Jeffersonian and Working Men's Advocate, Volume 1, Number 33, Richmond, Wayne County, 25 April 1840 — Page 2

Wrt of them. There are -those, Inm awarfc who maintain that ti* *•*! K> which 1 haw alluded did net cause the grant so ®l rtttM; but that foil wag not natural and in4vilnbfo, from the previously e*‘tog •tate of Crs fist <*> tfwnrr ihri the effect was jtrodoced in another waV ratfer ffranbr awwabar cause, If these artit end sudden tails for monev did not refute prices, but priest fell, as of ihernselves, . tfJL Da state, etlll the result is the our own bank system underwent ~ change; and all these causes, In my view of the subiect, concurred to produce the great shack which took place in our commercial cities, and through many parts of tstfl was a year of numerous failures ana i, £m J|—. furnished far better grounds than exist at present for that gloomy representation of our condition which has been presented. Mr. Sneaker has eluded to the Strong inalmatmrt Jhich exists, or has existed, m various parts Ss^fvssfisisS obwrve that these is, at this moment, JMMih (lie loudest complaint of distress precisely Where there has been the greatest attempt to relieve it by systems of paper credit * And. on the* other Ld, TWK imnninpK* are most observable in those parts of tfis country where there hs been the endeavor to administer relief by law. In ti uth. nothing It so banefol, so Uiterjy ruinous to• a I * true Industry, as interfering With the legalvalue of money, of attempting to raise artificiuJ standards to supply its place. ' Such remedies suit well the spirit of extrnvsgantapeculation, but they sap the very foundation of all honest acquisition,” , Many important admissions pro here made bV the Senator from Massachusetts. The dmasters of 1824 are plainly ttr.buted bv him chiefly to our “system, of paper cred.t, ams the reaction upon it of “the paper sys ?em of Sand.” We are distinctly told HESS -communicated on aitificinl vaiua to pfepiv,“ and when the shock took place in lingSd, prices faM them, and “the clrange was felt in the United States severely*’ What fchnniret Whv, thttt change and fall of pricea In Englanti* which the Senator distinctly naserted was produced by “those sudden calls for money/arising out of tho -contractions of the English bn n ks, which reacted upon our paper system, and reduced here the same foil of prices and catastrophe with which England was first overwhelmed. Here, then, in this very speech o the iknator troth Massachusetts, designed to be read by me fora different purpose, the oosiiiod of the Senator ffom Kentucky is ■overtltrowii, and it so shown that, in *824, durin the climax of the power of the National Bank, the then existing catastrophe was dtstinotlv attributed to the rtaction upon oui highest authority with the whig £JJW°[ J; Union, because poasessing the greatest lutet lectuai power, i have read this extract from .’his speech in 1824, to prove that, dunng the to supply the place of the “legal currency, AS introducing “the spirit of extravagant specXI,” TZ'mZ of all honest ncqumition.” Such were the views of the Senator from Massachusetts in IS24| ouch were the causes to which he attributed the catastrophe of that period, and did not the same causes produce the same el-

feels here in 183?! At the gpectal session# in 1837* in an humble effort made by me on this floor m in favor of the Independent Treasury mil* with the specie specie clause, 1 as “ rl *f .' I ."' following opinions upon this subject, which, in illustration of this topic, I will now rend, as follows, from that speech as then publish*Yes, the creation of this great P° w ! er, to become the ally of the British bank and bankers, is indeed* question not only affecting the forms of our Govemment here, bn a question whether these States shall rec|. onizedr-whether the English bank and its A merican attics, shall regulate all SIS of *>id Xi •M'.jm U.„< should have very little silver, and no gold, and substitute bank paper, controlled bjrthe power which retains the metals, 'lhat money should bu debased m value here to enable England to control our business and circula-tfoS-that England may sell hnr imports here

tion —mas mop™,** r — ; tt. at our paper prices, whilst she gives for our eaportT the diminished price arising frmn a metallic or chiefly metattm currency. No nation could long stand the operation of soch a system; bo* I tho exporting States, the price of'whose staple depends chiefly upon the English market, and not dismount of Americas paper money, wouldaoonbe redbud to absolute bankruptcy. With the expansion of the paper money here, every ***cle tho planter desires to purchase boj-nhanc-•d in price, whilst his cotton, regulated by the English market and currency, would remain nearly stationary; till soon the expense of raising cotton would he so greatly increased, whilst the price of the article remsined nr.r. |y the same, that htdeor no profit would be derived from the culture. It is not the nominal paper, prices of property hers Ant gives real prosperity to the planter,but the nett nro£ it upon the staple be mi sewn calcidauugwhich the expenses’ of raising the article, arising Upon the exporting States, then, is thrown aeVriv the whole burden of this system.— They partroipaie in all the evils of an exploUienUad during Ups expanding process, whilst

, they give more for every article connected With conducting a plaUlatiom the r great stapfo experiences no correspondsiit rise, being governed by tha leas Inflated European moofy market. To illustrate this position, suppose, from the absence of bank papofr "•* pense in Egypt, the East India*, or Brazil, of raising cotton, including the inferest on capital, was one cent per pound, Wbifsl here, from tho paper expansion, was si* cents per pound, how long could we Wlltistnnd the competition, the cotton of all other countries bringing m Europe the same price as our own? It it not evident that a few years more of expansion of the'American paper system would reduce die exporting States to a!.solute bankruptcy* and tho whole country to the most abject dependence on the money power of England, selling high her imports here by the false standard of our paper .money, and purchasing low nil our exports at the price regulated by her less inflated currency 1 In this way, Eng land would vastly retard our Actual rherease of national wealth, by selling her importe to us at our paper price*, for v“t amount, and giving us a less price for our exports, estimated b> her nearer approach to a metallic currency* Is it not seen, in this exchange of imports for exports, we get, for the same money, fewer imports, and England, more exports, by the precise ratio In which imports are raised in price here by our paper motley, and exports depressed bv being measured by a currency more nearly metallic} and thus the whole nation sustains a great l0 ”|\ would be most curious and instructed to compare tables from 1800 to the present period, representing the prices current of cotton. of domestic, produce consumed wholly in the United States, and the amount of paK Circulation. These tobies I have neither the time pr opportunity to prepare} but this must be known to every Senator, that as the paper money, before an explosion, rosom amount, domestic produce rose also. Whilst cotton at the same period repeatedly fell, being regulated by the European money market One fact alotte will be conclusive evidence of of the principle, that whilst from 1818 to JB- - the prices of our cotton, including Sea Island, aveinge price was less than twelve cents per pound, whilst from 1815 to 1886 our paper circulation has nearly doubled. The price of our cotton then, instead of nugmenftng with ths iocrease of our payer money, has actually greatly fallen under the operaiioH‘ . .. - *

“The continuance of Such a system renders all the toil, and labor, and produce of Industry, perfectly useless, for, when the balance returns in our favor from abroad, even in gold and silver, it is Only to find its way into tho vaults of the banks, that these our paper masters may make these metals the foundation of hew emissions—new overissue tuid new explotffoiia. If &ny doubtlast result let them reflect Upon this, which is n fixed law of the momentary system, that when great expansions of bonk issues, wheth or in llie paper of National or Stale bunks, takes place here, prices of ull products or articles consumed here rise also 5 exports remaining unatlbcvcil in prioo by this event. And what follows! Why the value of money befog Icbs. here, and prices higher than in foreign countries where no expansion of me currency has taken place, the course ot exchange risesegoinst us m nearly the ratio in which specie, the universal standard, will buy more in the foreign country than in our own} specie comes not here, for it sunk here to the level of our yet convertible bank paper. But prices of almost every article being much higher here than- abroad, VRst importations, beyond the power of the country long to consume, necessarily ensue} ouf bank paper is forced upon the banks for redemption in specie, to be shipped abroad, where it is more valuable than here} and explosion soon follows. So certain and unerring is this rule, that tnsteud of there being written on the face of all our bank notes a promise to pay tnispecio on demand, tha promise should be, if truth were consulted, not to pay on demand in specie in the contingency above described, and shown to be inevitable.*’

And have not these views, in 1837, been all confirmed by the new crisis of 18397 Have wo not hud another suspension in the short period of two years! Ins it not been the result of our paper system und the reaction arising from the curtailments of the banks at home and abroad! and is it not now a question, whether these Slates shall be rcc.olonw-ed-—whether we shall burn the Declaration ot American Independence, and for all the purposes of trade and commerce, and in all lhat concerns our industry, be reannexed to Canada, as a component portion of the British realm! And it over has been, and will be, that, with equal advantages the paper money country, will be the wretched dependent upon the hard money nation. The paper system of England is better than onrs; their bank issues no notes under ahout twenty-five dollars, whilst we descend every whereto

UClldlW; VV linos, wv - five dollars, and, in many Slates, to one and two dollar notes, rendering the currency almost exclusively of piper. Our moneyed system then must, under these circumstances ever be more tremulous and feeble than that of England, and hence her power to decree a suspension of our banks, and sn overthrow of enr business whenever she thinks proper to do so. Hence, also, the fact stated by the Senator from Kentucky, that the Bank of England borrowed ten millions of dollars from the bankers of Pares.

This is true, and why is it that England borrows from France, and America from England? It w cmed by the difference of currency. France permits die issue of no bank note under about ninety dollars, England none by her bank under about twenty-five dollars, while we descend to one and two dollar notes. England then bega from hard mosey France, end we from England. Yea, we beg frees the beggar, asd the hard money country being unembariptsed, will always be able to loan to the paper money nation; and ihna it i, that Holland, with her geld and silver currency, loans to all the world to relieve ns aa a temporary ex-

pedient from the wretched effect, of the paper syeM„. Yes, the Bank of England; with its enormous capital, and backed by the use of two bundled millions of British revenue, became a mendicant for a loan in the streets of Paris, toswell from inevitable bankruptcy wilst out Bank of the Unite,) BtaSlU became a beggar m tea ***** of Lo-loa, but m late rnsavu herfrom mmdrency; and such will ever be the miserable and abject dependence upon foreign influence, arming from the paper money system. It is, in fact, a system by

which we of A meric* must IfO" *, mine of giihpowdef, the match for die explosion of which i* heM in England, end can St sny mo* I roent be applied *t ber pleesare. (ro ex coittrawo.) I

abolition petitions. The teller of the Vice President, to Lewis Tapi i,an. of New York, upon the riechntng 4 present la the Senate an Abolition petition Sins Your letter of the h h insl. was duly received, enclosing a petition to Congress, signed bv 140 women of the City and county of New York, praying for the abolitioniff slavery iuid the slave trsJo in the iMtiaM Colombia, and in those fe rritones of theUuited States where they exist, and todmil no new slave State into the Union, reqVsting me to lay tho same before the Senate. Ihave also received your letter of Jhe I7tb hfL requesting me to inform you , when 1 wpu present the petition. Having declined ti jresent the petition, it'is perhaps, due U the fair petitioners, and to you their-orga, • well As to mysslf, to slate some of thettUsons which dictate my course. The Cwrtrilution al right of petition is contained in Ihe fkst ar tide o/ amendment os follows: % v “Congress ehall make no law respectmg an establishment of religion, or mohibiOngv the free exercise thereof} or abridging the He e dom of speech or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably so osseml so, and to be* tit ion the Government for a redress of griev- . a. .v, f-r

Congress has never made a liw abridging this riabU but the people assemble at pleasure, and petition at pleasure, for A redress of grievoieee. Os course this part of the Constitution has not been Violated, and if it did not ekiat, Congress could not, Constitutionally, have passed sueh a law, bet-uuse no such power it delegated to Oongress.. V liia right, reserved to the people, dots tiot devolve upon the presiding officer of the Sen ate the obligation of presenting petitions of every conceivable description. There rsf considerations of s moral and polltfonb a* well as of * Constitution*! nature, wliioh wauldnot permit mb. to present petitions, es a character evidently hostile to the Union, and destructive of the principlesau which it is founded. The patriots of the rWOfotiott made great sacrifices of blond and (resaure to establish and.confirm the doclriiios set forth in the declaration of independence. Each *Vtate Was then an independent sovereignty} and to form a perpetual confederacy for the safety and benefit of the whole, embodying the grent doctrines of the Declaration, a compromise of interest and feeling was necessary. Tliat eompromlW bU mode} and tha principle which your fair.petitionore are now agitating, xvaa settled. The fight of regulating ana abolishing elavery waa reserved to the Slates} and Congress have no more right to destroy slavery lit Virginia and Maryland, than they have to establish, slavery itt NpW Yerk or New England. The right of ptetitkm for theae object* is reciprocal} and the obligatioti of the presiding {officer to present a petition to tho Senate, If it exist itt either case, is equally etfOdg in both. Is a difference made between tb* District of Columbia and the Stoles of Maryland attd Virginia, from which it was taken! The question was settled in relation to this Dietrct by those Siatce, by the formation t aml adoption of the Federal Constitution, when it waa a part or those Stales} ai\d a subeequent ceesion oTjurisdiction could not deprive the oiliaaue of the rights already secured to them by both the Federal Constitution, and the Constitutions of their respective States. The right of Congress to exerois# legislation in all cases whatever, doe* not mean omnipotent legislation. have no right in’the District of Columbia, to take away the right of trial by jury} to pase au ex post facto lawi to abridge the freedom of speech or of the press; to establish leligion by law} nor to destroy the rights or property, or the personal liberty of the citizen. Tlieeo reserved righto ere as sacred in the District of Columbia aa in the State of New York. They have the same right to consider the abolition of slavery tn New York a grievance and petition to Congress tn establish it there, as the citiaens of Now York h*ve to consider it a

gretvance in the Disirict, and petition Cdngress to abolish it. Their right in either cose to assemble peaceably and make their petition, I do not call in question, but the obligation oh my pan to preaenl it to the iSfenalc, Ldo not admit. It a*numher.ef citixena shouldconsalera Republican Government n grievance, nnd petition L\mgress to esiabHsh a jnonarchy; '.if others consider religious toleration a grievance, and petition Congress to destroy heresy, by abolishing all religious sects but their own t ‘ I should not consider it my duty to present a petition, the certain tendency of which it to destroy the harmony, and eventually to break aauader tile bonds us our

Union. In regard to new States, the case is, impossible still stronger. They must be united upon terms of equality, Each State having reserved the right or regulating this subject for itself, no one can be constitutionally deprived of the right. The State of New York had abolished slavety; but this aboltahion is not the condition on which ahe holds her pae in tho confederacy It is her oWn policy, and if it shall be Iter pleasure to change it. Congress cannot interfere. So, If new States are admitted into the Union, when admitted, they will erand npon an equality with New York. They may establish or abo ish slavery at their pleasure, and neither Congress nor any other State, will have any more right to interfere with the subject, than with the laws of primogeniture in the British empire. .The objeat ol the petition does net effect the abstract question of slavery; that it is k subject which tho Abolitionists of the free ■S’u es cart ho morn affect than they Can that of the privileges of the' British nobility. The plain question is this: shall Ve continue s uniled confederated Republic, or shall we dissolve the Union? If die prayer of this and similar pe tilions should ba granted by a majority of OanCss tee inevitable effect world be sn immediate truction of tee Confederacy; and, with it* these bonds of affection which have united Us pi ene

great ona harmonious family. It has been my gnel to observe ’a recklessness on the part of some, whom I otherwise highly esteem, showing an utter diaregard of all the consequences which must result from the perpetual agitation us this subject. We have an interest at suite too dear ] to be compromitted for a phantom whiVh we can never gain, however enthusiastically we may pursue it. Asa free, a powerful, and a happy nation we eund unrivalled in tee annals of tee world.—

Turning the eye alternately te every region of ear country, k is greeted with the smiles f hap piness. amid tee sconces of liberty, and ' jieace, and plenty; and yet imagination frequently pauses upon tee localities which remind us df the price at which these blessings were gained. Do we compare oar condition with that of adjoining colonies! We look to Quebec —and there Montgomery fell. We return to view tee beaetifcl town of Boston and take oar stand on Bunker HiM—-there Warren died. We cross the delightful fields of Connecticut—there Wooster bled- Wecoatinns onroV

Tmitkmlhrooghthu we resch faiaceu a feS^S;::rrh^.Tv”.™: E&XK7BffS&rsstfc idane#r, and th* Wlvatten* nf lb* sanguine fieJd, fwb?ra with thoussuds of other. equ.Hjr breve and I muriatic the enemies of our right, were defeated. Jl at the price of their blood that we, in common whh year fab petitioner*, bow edjoy thd Messing*. When these riant* were again threatened, 1 regarded It my doty, in bumble imiwfion of those aposWea and martn of 1 liberty, to offer my own life upon the alter of mr country, to confirm to you and to llienT the permanent onjoyinent of thtwe blessing*. A metciful Prorjdenoe protected me, and 1 find a twofold recompense in the preserration of our instiunioiis. w itli these views, 1 cannot reconcile it to my sense of duty to present the petition, 4 Shall enter into no discniaion on the principle of slavery, aa that is not involved hi tire subject. 1 can tlewtt i# 1W other light Ibao that ol an interfemocc With the conatitutionai rights of others and in such a way as tend, to the dt.triiowoti trf the rick inheritance purchased by the blood and toil of the father, of the HeV.lution. Another Slreom.tapce exist., wide from what 1 have noticed abo*ej which would make urertlnolant to present this-petition} it comes from ladies, ordained by nature, and by the cutoms of all civilised nStionn, to occupy a higher place in society than that ot petitioners to a legislative boyif courtesy could lodnco me, pn a anbject that could not become a. matter of injarloss n'otoriety, to present a petition from females, yet 1 should regard it purely as a matter of: courtesy, and not of a constitutional right. The righto of women afe aeon re through fliecoarser a**—their fathers, tholr.husbands, find their brothers. It la the right of a Woman to maintain a a modest retirement from the bustle of politics and War. She dona not appear at the polls to vote, because she is privileged to be represented there by a mm. She does net servo on juries, nor perform the duties of the bailiff or executioners, because it would be a degradation of her dignity. She does not take up atma and meet hdr country’s foe*} because she is a privileged character, and man is her substitute, Who represents hst In all these drudgeries. Every man is bound bp ths periapt law of custom, of nature, and of honor to protect and serve her.. This Is the light in which the law of Goo places the woman. She is veiled and silent even In religious discussions; not beeauss she is unworthy, but because she is exempt

from the strife of man; aud it is her right to observe that retired modesty Which renders Irer the object of admiration and esteem. In this respect the constitution of out country is established upon the principle of the Divine law. If tbo rights of man are inviolable, they •re of course Confirmed to women} and the most dignified of the sex are the least inclined to meddle with public matters. 1 presume females, who sign petitions, would not consent to the publication of their namoa. 1 should be very reluctant to be accessory to an act, Which should, In .any degree, oast a shade of reproach upon an Individual Os that sex, whose modesty dignity is the glonr of man. Thus, air, 1 have frankly stated my views in returning the petition, as 4 now da 1 trust you Will not deem It disrespectful to you, nor to the ladles far wham you act. Be assured that, far yourself indlvidually, 1 entertain high respect} and could I servo you pereonally, it would give me great pleasure to do so. Though a stranger to the signers of thb petition, I do not doubt the respectability of their character, and 1 deeply regret being requested on their behalf, to perfarm nn act with which I caonot consistently comply} but with the views 1 entertain, I cannot better testify my regard far them than by returning the petition. ' ' ■ ..• •• 8 II,M. JOHNSON, Lewis Taopao, Esq. N. York Oity.

TO THE CITIZENS OF THE jffcH CONGRESSIONAI. DISTRICT OF INDIANA. .. F*u.o#-Oitii*Nst— I have received letter* recently, from Individual* in various parts of the the State, enquiring when I would resign and come hornet The interest that may uu. der die circumstances, be felt on'this subject and especially my duty to you, require that I should not leave this question in doubt.— My relation to the citfeene of iriy district is to me most gratifying} and to dissolve it, is a step that I take reluctantly. I have, however, lelt it to be my duty to yeild to the wishes pf a large nnd respectable body of citissens, by accepting the nomination made by the Democratic Convention on the Bth ol January last, audit therefore becomes necessary that 1 should resign my scat in Congress, But after the most mature reflection, I am satisfied that to resign and leave my seat vacant until the close of the session, would be a question* able example, to say the least of it, and mcon sislcnl with what 1 owe to you, I shall therefore, remiain here until the adjournment then I will resign, and place it.at your to supply the vacancy. Some of my friends think I ought to resign at an earlier day, in order to he able to visit nil parts of the State before the August ele clion. It is true I approve the usage which prevails among us, by which candidates for important stations are req tired to engage in pudlic discussions, upon the topic* connected with the office to which they aspire, but it ought ro give way to the positive injunctions otdutv. , . In regard to the gubernatorial election, 1 owe it to my own feelings and to truth to sav that the connection of my name was without my consent, nnd against my often expressed wishes. It is an office that while it is the most honorable station within the gift ot Indiana, no man can take upon himself without the absolute certainty of foiling to meet ttie

expectations of an embarrassed and oppressed eowmuniiv. The MlStrs of the slate for years to come will need the most perfect har monv in lier councils, and ti.ey wifi suffer josr’in proportion as those councils shall be divided and distracted. My wisti is. therefore—and it is strengthened by Ihe love of jieace—that our canvass may be conducted without t any Fdtiputatwui. The question now is not what has bkcn donk but what shali. we Dot This should bo met by calm reflection apd sober inquiry, To promote such a

ilvJll iiyu suuci imfuti sy v feeling is mr anxious wish; and, when it shall be mv happiness to return home, and to address* the people of the State, I trust I shall be aide to take that course which will be calculi, ted to allay the bitterness of party animosity; so that in the event of success, I may feel that 1 am the Chief Magistrate of the whole State, not of • party only* or, in the event of defeat, to retire to the pursuits of private life, without having my happiness maned by

reviewing the past. To you fellow citizens,! tender the wannest tribute of my hear t. When I reflect that the worst that can happen to me in the controversy, according to the notions of the world will be to return to my district, and resume my station as a private citizen, ike midst of frinds to tohom I owe mr* thing, ! am made to feel that anv trifling sacrifice I have been cubed on to make for, even die honors of that distinguished station to which the kindness of a portion of our people would elevate me am matters of little concern. T. A. HOWARD. -Washington Oitt, March 2?th IC4O-

IjEMOCRATuT CONvfcgWN. Crntrbvh.uk, April, 1 StWC-10. Pursuant joacalUh* ty Convention, of VVnyne County mfct, fi and organized by the appointmen o ‘""EffSE. , Fuedkbici Walt/, - I* Vice Pres - Thomas Yotjuo, 2d Vico I res I. Francis Kino and ) Secretaries, Otuinibl Bmson ) Tbo object of the meeting having been siu led, on motion of 11. W# P W right, Unsolved, That acoinmitlee ol bve be appoin'.ed to prepare resdulionajo be submiimd to this meeting} where upon Win. Baker Lmj Wni. H. Bunnell, E. Malone A. Gnmei,anu Dr, Lieget, were Appointed On motion of Mr, Ling, it was . Resolved, T hat all the Jeffersonian Democrat* present, be requested to participate in

the pinceediiigs of tljis convention. ' On motion ol Mr. John Bradbury it was Hesolml, That u committee of three horn each Township be chosen by Hie Delegates from the different Townships whoso duty and shall be, to report to this Ctuiyeflliort the names of suitable persons as candulam* lor the Legislature# \ : .. . ' Whereupon the convention adjourned IW 1 o’clock L\ M* .-.V , •• During jthe interval the delegates ol the save r*l lownshipe met, and n/ipoiutcd then nominating committees. V • lo’clookP. M. the Convention met, und tl>e following nominating Committees w ere re

Township—Hiram Hoover, Wm. H. Brown,and Francis Pruyn. Centre—John Merreti, iieivry Hoover and Nathaniel Benll. . f . >?*! '*'~7 Boston— Wra, Druly, Lcvi Johnson uud

Tho*. Benton. ... Washington—Georgo Eagle, vVillaPd Elmer and G. W. Snyder. t , , Jackson—Jos. Tout it W. P, Wright anil Jacob Sherricki AbingtiAi—Edmund Jones, Spencer Stebens John Wright. .. ' •Franklin-Thomas Weaier. Jefferson —BeOj. Parsons, Jacob Miller San ford Gordon. ' ■ , ... Jeiioison—John Bradbury ihos. Brown Thos, Mnrtindale. New Garden—Jos. Hcndersou. Perry—Henry Carver, Elisitu Brown Jesse W. Evans. •• Green*—Wm. Bcverlin. The said'comititttee then retired, and alter deliberation presented the following! • The cominittfce appointed m select candidates agreeable to our instructions mako the following report! For the Mate Semite. " ,

Dr. Henry Carver, Representatives. John Stiggleman, V Othiniel Beeson, Sutnl. E. Perkins, Claries Burroughs, Sheriff: Fredeiick Black. ' Commissioners. John Morrett Armstrong Grimes. Coroner.

Joseph Thorpe. The committco appointed to present resolutions to the Convention reported the fol|ow inc. which were unanimously adopted. Rseolved, That we have nndimmished con fidence in the integrity ol Martin \ un Buren our Chief Magistrate and that we pledge him dur undivided support in November next. Resolved, That we have full, confidence ,n Richard AI. Johnson, our present Vice I resident. And that we recommend ins naate ns a suitable oue to be phiccd upon tae Democratic ticket for Vice President, Resolved, That the Democratic partv as a party have always been, are now, aud always will be, opposed to the bank paper credit

Resolved, That the abuse heaped npon our illusirious Chief Magistrate by the modern federal whig party is in perfect keeping,with the course pursued by the bid federal paitv towards the administration in the days ot Thomas Jefferson. Resolved, That from tho experience we have had as citizens of Indiana, we pronounce the doctrines of the federal whigs in regard to a sqlendid system of internal improvement by the Geueral Government ns tending to swamp our General Government and to place it in the hands of the Bi isisli and other Lu-

'Resolved That we disapprove of the course pursued by the federal whig party. Resolved, that we cannot support \l rigid, Gwvnn and Spencer for the Presidency mid as Gen. Harrison has placed them between him and the people, and refuses through them to give his sentiments on ml nation u questions, and as this is a government ol choice, and that choice should be founded on a knowledge of Ihe sentiments of candidates, we cannot support him therefore for the pres-

idency. Resolved, That we believe th*t tho Harrison partv.hv selecting guardians for General Harrison,* wish him to fill ihe presidential Chair, ns be fought all his bailies, by proxy. Resolved, That the whig party treat the American people with disrespect and contempt in carying on the presidential contest, only bv abusing the officers l* the people’s choice*, instead of-nresenting for the consideration of the people the principles for which

they coniend. ~*/fAWtrd, That we unanimously approve or the nomination made by this convention and pledge ourselves lo use all honorable means to secure the election of the nominees. f On motion, the Convention adjourned. (Van the Erqwwv. burnett— Harrison. It was well remarked by a colemporery, that M io undertake to correct the falsehoods ofthe federal press, the democratic press would have nothing else to do.” Indeed, we believe that the feds have this in view: to pub iish as many falsehoods as possible, so as to keep the democrats employed in correcting them, and thus keep Lenind the true issue.— We are led to these reflections by reading the last Courier, a paperjwhich we proved last summer to be a habitual falsifier; so much

solVitwnsa subject of annoyance t M frienls, thafil should just say onougf, one weeltfto get osedup by the Enquirer the n#*p The |>aper contains nothing, except whet w* have noticed, that the good sense of every enquirer after truth will not at onco detect and correct# We will here notice, (we haw. also been requested by a whig to do if,) flw letter of "G. Burnett, under date of 27th ~ Feb. 1810, and copied in the Jest Courier, It was no doubt written for tbo occasion. But, unlike the whig* we copy it entire, CiHciNHAfi, Feb. 27, 1840

Mr Dm Srai I remark in reply to yqur letter of this morning, that during the contest between Mr. Jefferson }.nd the eider Adams, ■General Harrieon and myself were residing in the North western Territory, end of course had not the privilege of voting. At that time J wo* in habits of great intimacy with Gta. Harrison, although I was a federalist (honeslv so) and he n refAiblicnn of tile Jeffersmischool 1 supported Adams warmlv, nnd lie with eqoalwarmth, supported Mr, Jefferson, Du. ting that controversy from 1798i0 1800, ia< elusive, I conversed fcArgred with him timt* without number—be sustainiug Mr. Jefferson nnd I Mr. Adams. You may assure your friends, that 1 there was not a more consistent deckled supporter of Mr. Jefferson in the Northwestern Territory, than Gen, Harrison. For the truth of tnis declaration, 1 most willingly pledge my reputation. I state to you what 1 saw, and heard, find knowi When the 41 wm and Sedition law passed,, Ihd General w# not A member of Congress. He neither voted nor had an op. port unity of votingon that „ • * Yonr frtfhd J, BURNET. . Wm. VV. /SoorttoAfr., Esq.

Mark the cunning of Burnett. Harrison has neTtrr bru chttCged, to oyr knowledge, with voting for the Ailed nnd sedition Laws but with supporting them after they were enacted. This, Burnett does not deny} but undertakes to blindfold us by saying that Har risoii was not a member of Congress when the law passed. We presume thb authority of John /fandolph, one of Virginia*? molt gifted sons, taken down oil the spot, is >s good ns that of“J. Burnet.” He said of Gen Harrison!

“Now, sir, the only difference between the gentleman from Ohio and myself is this—and it is vitnlt That gentleman and myself differ fundamentally ana totally and did differ when we first took* our seats in Congress—he sis a delegate from the lerritory North West of the Ohio river, 1 as a member of the other House from the state of Virgiuiur HE WAS AN OPEN i ZEALOUS , FRANK, SUPPORTER OP THE SEDITION LAW ADMINIS TliA 7TOJV, and ! w** a xettious, frank, at:d open opponent pt tiio black Cockade and sedition law adminstration. We Hitter fundamentally and totally—we never can agree about measures or about men.’’ We should suppose this enough to uonvtnce the most sceptical. But if not, here is Gen# Harrison’s own reply. If this does- not place either Gen. Harrison or “J. Burnet” in a “fix’ then we are no judge, The eis the dilem* ma between them, and they or their friends,

mu 'UVincvu uiviuj H..U r . 1 for all we can see must each take a horn , “In th n course.of this debate, Mr Harris* son snid-Uiat he couhi not refrain from making his acknowledgements to the gentleman tram Air. Randolph, for th notice he had been pleased to take of him. H* haa been pleased to say, thot, in the administration of Mr. Adams, 1 was ft Federalist, and he comes to that conclusion from the course pur sued by me in the session oi l 799-1800. At that session, the gentleman and myself met for the fnst’time—he in the station of Representative for Virginia and I in the more humble one of delegate from the Northwestern Territory. Having no vote, l did not think it proper to take part in the discussion of any of the great political questions whipn divided the two parties. My business wart® procure the passage of the bills I had introduced for the benefit of the peoj le 1 represen ted. The gentlemen had no means of know Ing my potiical principles, unless hegobtain ad them in’privute conversation. Asl wasion terms of intimacy wilh the gentleman, if tsw ro probable thot. he might how heard me emreso senUmmts favorable tothe tln u mtmintsiratwn. I CERTAINL Y PELT THEM—** far, at least, ns to the course pursued By it Ration to the Government of Frouce. Nor, said Air. H., was I urtsupp orted m that opinion by tliosf who had a right to control my actions, ff not my opinions. In no port oltne country wore those measures more decHtealv apmoluted than by my immediate cotwm uents—the legislature of the Norihwestern Territory; ns the wddress of that to the President, during that session wifl For Mr Adams (said Air. H.) I entertained nt that time, nnd have ever since enterUineu Tin: oiieatkst MfeMtct. I believe him to be an MO.NF.ST MAN ANO A *ORR PATmOT.Ond lit* COII- - during that .session proved him to such.

Another view may bo taken of the case, independent of ihe above. Mr. Burnel that lie is, and always has been, a Federal ist. and that Gen- Harrison and lie wore opposed in politics. Yet notwithstanding (this and literonce he now support# him with his whole might. Has Mr. Burnet turned Jefferson**® Democrat! He say* not. Has Gan Harrison turned Federalist, (if he ever was a democrat)! He does not say! VVe leave it for the people to decide upon, while wa present a synopsis of the opinions of ana ofthaGencc si’s personal friends atul acquaintances Mo*** Dawson.

Gen. Harrison holds no principle in common with Jeffersonian Democrats. Hwlstter to Warmer Denny, his speech at Cheviot U., and many oilier things prove his federalism. Jle upholds the wretched spsiem of pop" 1 <*?■ iU lie would saddle upon the people another United Slates Bank. He would apply revenues of the country to the purchase slaves. He would disfranchise every “•“ who holds an office under the General wov* eminent. He would alter the Constitution o the United States, without the authority ported out by that instrument for its amendmeo. lie would in the real federal spirit ofHannh too, construe the Constitution is favorable to all the Wild schemes of that Traction that labored so hard at its malum, lo assimilate the Govermnentto of Great Britain, which was coassOerea ay eld John Aoams the best r > ’ r * n * n “*?J I? world ever saw, or ever would see,