Locomotive, Volume 31, Number 13, Indianapolis, Marion County, 17 February 1855 — Page 2

House bill a second time. In the afternoon the Free Bank bill was discussed, and failed to a third reading for want of a constitutional majority. Ayes 49. Noes 40. The general school bill was reported, and 1000 copies ordered to be printed, bills passed: fixing the times of holding Courts of Common Pleas in the several counties; to amend the act incorporating towus. Tuesday, Feb. 13. Senate. A resolution of inquiry as to whether any further legislation was necessary for the security of the funds arisingfrom the sale of Swamp lands, was adopted. Several bills on their second reading were refered. Bills passed: to amend the act authorizing Recorders to make out complete indexes to records of deeds and mortages; appropriating $5000 per annum for colonization purposes; allowing persons to make conveyance of lands, tenements, etc. held adversely. The afternoon w as consumed, in Committee of the Whole, in consideration of the bill to repeal all general laws for the incorporation of cities, and to provide for the incorporation of the same. After theadoption of various amendments, the Senate adjourned. House. Nothing of importance transpired in the House this morning, except that the vote, on a reconsideration of the Free Bank Bill again failed for the want of a constitutional majority Ayes, 46N oes 40. Bills passed. To provide for the settlement of the judgment held, against the State by the Vincennes University. Ayes, 53 Noes 29. To provide for the custody and support of dangerous Insane persons. To authorize executors and administrators to allow and pay claims. To repeal the lOtli section of the act creating courts of conciliation. To enable cities to ratify their subscribtions of stock to railroads. To authorize guaridans to mortage the real estate of their wards for ther education and maintenance. To regulate the fees of county officers. Wednesday, Feb. 14. Senate. A bill for the suspension of the bill to adjust the Gibson Seminary Township Claim, introduced by Mr. Griggs, gave rise, on a motion by Mr. Tarkington, to reject the bill, to a protracted debate on the merits of the bill passed. , The motion finally prevailed by a vote of 24 to 22. Bills passed; to authorize the re-transfer of the settlement of decedents' estates Jo the Court of Common Pleas; joint resolution on the subject of bounty lands and pensions; to prevent the defalcation of certain officers, and prescribing penalties therefor. Senate went into Committee of the Whole, and occupied the greater portion of the afternoon in the consideration of the House bill to regulate the fees of officers. After the adoption of various amendments, the Committee arose and was discharged from the further consideration of the subject. A bill fixing the time of holding Courts in the 9th Judicial Circuit, was read three times and passed. House. Reports. Various bills were reported back upon which no final action was had. A. bill was reported to abolish Township Assessors; and to provide for the election of a county assessor. The following bills were reported back and indefinitely postponed: for the better collection and preservation of the Trust funds; to save costs to the estates of minors; to legalize transactions under the acts of 1852 and 1853 before the same came into force; to amend an act relative to the length of time Treasurers should hold their office; to amend the 78th section of the act relative to misdemeanors. A report was made declaring that the Courts of Common Pleas had no jurisdiction to grant divorces; that it was inexpedient to confer such power upon them, and that no law could be passed legalizing divorce heretofore granted by such courts the report was concurred in. A joint resolution was reported to amend the State Constitution. Joint resolutions introduced, to prohibit the introduction of foreign liquors, except as authorized by the States; to ask Congress a donation of 160 acres of land to all residents in good faith thereon; to amend the 8th article of the State Constitution. Bills introduced to authorize county treasurers to refund to tax payers the amount of special, school tax paid by them,, by giving a credit on their other school taxes; to amend the statute punishing burglary; to amend the 60th section of the act relative to the settlement of decedents' , estates; to assess a tax on dogs for the benefit of those losing sheep by them; to encourage the breed of horses by taxing stallions five dollars; to authorize county recorders to demand their fees in advance; to protect persons in this State from arrest under the fugitive slave law; to establish a State Bank and branches. ; Bill passed to provide for issuing new certificates of State Stock when casually destroyed. CORREMDWIfMI'

3H -FT&T&iH vf - For tho Locomotive. Extracts from the Journal of ,a Hoosier Girl in Washington. (CONTINUED.) Jan. 'IQth. .This morning -w"'-visited the Smithsonian Institute. Its prevailing order of architecture is the Gothic, which gives it a look of gloomy grandeur just suited to my taste; but it is not generally admired, as its style, a relic of the Middle Ages, does not suit the less poetical, but more utilitarian notions of the 19th century. The first room into which we were shown was the Library. It is, at present, hung around with pictures of Indian life, painted by Mr. Stanley during a twelve years' residence among the western tribes. I was amused at one picture representing an Indian, who, with a companion, had entered the rude studio in the absence of the artist, and, seating his comrade, proceeded to sketch his portrait as he had seen Stanley go about it. Just as lie got a round figure intended for the head marked out on the canvass, the artist returned; this is the moment represented.. The artist, standing in the half-open door, looks with amused astonishment at the dignified personage in the chair, while on the face of the other son of the forest there is a ' grim smile breaking out as he looks from one to the other. There are some fine pictures in this collection. We were shown, in other rooms, many curiosi-. ties which were ready for the museum which is ! to be on the first floor. In the basement we 6aw two live alligators. Rather small specimens. ! however. The new Lecture Room will hold sev- J eral thousand persons. The seats are so con- i

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structed as to give a good view of the speaker from everv part of it. Wednesday eveniny, Jan.

31st, Rev. J. C. Fletcher, formerly of our State, delivered a lecture in this room. His subject was Brazil. His easy, unrestrained manner enabled him to appear to great advantage, even be fore an audience, perhaps the most fastidious in the United States, and which was very large on this occasion. In his descriptions of the scenery of the country, he evinced a highly poetical im agination. Another might have visited the same land, viewed the same tropical beauties, and yet, being devoid of that exquisite appreciation of the Beautiful, which Mr. Fletcher enjoys in so eminent a degree, he never could have described those scenes so vividly. His account of the habits and character of the people, was particularly Interesting. "Slavery, he said, "exists to a considerable degree, but color is no exclusion from official station in Bra zil. The army looks like a piece of mosaic of fourteen different colors." Mr. Gurley was pre sent, and appeared delighted with the success of one in whom he has long been interested. Mr Gurley is much loved here by his congregation, and those who were under his ministry in Indian apolis will say he is worthy of it. Mr. Fletcher again leaves for Brazil in a few weeks. Jan. XGlh. We were kindly invited by Col. Miller, of Indiana, to go to the Observatory, as tlie night was clear and starry, and therefore favorable for making observations. At the top of the building there is a circular room on which a concave roof has been fitted. In this roof there is an opening a foot wide and several feet in length, through which the telescope points Our first look through the telescope was at the constellation Perseus. The stars were not mag niCed, but rendered brighter. But when the in strument was so adjusted as to take in a view of Saturn, our admiration of the genius which achieved such an invention as the telescope, was boundless. Large " as the moon appears when full, to the naked eye, and surrounded by his luminous belt, this wondrous planet shone for a moment on our admiring gaze, and the next, so rapid is its motion, passed beyond tho scope of the powerful instrument. Again and again the telescope was readjusted, and we never grew weary of the wonders it revealed. Never till then had I a full appreciation of that sublimest of all sciences astronomy ! Jan. 22nd. Last night we attended a recep tion at Mr. Campbell's, the Postmaster General, There was a great crowd of beauty and fashion, a great profusion of wines and ices, and as many smiles, and as much small-talk as one usually finds atwsuch places. Jan. 30th. Last evening I went with Mr. and Mrs. Hendricks to a party at Mr. Guthrie's. The splendid rooms were filled with the notable men and women of the land. Bright eyes and diamonds riavlled the gas-light, and grave states men forgot for a while the cares of the nation, under the enchantment of beauty's smile. '. Among the distinguished persons present I saw Amos Kendall, theLitile Giant, Caleb dishing, several other Cabinet officers, and the Russian Minister and his lady, who is a very beautfful woman, but, with all her diamonds, she did not surpass the wife of our Representative, in her simple, silver-colored brocade. Au revoir. Sallie. To (he Editor of the Locomotive: Sir.-t-As I got myself most terribly abused by the editor of the Republican of this city, for daring to comment somewhat on the communication of a correspondent of yours, with reference to Mr. Chapman, I must crave the favor of your columns to publish the following reply. Yours, truly, M. Gregg. , Palmer House, Feb. 14, 1855. Col. J. P. Chapman: Dear Sir: Will you pardon me for presuming to make a short and respectful reply to your somewhat intemperate article of yesterday. In an editorial experience running back for more than a quarter of a century, I have found that bitter invective and personal discourtesy towards an adversary, do very little good in over coming him. rlain tacts, entorceu in a respect ful manner, will do far more in accomplishing your object, before an intelligent public. Hence you will excuse me if I decline following your pernicious example in this respect, and treat you with a courtesy due to your position. The licentiousness of the press is becoming the bane of society; and I fear that too many of us do not properly appreciate the dignity of our calling, or there would be far more of the courtesy of gentlemen in our intercourse with each other. - You ar pleased to complain about my having distributed copies of my paper among the members of the Legislature. I have been in the habit of doing so, from time to time, as suited my convenience, during the sittings of that body; but I never taxed the State or the representatives a farthing therefor. In doing so I was not aware that I violated any of the rules of honor or propriety. The last copy laid on the table of members contained some editorial articles on the subject of currency and banting-questions of vital importance to the commercial city in which I reside. These questions are now pending before the Legislature; and if it were possible for any outsider to throw light thereon, there would certainly be no impropriety in his attempting to do so. To this end I had no objections to submit my views to the Legislature for just what they were worth. And this is my apology, if any were necessary, for laying my last weekly (or rather two pages of it) before the members. The fact that it contained a few notices of the press with respect to Mr. Chapman, had little to do with it. I pass over your unnecssary twaddle about the little work performed by me in the Constitutional Convention, with the simple ; remark, tiiat had some other members done less; it might have been altogether better for the country. Indeed it is very questionable whether the people would not have been the gainers had that distinguished

body never met, or having met, they had at once j adjourned, leaving the old Constitution as it was. .

And now a word as to those accounts, that seem to annoy you somewhat. It must not be forgotten that you thrust yourself unnecessarily into this controversy. In the political contest of 1852, Mr. English being a candidate for Con gress in the New Albany district, I took occasion to expose what I regarded, and still regard, as a great fraud, in a small way, upon the treasury, in his charging four dollars a day, as Secretary of the Constitutional Convention, for 129 days after that body had adjourned; and in. addition thereto, he charged, and was allowed, $200 ex tra for indexing the journal, a duty enjoined upon him as such Secretary, and peformed while he was in the receipt of four dollars a day. How far the chairman of the committee on accounts was implicated in the allowance of this claim, no one knows better than himself. The thing is wholly indefensible upon any principle of moral honesty or right. In speaking of this matter, as I thought it deserved, I took occasion to allude to the course of Mr. Chapman, rather complimentary than otherwise, supposing at the time that he had charged and received pay, as chairman, for only about one month, although urged to a different course by Mr. English, as I was credibly informed. The honorable chairman, it appears, was. then absent from the State, but after his return, and some two months after the election was over, he sought to convict me of falsehood, by denying the truth of my statement, in a communication published in the New Albany Ledger over his own proper signature. Fortunately for me and the cause of truth, I was triumphantly sustained by the voluntary testimony of Mr. Jackson, who, by the way, although an excellent practical piinter, was never in my employ for a single day. But I needed not to rely alone upon the testimony of Mr. Jackson. The same facts could have been proven by a dozen men in the city of Indianapolis, to whom he made the same statements that he did to my informant. The honorable chairman was thus foiled in his attempt to impeach my veracity, and naturally feels chagrined at the result. Perhaps he is to be pitied, more than blamed. And here permit me to introduce a brief quotation from your last leader, and add a few remarks: "The fellow tries to mystify our statement as to J. P. Chapman's services as chairman of the Com. of Accounts of the Constitutional Convention, by saying that the Secretary's account was audited by the President, Mr. Carr, 110 days after the adjournment; whereas we stated that J. P. C. abdicated his place in 100 days." I simply said nothing of the kind nor was there anything mystical about it. I said that the Secretary's account for expenses incurred while officially engaged in Cincinnati, was allowed on the 18th of March, while Mr. Chapman's account was allowed on the 31st of May, 1 10 days after the Convention adjourned. That is just what I said nothing more nor less. When you abdicated your place does not exactly appear from the rcoord; but that you did render a bill, which was allowed, for 110 days services after the Convention adjourned, does appear from the Auditor's report and the voucher on file, notwithstanding your repeated declaration to the contrary. This, however, is a mere difference of opinion as to the facts, between you and the record. And inasmuch as your memory appears to be a little treacherous in other matters, you will excuse me for believing the written vouchers in preference. "As to the services performed by the committee on Accounts, and the money saved by them to the State in our judgment at least $5,000 we again refer to Dr. Helm of the Senate, to Dr. Bowers; both honorable whigs, and to Mr. Yocum of Clay, and Tague of Hancock county." The gentlemen alluded to are certainly all very honorable men, and so far the reference is altogether satisfactory. But as to the amount of labor performed by the honorable chairman, du. ring those 110 days after the Convention had adjourned, I greatly prefer to consult the vouchers on file. From the day of adjournment, (Feb. 10,) up to March 18, some half dozen accounts were passed upon by the chairman, most of them connected with the printing of the 2nd -volume of the debates, the stenographer's bill, and the binding. This involved certainly no very intricate calculation, as the 1st volume had already been computed and paid for. The 2nd volume contained proportionally the same amount of matter, according to the number of pages, and all that was necessary for the chairman to do, was to count the pages, and compute the value of the work, according to the price previously agreed upon by the parties, all which could have been done in half a day. The stenographer's bill may have been a little more complicated. But notwithstanding it contained an item of $200 not in the contract, it seems to lrave given the chairman but very little trouble, as it was examined and passed by him the next day after it was allowed by the President a very remarkable case of vigilance, truly, on his part. The account for binding involved no great trouble, as the price was fixed by the Convention, and all he had to do was to satisfy himself that the ri"ht number of volumes was bound, and endorse the bill correct. ... From the 18th of March up to the 31st of May, but one single account was passed upon by the chairman; and yet during all this time, Sundays included, he was charging the Slate for labor done and performed, as chairman of the committee on accounts. .That he should have abdicated a position of this kind at all, much more after the lapse of 1 10 days, is a remarkable instance of self-denying patriotism, worthy of all commendation. But we are told that when the Convention adjourned, there were other duties devolved upon the chairman, besides that of examining accounts. He was charged with the duty of disposing of certain property belonging to the State, purchased for the use of the Convention, at a very considerable outlay. Will he have the goodness to

inform the people (whose property it was) what amount he realized on the sale, and what he did with the proceeds? As you "court investigation" and intimate that "the papers in the Au

ditor's office will tell the whole tale," I have thought it not impertinent on my part, to make this inquiry, that the people may the better judge as to the amount of labor and responsibility devolved on you by the Convention. And now, dear Colonel, permit me to assure you, once for all, that this controversy has not been of my seeking. You have chosen to assail me rudely, and in language but illy befitting the dignity of your calling. And for no other reason, that I can imagine, than because I have had the temerity to copy into my paper sundry opinions of the Press with regard to your nomination for Stale Printer. I say your nomination, for the simple reason that the nomination of your son is too transparent and shallow a trick to be serious ly considered for a moment. But whatever may be your course in future, I hope to be able so fatto preserve my own self-respect as not to return railing for railing. Truth is mighty, and reason omnipotent and with such weapons I prefer to do battle. Hence I leave you to a perfect monopoly of your own favorite Billingsgate style. My duty, as a public journalist, is to maintain truth and right, and rebuke fraud and injustice in the face of the world; and so long as I have the control of a press I hope never to be found recreant to that duty, hurt whom it may. I have the honor to be Very respectfully, &c, M. Gregg. wm it fwfi SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 17, 1855 JTJj'Saturdayiathe day of publication of the Locomotiv when it will alwaysbereadyfor subscribers. In nocascwill weletacopyofthepaper go from theofilce before publica tionday. OFFIOIAL PAPER FOR THE CITY. OFFICIAL PAPER TO PUBLISH THE LIST OF LETTERS &3T Single copies of the Locomotive can be procured at the office, opposite the Post Office, either with or without wrappers, at 5 cents each To the Members of the LegislatureGentlemen. We offer the use of either of our names as candidates for the office of State Prin ter. Elder & Harkness "Ve wish to keep it before the people, that the Locomotive is now the only weekly paper pub lished in this city for Si 00 a year. For that amount, either handed into the office, or sent by mail, post-paid, in first class paper, fifty-two copies of the Locomotive will be sent, if in this county free of postage. Send on your dollars. and have "your own Locomotive." jfcirOxxr edition of last week was entirely ou on Saturday evening, so that we were unable to supply subscribers received in the early part of the week with the last paper. As a genera thing, we can't furnish back numbers sometimes we have a few copies over, but they are generally all gone before the middle of the week. The only way to keep up regular files is to renew your subscriptions before it runs out, as we make our invariable rule to stop all mail papers when the time paid for expires. We hope those of our subscribers that are anxious to keep their files complete will remember this, and if they lose copies lay the blame to their own neglect. In to-day's paper will be found a commu nication from Mr. Gregg, in reply to an article in the Republican. It is due to Mr. Gregg to ex tend the conrtesy of our columns for that pu pose, as his article is written in a mild, gentle manly style. In this connection we will state what we thought unnecessary before, that M Chapman's charge of our evading his dictatorial and peremptory demand for the name of the au thor of the article signed "Observer," is not founded on fact we assumed the responsibility of that article fully, as our notes will testify. Nor has "Observer," to our knoweledge, taken back any part of that article it stands uncorrected except .is to the length of time the Convention was in session. ' jCST The credit of preparing and drafting the Temperance law, as it passed the Legislature, due to our Representative, H. C. Newcomb. At the time of writing this article, Thursday morning, the Governor had not signed the law but we understand from private sources that h will. its' Our readers will notice the advertise ment of Wm. M. Gause, in another column. We have frequently visited his establishment and find his work among the best of any in use The Evansville Journal and the Chapmans The Evansville Journal, of the 14th, has scathing reply to an article of Chapman's, of the 9th inst. Without intending to take any part in this controversy, we give below Sanders' closing paragraph. "We submit it to the Republicans in the Legislature.' We iLskthem if our charges did not deserve a reply or a confession, and if an instill is not given to the Republican party by the present course of the Chapmans? We tell the representatives of the Republican party, that those who sent them to the Legislature are looking at their action in this matter of giving the State Printing to the Chapmans, when those men are at this time a fester in the otherwise healthy body of Republicanism. Let them ponder before they elect to office these traitors to Democracy and to Republicanism." The thing bids fair to be rich, decidedly.

SELF GOVERNMENT. Are we, the people, capable of self govern

ment? 1 The general impression, so far as our observ ation extends, is'that we are. Our rulers, ever since we have been a nation, have uniformly an swered in reply to this question: yes, in theoryno, in practice. In fact, they could not answer the question entirely in the negative and retain their stations. A politician could not, with a good grace, stand up before the assembled elec tors and say: "Gentlemen, as you are all well aware, the foundation upon which our govern ment is based is the doctrine that the will of the people should be the supreme law. But while I acknowledge this to be theoretically true, yet in practice it must be somewhat modified; for as you yourselves must confess, your decisions are often weak and foolish. You are liable to be blinded by passion and prejudice; you are, as you know, ignorant, and therefore often misled by designing persons; for these reasons you must be satisfied that power should not on all occasions be entrusted to you; but in order that we may at the same time secure the blessings of a democratic government, and also avoid being carried away by those gusts of popular opinion which are so prejudicial to a State, I desire you, solely for your own good, as must be evident to you on moment's reflection, to surrender into my hands for a limited time, a part of your power in such a manner that you cannot revoke your grant. You cannot but see that this will be ben eficial to you in the end, because it will deprive you of the power of injuring yourselves. It is for your good alone that I propose it, and not in order to subserve any selfish ends on my part. As you are confessedly ignorant, and weak, and foolish, you will be preserved by my wisdom, in conjunction with that of others similarly elected, from any improper, hasty and ill-advised legislation. If you should find, after electing me, that I do not agree to the enactment of such laws as you desire, you must remember that my opposition is only proof of my solicitude for your good; and my disinterestedness will be the more evident from the fact that I run the risk of in juring myself by going contrary to your will. It may not be pleasing to you that your agent should disobey your instructions; but you must not forget that your ability to govern yourselves properly is not altogether full and complete: my knowledge and wisdom will, however, make up the deficiency, and will check any disposition you may manifest to have improper laws passed. In short, if you wish for the enactment of unsuitable laws, I shall have the integrity to prevent it, knowing that your opinions are often far from being correct. This I can the more easily effect because you have sufficient foresight, and such a proper sense of you own incapacity, as to elect your officers for a certain term of years, without reserving to yourselves the power of revoking their authority before that time expires. . In the , meantime, should I oppose your will, you will' have time to reconsider the matter, and take a second sober thought: it will also give me an opportunity to endeavor to bring you to your senses by employing those persons among you . who are aspirants for political favor, and who are therefore distinguished for their wisdom, to go round among you and convince you of your errors." '. , ' . Of course it would never do for a candidate to make such a speech as this. But this is the spirit of some parts of our Constitution, and such are the real sentiments of those who will venture , to advocate them, however they may disguise their principles in words. That there are such real evils in our Constitu-; tion, the practical working of the system abund- ' antly proves. Take for example our State Legislature.' Here we have two bodies; both sup-, posed to represent the same constituency, to-wit, the people of the State. One of these bodies is elected for the term of four years, the other for the term of two years. ' . , ,-. What is the reason of this? In plain words, it is this: The people, though in general they may be allowed to govern themselves, are not to be trusted altogether, but we must interpose between them and the objects which they may seek to attain, a body of supposed wise men, who shall have the power of saying no, you shall not effect your purposes; we are wiser than you, and : know better than you yourselves do, what is for your good. You shall at least wait four years longer; and reconsider the matter. If you still retain your purpose,-you will then have the power to elect men who will carry out your views! Examine for a moment, the origin of this body ; of supposed wise men.' It is, as all must know, an imitation of the House of Lords in England, ' where the nobility form a distinct branch of the government. Corresponding to the King, the House of Lords, and the House of Commons there, we have the Governor, the Senate, and the House of Representatives here. Blackstone extols the excellence of the British . government as combining the three essential requisites of all good governments: wisdom, goodness, and power.' The power is lodged in the King, who is to execute the laws; the wisdom he finds in the J ",ords temporal and spiritual, which is an aristocratical assembly of persons selected for their piety, their birth, their wisdom, their valour, or their property;" the goodness is in "the House of Commons, freely chosen by the ' people 'from among themselves." In our State government we have changed the power of the King to that v-.f tlio Clrvfmnrm nnrl fUe'arrllnr tli T.r.lo o.:.. r V, Vllt- vjiv i'i J ...... uMuuming HIV UUIliO Ollitual, we hve substituted for the Lords temporal ;' a kind of Lords temporary. Although we have no nobility, still we cling to the old English form, J and must have a house of lords anyhow. Is it -true that we, the people, are conscious that we ' are both democrats and aristocrats at the same . time; and must have a Senate or house of lords -to represent the aristocratic part of our nature, and a lower house to represent the democratic ; part? If so, theu a corresponding difference ought to be made in the manner of electing them.