to do with it. This is as shallow as it is heartless. “Two great discoveries, says the Duke of Argyle, “have been made in the science of Government: the one is the immense advantage of ‘abolishing restrictions upon trade; the other is the absolute. necessity of imposing restrictions upon labor.” The law of supply and demand works very well where the parties stand on an equal footing; but where. one party, from whatever cause, is so circumstanced that he holds the other completely in his power, the law is a law of death to the latter. The author I have just quoted illustrates this by reference to the workings of the English factory system. He shows that the great mid-owners compelled children from seven to ten years old to work twelve hours per day; in dens of dreariness and filth, shut out from God’s sunlight and air and treated like brutes while men were - worked from twelve to twenty hours. The English pedple finally saw that the law of supply and demand sacrificed humanity itself on the altar of mammon. They saw that it made cotton king, as it did in our Southern States, and its dehumanizing effects were at length checked by an act of Parliament fixing a limit to the hours of toil. The sad truth is that capital under the stimulus of modern society, is utterly deaf to the appeals both of justice and mercy. It cares for nothinf but its own increase.-: It has been said with as much truth as force that the love of gain overrides even the fear of death. There is too much love of life and silence even the truth in the saying of one of our fore-
LIGONIER, IND., THURSDAY, OCTOBER 2, 1573.
most writers and thinkers, that {“the mere men of wealth, the bankérs and brokers, are those who exert the worstinfluence upon the State; their maxim is let the State take care of the rich, and the rich of the poer, atid not let the State take care of the weak for the strong need it not.” Non-inter-;\*ention, we are told, is the gospel to ha e
PREACHED TO THE WORKINGMAN when he asks fair play at the hands of the Government; and yet the Government has always intervened against him, and does to-day. This igtrue in all countries. Our laws 'of property were originally founded in conquest and violence, and still bear some of the marks of their begining. Instead of taking pains to temper the inequalities which exist in the conditions of men, they have taken pains to aggravate them. Instead of favoring the diffusion of wealth they have constantly favored its concentration. Instead of taking care of the weak they bhave all the time given their help to the strong. All this as I have shown, is illustrated in our legislation respecting the publie lands, in our banks, ing and finaneial system, in the monstrous power of great corporations, in the frightful monopolies in the interest of favored classes which have grown up under our tariff laws, and n the despotic power of great manfacturing establishments over the lives and fortunes of the poor. And yet we are gravely told, in the face of faet like these, that the law of supply and demand will right their wrongs! Their present condition of helpléssness is the result of a systematic and long-continued course of legislation dictated by capital; but .instead of undoing this legislation, and turning the current at last in favor of the working classes, the convenient makeshift of supply and demand is appealed to’ which is, exactly what. capital wants and all itneeds. I donot condemn this prineiple, hut only its misapplication. T would accept it .in the adjustment of our tariff, and in the exchange of all articles which are_ properly commodities. I would not deal with labor as merchandise, but as capital, endowed with the sacred right I(T have its human needs atten‘ded to.! I would treat the labor market as different from every. other, since the seller of a commodity has tlie opition to sell or not, while the capital of the workingman is life, and he must sell it or perish. I would have Government recognize the princple that “the man who: has labor to sell has-as many rights as the man who has it to buy.” To refer him for ‘relief to the law of supply and demand, when capital has already glutted the market and holds him by the throat, - JAs like commending the lamb to the jaws of the wolf. Precisely how the despotism of capital is to be overthrown, and the /grievances of the working classes redressed, I do not pretend to decide. I only know that this isthé grand problem of our coming statesmanship, and that it must be solved, if Democracy is to be carried -safely through the trials I have mentioned. In this work the laboring classes must themselves take the. ‘lead, and this, I rejoice to see, they ‘are likely to do. They are coming to. the front. Their power was; signally felt in the late victory of the people in California. 'Their general discontent, with their lot is a good augury. Their numerous organizations are signs of promise. They are comihg into closer relations in all civilized cotmtries, and reaching a better understanding of their needs. They are very sure to make many mistakes, but these will be schoolmasters, teaching them a better way. Throughthe principles of co-operation, and by intelligent combinations among themselves to resist the mever-casting combinations of capitalists, they will be able to do much for their own redemption, but their appeal, at last, 1 must be to politics. Legislation has placed them where they are, and this | legislation must sooner or later he reversed. Capital has too Idng shaped our laws and ruled our politics with an eye single to its own greed, and it should now cease to be the master and accept its place as the servant of the people. Thisis at once the impelling demand of labor and the supreme need of democracy. S
FEDERAL USURPATION. ° A fearful trial awaits our svstem of governinent in the growing tendency towards Federal usurpation and the centralization of power. During the late civil war, the national government was compelled to deal with a strong hand.- A -thorough schooling in the use of power seemed to be- its only' alternative. Theories of strict construction found little favor, when the life of the nation was menaced in the name of State Rights. The people looked for their salvation only in the vigorous exercise of power by the central grovenment, and cared far more about the end to be obtained than the means of its accomplishment. The natural effeet of this military training was to familiarize the people with military ideas and habits, and to attach them to loose and indefensible opinions respecting the- relative powers of the General and State governments. At the same time, and just as naturally, these mischiefs of war crept into the eivil administration after the war was ended, largely coloring the views of the leading public men who had mostzealously sustained the government in the great conflict, and producing a final harvest of maladministration and misrule which the country has had to reap during the past four years. This was inevitable. De Tocqueville asserts that war “must invariably. and immeasurable increase the powers of civil government,” and that “if it lead not to despottism by sudden violence, it prepares men for it more gently by their habits.” These unavoidable mischiefs were considerably aggravated by a remarkable popular fallacy, which still extensively prevails. The effedt of the war was mistaken for its cause. The: rebellion- was changed upon a particular theory of State Rights, whereas its real cause was African slavery, and the pretended right of secession was only a pretext. Devotion to this institution was the overmastering sentiment of the people of the South, and while at one time they manifested this devntion by setting up their pet dogma of sesession in its support, at another they were equally ready to strike at the very citadel of States Rights by a policy of monstrous Federal aggression. The right of the States to secede at their own pleasure was' not more indefensible than the Federal authority assumed in the Dred Scott decision and the Fugitive Slave act of 1850. The Cot.ton States did not secede on account of the tyranny of the National Goyernment, btzt because of their inability ‘any longer to rule it in the interest of
slavery. The simple truth is that in the hands of the old slave masters the ‘constitution was made to dip towards centralization or State Rights, exactly in the degree it promised help to. the claims of the Slave Power. These facts are perfectly evident, and. must, I am sure, enter into the verdict of history. But the people as a rule, Judged otherwise, and their judgment necessarily exercised a shaping influence over the action of the Government. lln insisting that it was the heresy of State Rights which caused the war, they believed it was not only necessary that that heresy should be crushed,but that in doing it the central power should be sustained in its most latitudinarian pretensions. The whole policy of the Government was thus swerved towards centralization, and with such an impulse that it still continues. The constitution expressly declares that “The pgwers not delegated to the United States by the constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved by it to the States respectively, or to the people;” but the theory on which Gen. Grant conducts his administration is that all powers not conferred on the States, by the constitution are reserved to the United States, thus completely overturning the doctrines of the fathers,. and setting at defiance the “express words of the Constitution itself. This is now the political creed of the men who sit at the right hand of the President. And he not only tramples down the principle of - :
LOCAL SELF-GOVERNMENT, But sets up his ewn will as law, even against the authority of Congress.. In the San Domingo affair we have seen him deliberately usurp the war-ma-king power, which is vested in Cougress by the Constitution. .On the pretense of helping the farmers in “moving crops,” we have -seen him agsume powers which no despot would dare exercgise in issuing millions of cuprency without any warrant of law, and on. his own individual caprice. We haveseen him appoiifting to civil places about him men in the military service, in violation of an express statute wich he is sworn to, execute. We have seen him grant a leave of absence to Gen. Sickles from his mission.at Madrid, to aid him in an effort to gain control of the Erie Railway for his own private advantage, and issuing a ridiculous order authorizing the inspection of the books of the company, which his own Secretary of the Treasury was obliged to revoke. Indisregard of law, and .in violation of the constitution and his oath of oflice, we have seen him quartering Federal soldiers on the Cherokee neutral lands in Kansas to protect a railroad corporation in driving from their homes hundreds of settlers, who claimed the lands occupied by them in good faith underthe pre-emp-tion laws. We have seen him standing by a reckless and corrupt Fedaral Judge in Louisiana’ and using him in crushing out-the lawful government of that State in order that a gang of graceless demagogues and conspirators may set up a pretended State govei‘nment, which even his own leading friends and most zealous partisans confess to be a cheat and a shame. These*are a few examples only, selected from many, showing how the President carries the imperial and military spirit into his high office, and sets aside the laws which are as binding upon him as upon any other citizen, while the example of his disobedience is preeminently mischievous. The same disregard of law—of its spirit, if not its letter—is shown in his gross misuse of the power of pardon. Since his late election, T believe the first subjectof his tender mercy was the Philadelphia repeater and battot-box stuffer who was righteously sentenced for a term of years to the State prison, but promptly pardoned out ofsit.
THE REIGN OF LAWLESSNESS, . A defaulting paymaster and gambler who stole from the Treasury some four hundred and sixty thousand dollars, and was sentenced to a service of ten years in the penitentiary, is the next favorite of the Executive. If I am not mistaken, some pardoned forgers come next, while his rescue from the gallows of the murderer O’Brien is an utter mockery of ‘criminal justice, and an atrocious tampering with murder itself. In granting a pardon without cause, or insufficient grounds, the President violates the oath which solemnly binds him to “take care that the laws are faithfully executed,” and becomes himself an offender against society by interfering with the operations of law in the interest of.its violators, instead of enforcing its mandates. If our government is one of law, and not of force, and if the well being of society can only be maintained by steadfastly jupholding the Anglo-Saxon principle of the sacredness of law, then the time has come for the people, the foundation of law; to make their voicesi heard by the Execu}%itve. Nor has Congress escaped the ceiftralizing influnces to which T have referred. Instead of rebuking, it has approved, the conduct of the President. It has .been at all times his ready and faithful ally. The authority conferred on him to suspened the writ of habeas corpus at his own pleasure, armed him with- powers of an autocrat. It was a plain violation of the constitution, since neither “invasion” nor “rebellion” justified it, and no better plea could be made in its support than that the end justified the means. The enforcement.act of Congress embody provisions at. war with the very principle of ‘municipal government, and which can only be defended on the tyrants plea that the central power can administer the affairs of a locality better than the people can do it themselves. The same spirit has oceasionally cropped out in the judicial department of the government. In controversies between the citizen and the government, the Supreme Court of the United States for many years past has unquestionably favored the strong against the weak, and has thus shown itself the watchful guardian of the government, instead of adminitering impartial justice. . This centralizing tendency, independent'of the particular causes to which I have referred, seems to be a marked feature of the age. According to the high authority last quoted, it constitutes the chief danger of _ ;
EVERY PEOPLE IN EUROPE, - And is, at the same time, the special danger of our ;democratic institutions. They had their birth and first trial in the town meeting, the township, the county and the State. Without this schooling in local self-govenment, the development of a nation would Tave been impossible. People must he train- ; ed to freedom in small concerns, before they can be trusted with great ones. “The end of good government,” says DeTocquéville, “is to insure the welfare of a people, and not merely to establish order in the midst of its mis-
ery.,” He shows that the very principle of equality works in favor of centralization, since the love of equality is stronger than the love of liberty, and thé general hatred of privileged classes finds - satisfactiom in the ‘strength of a common government under which the rights of all are equal. Demoecracy has failed in France because it has discarded provincial government, trusting in the dogma of equality, without the support of democratic institutions in detail. | The French people have lost sight of the danger of a centralized tyranny, in a desire “for an equal chance to everybody of tyrammizing.” American Democracy may fall: into the same fatal mistake, and has abundant reason to remember its old maxim that power is ever stealing from the many to the few. Decentralization, inspired by slavery, struck at the nation’s life; but it lies buried in.thé grave| 'of treason. The real danger which now confronts us is the insidious approach of imperial power, the blight and paralysis of paternal government. This is not only evident in’ the light of what I have said, but is still further illustrated in the efforts of the government to secure the control of the Telegraph, in stupendous projects of | internal improvement, which it evidently favors, in its disgraceful interference with State politics, in the late nefarious attempt, undoubtedly inspired in Washington, to crush out the freedom of the press, and in meretricious schemes of territorial annexation which, if consum-’ mated, would bring new perils to our institutions, and mould, them intostill closer resemblance to those of European despotisms. - < ' :
DECLINE OF POLITICAL MORALITY. The last trial of Democracy which 1 shall notice is the rapid decline of politieal morality throughout the country. - This is the most alarming evil of the times, because it underlies and aggravates every other. Political corTuption is a gireat canker at the heart of the Republic. . It is the dry rvot which threat¢éns to undermine the whole fabrie df our government. In the sphete 8t |polities the divine command, *“Thou shalt not steal,” is rapidly becoming obsolete; and .it is ineyitable thdt this political -absolutionrem monal obligations inust seriously infect the whole community, If a.public man may steal, it necessarily wealens the standard of integrity by which men I'l‘3{.{'ll];\‘(6 'their \affairs in private lite. [The lapse from honesty of a trusted politician is a publié misfortune, because it becomes a-conspic-uous and misghievous example. One public rasecal, bs has been well remarked, becomes tlie father of a multitude of private ones. |lf a member of Congress, on the _#lea that he is insufliciently paid, lis justified {in stealing five thousand dollars, any private rogue, under similar temptations, may do likewise. If men in office may prize their own interest above that of the public, why may not ‘every msl(; steal from his neighbor? The o ethical writers went still further, and insisted that every moral rule is magnified a hundred fold in relation to the public. This is:a sound principle, and should. be thoroughly instilled into the minds of young and old.— Cheating the State should beregarded as nexy to blasphemy, because government is a divine ordinance, and because the consequences of such cheating are wholesale and widespread. Stealing from the State is stealing from the poor whose toil produces the wealth of the State. It is stealing from the resources by which the people combine to procure the blesssings of good government, -It has been branded as worse than robbing widows and orphans, becausg it breeds general corruption and misgovernment, and thus multiplies widows and-orphans. Stealing from the Stath by the guardians appointed to wateh over her interest, is like robbing a blind man, whose helplessness adds a special ignominy to the deed. That principles so elementary and obvious should be flagrantly set aside by men high in official position, and sometimes winked at by the people, is as dishonoring to our politics as it is shameful to our virtue. —The evils of political ambition are bad “enough, but they are “trifles light as air” in comparison with that inordinate greed of cluteh which now polutes the very foundations of political action. It was the pursuit of power for the sake of plunder that destroyed the French ‘Empire; and the same malign spirit may work out like results in our own country. .Oflices are’'now sought as the chosen means-of anrassing wealth. Men are nominally elected by the people to take care of their interests, while in fact they are the hired men of corporations and capitalists, whose money manipulates the machinery of polities. . Judges are bribed, and State Legislatures arebought and sold. Jay Gould says under oath, “I needed the legislatures of four States, and-in order to acquire them I created the legislatures with my money. I° found that this.is the cheapest way.” = It is no secret that through the power of money drunken libertines are sometimes installed in high places, and that men hre made Govérnors and United States Senators who ought to be in the penitentiary. The traffic in human fiesh still goés on, but white men are now the chief vietims. Popular elections are carried by wholesale bribery, while the convicted jringleaders it grand schemes of ballot-stufling are allowed to go unpunished. Political magnates and reputed “Christian statesmen” ' are persuaded to invest their money and their influence where they “will do the most good”” to a great railroad corporation in its organized robbery of the Treasury, while .boEth Houses of Congress and the President of the United States o {JOIN HANDS IN A SALARY THIEF,
which makes the average rogues of< society comparatively respectable.— The- civil service of the Government, whiech is vaunted by some of its modest champions as the “best! on the planet,” is so disgusting a system of { official huxtering and political prostitution that nothing can possibly mateh it but the unblushing duplicity and demagogueism of the Administration in pretending to favor its reform. Of course, this fountain of ecorruption, breaking out in high places, must find its level, overflowing the county and the township, and poisoning the moral as well as political life of the people. Whether this evil originates in the laxity of moral training in the family, or in some radical defect in our systems of education, or in the recref ancy of the Church to her high mission as g moral instructor and guide, or in all these causes, it presents a pioblem which every true man and woman should earnestly ponder. Its successful solution invelves the salvation of ‘the land. No reform is possible in any direction if we cannot stem the black tide of politieal corruption
NO. 23.
“which threatens tolay waste the Re‘public. | In meeting the great dangers I have mentioned we shall fail hopelessly, if e cannot inspire in the people, and especially in the coming generatjon, the love of rectitude, and restore the maxims of common honesty; to their rightful sway.: The grand Dheed of ‘our: time -is '‘a general resurrection of conscience. ILegislatures are purchased, -becausé the moral sense of :the -people - permits knaves " and traders to represent them. Congress is controlled by the railways,because the. people fail to choose inchrruptible'.men-i.to, stand in the places of 'great temptation. Courts are bribed and: seats in Con-. gress are bought, because the géneral mammon-worship of the times fails to see in these acts their ‘real turpi-. tude, or their treason to Democracy.Cities are governed Dby the, mob, and the ballot ruthlessly profaned, because decent men retreat. froin .pelitics in. despair, and thus become themselyes. a mob, by disowning the Government which demands of them politieal du-: ties as the price of "protecbir'_ig’..«th(%ih rights. The word #politics” i$ synonymous with plunder, beeause the people heap hionors upon men who abjure every prineiple of morality -in publie. asiwell as privdte life, and are by nature incapable of any higher aim than political -success. And this fearful treachery to virtue does not stand alone. It finds 'its strong allies in widespread popular ignorance, which is itself agreat.mational danger, ahd in the vice .of intemperance, which lends itself to the service of every evil element: in society. Nothing less: than the -power -of indwelling moral principle, and the most devoted and patient. labors ‘of the preacher, the schoolmaster, and the patriot, ean rescue our country frora this appalling assemblage of perils.: o iot d
{ ' CONCLUSION--THE REMEDY.-" . - I, hate thus approached the conelusion of what-T desive.tosay respecting the new trials of American democraey. 1 have referred to the falge relations between the péople “and. the land, as; illustrated in -the growth of great.estates and: the resulting: inequality of the people;ito the doniination of great: cities, and its antagonism: to popular institutions and- the prosperity of the rural distriets ; ta the @angerous power of great corporations’ dver ‘the National and State Governments and the rights of the people: to the coneentration of‘eapital in alligneé ‘witl: laborsaving machinery, and s remorseless power over the working classes; to the eentralization ‘of political power, keeping step to the marclrof gréat industrial: and_social forces, and helping them in their, evil divection; and the shocking decay o$ political morality now everywhere visible, and which'is partly the causey; and . partly the> effeet, of the evils T have mentioned. ‘These are some of the dangers which cast their baleful shadows. over ‘the future, and summon the people:to the work of reform. In pointing to these 'danlie’i_‘s‘ and em plm%.s"jzing their magnitude, T have taken the first step toward their. removal, since men are not willing to | wage war against. an evil till they are convineed of its existence. -1 cannot’ here enter into the-diseussion of particular remedies or methods. of aetion which the new trials of democracy demand; but one preliminary duty will: be found absolutely * necessary, and. that is,Organization. ~Thisis now the watchword ‘of progress throughout the. world. ' Those who see a great and: threatening evil must combine against it. Those who think and- feel alike respectihg the dangers I have set forth must find each othe¥ out andstand together. New political - occasions demand néw ageneies to” meet them. -1 earnestly hope that the people-of this country have by this time: discovered that a political party is not a Deity to. be worshiped, nor -a master to be served, but simply a means to an end: It is' only a temporary :contrivance, born of some new- exigeney, which men lay hold of in'order to accomplish a cherished -purpose;, and: when that purpose is attained ‘it* becomes as worthless as“the seaffolding about an edifice after it has been finished. I hope the people have-also learned that a.party, onece, corrupt, whether relig--ious or political, has lost the power to" reform itself, and that a lorg lease of power breeds corruption in any party, and compels the people,in self-defense, to ‘disown it. . They: must see how such a party reduees the manipulation of conventions and -caucuses to a fine. art, in which the people have 1o share, save as vietims, and thdt it converts our national politics into a great national industry, with: subordinate bu~ reaus of lying, cheating and stealing,all directed by a few party potentates under whose tngpiring: geniugthe gen--eral welfare is made entirely subservi--ent to their selfish ambition: -« ¢ °
If T am right in these views, the reformation of existing abuses must begin in the rebellion of -the :people against the party tyranny of thetimes. Their emancipation from their old political masters must precede the overthrow of the evils “which -confront us, and which have grown -to their full gtature under the narture of the great organizations which to-day contend for the mastery, and have- alternately ruled the countryin the past. Instead of watching over the ‘interests. of the people they have themselyes Deen the ready instrumeints of those.-grand schemes of’ jobbery. and eorruption which have so long/ afflicted the Republic, and at last clutched ab its life. They have notonly aceomplished their mission and outlived their usefulness, but they are organized obstructions to. the public welfare, and quite ag potent for evil as'they ever were for good.—. Their thachinery has been §o long pros-. tituted to base ends that it has become inecapable of serving any other.” Their discipline has degenerated intoa ‘ ’ WANTON TYRANNY o 5 @ . over /individual judgment and conscience, and an unmixéd curse to the country. . One. of them struggles to. prolong its rule after the. death and burial of its conscience, and while shamelessly’ wallowing ‘in-the mire of its damning apostacy; and -the other gasps for life with.equal desperation, after forfeiting its right ito live by its unhallowed service of 1l;eg1*o slavery, and writing its- own epitaph st year .in the nomiimtiaél»anfl support of Horace Greeley on thé Cincinnati platform. They present the wreteched spectacle. of one faction’struggling to keep the other out of power and the other gtruggling to get in, while roguery and charlatanism rule: them both. Each -holds the other. in ‘its orbit, and revolves round a common center of antagonism, Which -is its life. Like the two great:parties of twentymfiég they are substantially- agreed as to their declared prmcipléi& | while the spoils alone divide shose who are brethren in heart. They rival each other in the- alacrity with wmewamsgmwmm ‘and plunder, and the refreshing audac-
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ity with which they violate their political professions. . Each justly charges the other with vénality and corruption, and each pleads the existence of the other as the excuse for its own.— Neither of them' could survive if the ‘other should perish, and either of them would mourn the death of the other, since it would inevitably liberate the people from party thraldom,and usher in ‘a4 new dispensation akin to that which at first followed the disruption of the old Whig party, and finally buried the Democratic organization in irretrievable dishonor. One of them impudently makes its strut before the nation as “the party of great moralideas,” while numbering among its chief apostles and recognized leaders such characters as Simon Cameron, Oliver P. Morton, Benjamin ¥. Butler, Matt H. Carpenter, Powell Clayton, ‘Thomas Murphy, and Brother-in-law Casey; and the other is obliged to confess itself the political father of these anointed patriots, that it taught them their first lessons in modern democra¢y, and at last sorrowfully gave them up to the more inviting service of the eneniy. The marvellous energy displayed by one of these parties during: the late war has since been :triumphantly turned into the channels of profligacy and plunder, with results that haye-startled the whole land and ‘made its very name a stench; while the other, throwing away its many opportunities of retrieving its /fortunes and saving its once honored name from disgrace, has joyfully shared in the worst misdeeds of its debauched wrival, and thus richly earned the honors of burial in a common grave. No friend of his country should therefore think of pouring. the hew wine of reform into these old bottles, now so thoroughly defiled by foul uses, and so ‘hopelessly beyond the power of disinfection. | R .
~ STRIKE THE SHACKLES. - 'What we want is a perfectly unshackled movement of the people—a fellowship of honest men in every section o,fifiti‘he " land—against the new ' tormhs of aristocracy which the greed of- sxfilden wealth and the agencies of snodern society have created. We must have the substance, and not the form merely, of free institutions. .-We | must snateh freedom itself from the perilous activities quickened into life by its own | spirit. ;We must search out new defences of democracy in the
new trials of its life. - The grand work of our times is not the highest development of favored individuals or classes, or the accumulation of great wealth in their hands, but the utmost‘enlightenment and supreme welfare of the masses. Itlis not the exceptional culture or commanding advantage -of the few, but the uplifting of the niany to a higher level. "This is the blessed mission of Democracy, and the true religion of humanity. It may be’ delayed for:a season. It may be temporarily frustrated by the great and impending dangers I have attempted to depict. The blindness of organized cupidity, trampling down the. rights of the people, may even precipitate the country into revolution and violence, as did the slave power of the South; but in the end democracy will - be vindicated. All the: divine forces are on its side. Christianity-is pledged to its triumph and coincident with its teachings. The great law of social evolution fereordains .it. Democracy is to come in its fulness, sweeping ' away conspiracies, of wealth and the subterfuges of monopoly, and enforeing “all rights for all,” but whether this shall be sooner or later, and whether heralded by the kindly agencies of peace or the harsh power of war, must depend upon the wise and timely use of opportunities. The result is certain, since justice can nob finally be defeated, but the circum-. stanices of struggle and the cost of the | triumph are commitfedi}:o our hands.| We can help, or hinder, the grand march of human progress. We can smooth its pathway and speed its momentum, or fold our arms in slothful indifference, and thus hand. it ow'e%",;o the unpitying logic of events. Let us not shrink from this solemn responsibility. While holding fast our faith: in God, in the might of the truth, in the victory of right over wrong, let us dedicate our lives anew to the grand: tasks appointed for us as the servants ‘of our kiud;f e o 7 «And thongh age wearies by the way, ; And hearts break in the furrow, We’ll sow the golden grain to-day, 2 The harvest comes to-morrow.” .
Chief Justice Chase as a Butcher Boy. A correspondent of the Cleveland Leader, -writing ! from ‘Washington, Ohio, tells the following of the youth of the late Chief Justice: “Bishop ‘Chase came here in 1817, and settled on a farm half a mile below the town. A stern, resolute man was he, and well fitted for the Bishopric to, which he was called in, 1818. The late Chigf Justice -was here prepared for Dardaouth, and he taught him some things not now included among the prgparatory studies of our colleges.\ For example, starting off to Columbus one morning he told the budding Salmon to kill and dress a 'pig. The incipient statesman was not much of a butcher, and when he came to the ‘'delicate operation of scalding the pig, horron! the hair set. But in his extremity he bethought him of his uncle’s razor, and in due course of time had the porker shaved from tip of snout to tail end. The Bishop on his return complimented his nephew on the neatness with which he had performed his task.— When however the old gentleman came to shave himself, his cherished razor was found in a sad plight. An investigation followed, and - young Salmon received some very serious advice.” f e | el B——— i At Barnum’s show, one day, a young husband, the happy father of a chubby, rosy-cheek baby, was wandering about the concern, and after a while neared the heagquarters of the “Wild Fiji Cannibals?” Holding the afore« said-offspring in his arms, he stopp%d to view'these feeders on human flesh. Mr. Fiji accosted the papa thusly: “Fattee baby, white man; good eat; tender. Fiji man.-like him. How muchee price?~ Fiji man pay Melikee man dollars.”” The horrified man drew back aghast, but hastily respon‘ded in this wise: “What'll you give, -noble savaglg 27 “Fiji man give ten . dollars.” “Too cheap; worth more; but I’ll tell you what I'll do. T've got a nice old mother-in-law at home I'll sell you for five dollars. She’s rather ‘tough eating, but good for a square .meal.”’. : Lot i A late Deputy-Collector under Col: lector Harper, W. U, Parsons, of Tazeexample of his superior and embezzled the funds of%m people. - The amount of his peculation is $4,000,~ A warrant has been issued for his ar ey WG A s il e e B e B e
