Jasper Weekly Courier, Volume 36, Number 11, Jasper, Dubois County, 24 November 1893 — Page 3

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WEEKLY COURIER.

C. DOAXE, PubllMhof. JA'JVEB. INDIANA IN HOSPITAL. In 0 long night time, wli tho ward was cbfll Ami drear with Bleeping facca thin and white. One lay In wakeful silence, wan anil still, And watted for tue llb'UU And as ho lav nnd waited for the morn. Anil leered uboul thu dim. fiimlllur room, f he door into that HUmmciIng place forlorn Opened, and gome one entered through the Bloom A shadowy shnpa that filled him with a vast Vat?ui fear: It cum In silence and alone; Mutely It glanced from bed to Ucd, and passed, Dui paused beside his own J'aused, and looked down, and all his tenors lied; He Brew us Quiet and ns restful now As If his mother stooped beside tho bed And laid her cool hand on bis feieretl brow, .And looking up Into Its eye but seemed l.iUu looking Into herf that loved him so: He heard old voices bpi-uk, us if he dreamed, Of things of long ago. And "What nit thou?: ho asked the Shadow then. "Who contest so like memory old and dear, fTbat I, who feared thy coinlug, loved tbee when I saw thlno eyes and felt thy presence nearf" Then, In tho tuih, an answering wMsjkt salth HI child It was that answered, or bis wife, Loved and long lost): This Is that angel, Death, Whoto name In Heaven Is Life." iind when tho night wa pone, and morning shed A sunny B'ory Into all iho place, They came and put tho screen about bis bed, And ttondered at the smile upon his face. A. St J Aelcock, In Chamlers" Journal. mm Copyright, WX by the Author HUIll'F." Mid the Old Settler, "w'at seems to be the dillikilty with the kentry? Somehow 7 things don't keom tube jibin' jist right" "Lack of confidence, major," replied the sheriff. "Confidence ain't just what Jt ought ti 1 e, they hay. They can't pet tt back torn" wny or other." 'Luck o' confidence, hey?" said the Old Settler. "Not in the Squire, 1 hope!" "Oh, no! Not in the Squire!" exjlaimed the sheriff, with a laugh. "The country ain't feeling altogether easy on the money question. The currency don't suit. Souk: don't want the country to have any silver money, and some ay they're bound the country shan't have any gold money. Then, again, tome fray the only way out of it is to have both gold and silver money, and some rip and tear and declare up and down that unless the country throws both silver and gold money overboard and has paper money, and plenty of it, we're gone to the dogs. The consequence is, major, that the country ain't exactly certain what it's going to have, and it's a Utile shy. It ain't had for mx mouths as much confidence as it should have had, and it ain't gelling any more very fast." "Miurir," said the Old Settler, and lie spo.to js if he were incredulous, "did I uiiderstan" ye to say that tha was some folus vi didn't want uo silver money'.'" That's w hat 1 said." replied the 6hcrilF. "An' did ye sny tha was some ez didn't want no gold?" "Yes." "(Josht'lmighty!" said the Old Settler, "if that's got sutnpin' to do with the nilin' o' the hen try, it's easy fixed! I kin lis it, b'gosht" "1 don't quite understand you, major," said the sheriff. "Don't ye, shurff?" said the Old Settler, smiting. "1 do, b'gosh! What's to bender them folks that don't want no silver money from handiu' their fcheerof it over to me? An' what's to bender them folks that is fightiu shy o' gold money from handin' their sheer o' that over to me? Thafd settle it! That'll fix it! Them chaps needn't worry 'bout haviu' to take silver when they don't want it, an' bavin' to talce gold when they don't want it, fer I kin tell 'em right here, an' I want to say it o it in be hecrd by my feller citizens lur an' near, high an' low, that I am will in' to tand an' take 'era both offen their hands, an' I don't keer if I lief to fetay awake nights an' go hungry adoin' of it! Thafd restore confidence, shurff! The doin' o' that'll give me so much confidence that 1 could distribit confidence by the ton to the hull dum population, ineludin' Injins not taxed, an' do it ev'ry tiny in the year, an' then he so much left I wouldn't know what to do with it! Understan' me now, don't ye, shurff? Uo ye see how easy 1 kin fix it? (losht'imighty! why don't them folks send fer me?'' "'fore ye go to lixin'up the kentry," said the Squire, before the sheriff had time to reply to the Old Settler, "ye'd a dum sight better go an' fix up that back fence o' your'n, an' keep yer pigs outen yer neighbor's taters!" "Some folks,"' said the Old Settler, entirely unruffled, "kin think o pigs an' taters when their kentry is shiwreckin' on ragin' seas 'cause some lolks won't take silver, an' some folks won't take" "Wull, 1 want yo to understan', Jnujor." interrupted the Squire, 'that I liain'tgot no objection to takin silver, an' that the chances is that I'll take umpin' like ten shill'n u' your'n, 'less e turn out to-mor' an' fix that fenccl" "Squire!" exclaimed the Old Settler, falsing his cane threateningly, "for a man ez keeps n britchy brindle cow, ez jou do, which never had an idea on arth but goin' 'round nights tearln' down folks's fences an' chawin' up their gardens, yer remarks is as nijfh ftUr Blander ox thy kin git. b'gosbtfl-

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tMtMl. ..I t fill 1 . an the g.uss for the lump of sugar, "sneakin' o' coußdence bei n' all gone an' the kentry feclin' bad an' circerlation belli' shrunk wuss'n a dried eelskin, ye orter lien In the Sugar Swamp decstrie' durin' the hard times o Them was times ye'd remcmlier to yer dyin' day! The currency was but. fust along, I inns' tell ye that the currency in Sugar Swamp iu them days were a leetle slng'lar. It wa'n't silver, an' it wa'n't gold, an it wa'n't paper. It were pelts, b'gosh! It run from mushrat clean up to b'ar. Tha was minks an' tha was otters, an a man ez could git plenty o' them were the man cz stood way up in the money market o' the decstrie'. Hut tha wa'n't everybody ez could ketch minks an' otters, an' so mushrats an' 'coons an' foxes an' wolfs an' b'ars was the cWrlatm' mejum o Sugar Swamp in them days. Minks an' otters was government bonds. Mushrats an' 'coons an' foxes an wolfs an' b'ars was the people's money. If ye went to the tavern' an' planked down a mushrat skin ye'd git yer snifter, but ye wouldn't git no change. If ye pianked down a 'coonskin ye'd git yer snifter an' two mushrat skins change. When a feller went in with a 'coonskin he were tol'able well fixed, but he could do consid'able shoppin' with a fox or a wolfskin. A man with a b'arskin oh, jewhizz. shurlt! A man with a b'arskin nobody didn't ast no questions 'bout. "It didn't seem p'tic'lar sin'glar then, but I reckon it'd ruther make folks snicker nowadays the way things run on that pelt currency o' Sugar Swamp. Wouldn'tthey kinder bust a larfin' now if they'd hear a feller come to me an' say: " 'Sile, I'm hard up ez Sam HilL Kin' ye lend me a fox skin till to-morrer?' "Thafd tickle 'em, wouldn't it? An' to hear folks shoppin' sutnpin' like this'd set 'em gigglin', I'll bate a farm: " 'How much fer them boots, Caleb?' '"Kox an' a coon.' '"Too much. Give ye three coons fer 'em.' "'Can't do it liest I kin do is three coons an' a inushraU' "Then this here raowt strike folks nowadays ez sorter comic: "'Kin ye gimme change fer a wolf?' "'Yes but I'll hef to give ye all mushrats. "Hut we didn't think mithin' 'bout it them dajs, 'cause it were reg'lar business. That eirccrlatin' mejum were a leetle onhandy in one way, though. Ye had to carry yer money 'round In a bushel bag, if ye were gointer do much business an' if ye were a b'arskin man, goshf lmighty! ye had to carry it in a wagon. "Wull, the fall o' '23 b'ars holed up 'arly. The snow were so deep that foxes an' wolfs didn't know w'ere they was, air nobody couldn't find out Mushrats was onstiddy, an coons was hidin' enough to make a ground mole want to know their tricks. Xoar Tidfit had bought up ev'ry dura bit o' currency tha were in the decstrie', an had shipped it all outen the kentry. Consekenec were, ev'rybody were strapped. Folks was offerin' a coonskin interest on the lendin' of a mushrat fer a week, an' no takers. Things looked bine. Tha wa'n't enough confidence in the KT "l.EXI MK A FOX ltl!f 'TILL TO-MORflEB." decstrie' to lenil a feller cheese enough to bait a rat trap. Folks says to Is'oar Tidfit: " 'Goshf lmighty! Whafd ye send all the currency outer the kentry fer? We could 'a' borricd sumpin' of ye, now and then, mebbc! See what ye ben doin' of! We'm strapped.' "Then Koar says: "Folks,' he says, 'don't holler 'fore yer hurt- I hain't sent the currency so terr'ble fur,' he says. 'I've only sent it to Jersey,' he says. 'Wait til the balance o' trade gits it sea legs on,' he says. 'Confidence is a leetle slack, I know,' he says, 'but I mean well.' "So things went on, an' folks kep a groanin', for tha wa'n't mithin' to be got at the tavern, au' folks said it were 'cause Xoar, though they had consid'able confidence in him, bein's cz he ken' the tavern, didn't seem to hev no confidence in them. Hut by nn' by, one day. tha come thirteen barTs o' applejack fer Xoar straight from Jersey. " 'Folks,' says Xoar. 'this here is the balance o' trade. Tho currency wee shipped outen tho decstrie', but hero It comes a llowin' back to us, b'gosht double what it were wutlu' "Then, shtirlf, confidence were restored quicker'n scat, 'cause folks know'd that the kentry were safe for sever'l months to come, anyhow, let 'em do their wust, an' the panic were busted. Maybe the kentry kin git some pints outen this, shurff; but if it can't don't let it fergit that I'm standin' ready to fix it, jtst the way I said I was, I don't keer what I hef to saekcrUcc a doin' of it. An' say, shurff,' sali the Old Sctuer, whispering, 'that's a livin' fact about tho Squire's britchy brindle cow." Ed Mott, is X. Y. Sua Meddle once meant simply to attend to. Early translations of the Hible give I. Thess.. iv., 11., a "MeddU

U ' 11 MT lllfl law OB V te morrer!" Hut by this time the sheriff luU eat leeted himself, and, with the aid of th landlord, succeeded in restoring relations between the Old Settler and the Squire which, if not entirely amicable, were at least not noisy. "ShurlT," said the Old Settler, feeling

wita your own b'

THE TREASURY DEFICIT.

RmuII ml four l.r. f K.W1cib Xh JfMiir. The man who stole a sawmill and then went back after the dam has always been regarded luretofore as having achieved one of th snl.n,,,...,flighta of impudence. Hut in the light of what the republican organs are doing to-day in condemning the democratic administration for a possible deficit in the treasury the impudence of the sawmill thief becomes tame and commonplace. lie might have stood some show of comparison if when he came back for the dam he had abused the owner for not having had it fastened to the mill, so that he could havestolen both together. It there should be a deficit in tho United States treasury for the current year it will be distinctly and plainly of republican creation. The emptiness of the treasury is directly duo to thu republican administration of affairsunder President Harrison. When Harrison was inaugurated there was a Mirplus in the treasury of about $100.000.000 and the surplus revenue of the government was about the same amount. There was a reserve in the treasury of gold to the amount of 100.000,000 and gold in excess to the amount of $OS,000,000. When President Cleveland was inaugurated in -March last the surplus had disappeared and of the 1 93,000,000 excess of gold only f 1.030,000 was left. It was a struggle during the last three months of Harrison's administration for the secretary of the treasury to keep his head above water. This was a patent fact, though the most extraordinary exertions were made to keep it secret and enable the administration to finish its term without actual confession of bankruptcy. This condition of things was the direct result of republican extravagance and recklessness. During the first half of the four-year period referred to the republican party had entire and absolute control of the government. During the last two yeara it had control of the presidency and the senate and was able to exercise full control over all. legislation. And while the appropriations of the democratic congress in the last half of Harrison's administration were inexcusably larjrc, the republican party can no more escape responsibility for them than it can for the work of its own billion-dollar congress. There is abundant republican authority on this point. Onby a few days since the Pittsburgh Dispatch, one "of the leading republican papers of the country, referring to the looting of the treasury as the "legitimate result of four years' violation of every principle of treasury management by which tho credit of the country was built up and its finances made prosperous" went on to say: "Five years ago the policy of twenty years reached its extreme in the inconvenience of too much money in the treasury. The treasury had a double surplus. That of cash in the treasury was nearly $100,000.0K, and that of revenue over expenditures nearly as much more. There has rarely been a more monumental exhibition of political incapacity and fiscal ignorance than is comprised in the fact that four years' reversal of the traditions of the treasury have dissipated its surplus; have brought us to a point where outgo exceeds income at the rate of f 100,000,000 annually, and confronts us with the necessity of increasing the debt which it has been the declared purpose of all administrations to reduce. All this in a period of profound peace, with not an excuse for the dissipation of the public funds, except wtiat is found fn the wanton extravagance of our politicians." The mere emptying of the treasury, however, would not create a deficit such as is threatened if the revenueproducing machinery of the government were equal to the demands upon it. Unfortunately it is not; and here again the republican party is directly and wholly responsible. The devices by which revenue is raised for the expenses of the government arc wholly of republican creation; and foremost among them is the much-lauded McKinley act If one were to judge from the glib utterances of the republican leaders and organs one would suppose that the democratic administration had during the six months it has leen in power devised some new methods of raising revenue, and that it is the failure of these which threatens a deficit. Hut the fact is that we arc still living, so far as revenue raising is concerned, under the republican dispensation. The democratic administration has not yet had time to make any change ia "that regard; and one of the remarkable features of the situation is that while the republican critics of the administration are proclaiming the failure of existing legislation to provide rcvenuo for the country's needs they are ilcclaring in the same breath that nothing must be done to change that legislation. At one moment they jeer the administration because it cannot raise suflicient revenue in spite of the 31cKinlcy act, and tho extravagant pension appropriations; and at the next they are shouting "hands off," and declaring that tho McKinley act must not be tduched, and that not only the pension laws but tho corrupt pension rulings must be left intact It is worthy of note that the republican critics of the administration offer no suggestion for the prevention of a deficit Their criticism is always destructive and never constructive. This is of no consequence, however. Tho deficit which is threatened will be provided for in legitimate fashion by increasing the revenues or decreasing the expenditures, and probably by both. And the doing of this will overturn good deal of Iniquitous republican legislation, including the MKinlcy act. Detroit Free Press. The extraordinary session of the Fifty-third congress, convened by President Cleveland in August to meet the financial emergency, adjourned, baring accomplished satisfactorily the work it was called upon to perform. When it assembled clouds of depression and dissatisfaction overhung the land; with its adjournment renewed hopefulness with prospects of rerived prosperky prevalL-N. Y. Miwamr.

THE DAWN OF A POLICY

Bern Important KrtulUt el thm Ctmgi Munal Ktruggl, One of tho two colossally sordid bargains of the Fifty-first congress has been wiped from the statutes of the United States. The work of removal which the house, a body four times as large, accomplished in two weeks, after a brilliant and exhaustive debate, tho sluggish sctiate ha& occupied two months iu doing. The will of the, country has been executed. The bullion purchase makeshift will uo longer threaten tho stability of the currency, and tho task of restoriug the standard to the biuictallio basis the people have desired and ordered can he bejjun logically and without subterfuge. What of the effect upon business, upon parties and upon the monetary policy of this republic? Will business respond to the irautinfr of relief? Will new parti lines, belaid? Will this nation of sixty-five million active people yield to the gold hig;otry of crowded little England? Ilusiness has had a severe shock and credit has had a. continuous strain. Silver purchases were not the sole cause of trouble. Tho currency uncertainty, acting upon many other causes already existing, produced a cruel stringency. If the senate had acted as promptly as the house, the reaction toward confidence would have been more rapid in operation. It is now lato in the season, and men will be more inclined to wait for each other than they would have been in September. There is no doubt, however, that the general course will be upward, and that before the winter is over enterprise will be anxious to make up for lost time. As to parties, the democracy and im party organization are strong. In faith we are all together, notwithstanding the disagreements upon detail that have led to a few tangling interchanges since August. The legislative power has declared that the currency shall be honest and everything it pretends to be before the people and the world, whatever may be the standard. Thero are to bo no frauds. That is a great gain for democratic bimetallism. Now we can go ahead, with the respect of all well-meaning men, and change the Sherman gold standard we havu had since resumption took place into a standard of silver and fjotd as indicated in the Voorhees bill. The democratic party has shown all the public spirit, all the sincerity at purpose and nearly all the ability of the long fight The republicans hare helped mechanically to destroy their three-year-old solutionof the money question." The populists have contributed nothing except botheration and impossibilities. Democrats have opposed each other, it is true, but manfully, and have prepared for a closer union on a better understanding than ever. Thus the policy of the country will be a democratic policy. The opposition has developed none. Its ideas run all the way from Sherman's and Walker's anglomasila to PelTers and Simpson's flood of paper. Maybe they can patch up a makeshift ntnon?' them. Protection and money paternalism havo mucL in common. It is not improbable tliat they may propound a money platform on which Sherman and Simpson can both stand. The democracy will govern and its policy is: First, that American money shall be honest ut any cost, whether the declared basds is precious stones or potatoes: second, that the basis, to bo adopted as soon as possible, shall Ik: gold and silver coin, and that provision shall be made, by such government issues as circumstances require, and such banking laws as are wise, practicable and just to all the people, for a convenient, sufficient and locally elastic paper currency redeemable in gold or silver coin of standard value St. Imis Republic NOTES AND COMMENTS. Tom Used savs ".he president's victory is over Iiis own party." Carry the news to Teilerand bis ten associate republican filibusters in the senate. The people remember, if Mr. Ilccd does not, that there werecnouifli afllrmativo democratic votes in the house to have passed the repeal bill if every republican had remained silent. X. Y. World When Gov. McKinley speaks to the fanners of Ohio of the advantage they derive from the operations of his tariff bill they point to the fact that the measure has been in force for two years and a half, and yet the price of wool is lower than it has been fer twenty years. Hut McKinley cannot explain how it comes that his system of protecting the woolgrowcrs does not protect. St Paul (Hobe. There was some apologizing and explaining over the final adjournment of the extra session of congress, but there was no occasion for it It had accomplished the one thing for which it was called together, and nobody outside of its own walls desired to have it remain in Washington any longer. If it had accommplUhcd its task and departed two months ago the country would have been much better off today and the people would be much better satisfied with it 2s. Y. Times. Our country never needed protection, in my opinion. It is the most prolific country the sun ever shone on. Its production is unparalleled; and when protection is given to an enterprise in order that it may be profitable, the money ijvested in it is diverted by that very fact from its legitimate use and natural channel. Tic moment an industry encs out for protection and hangs out the signal of distress tho capital in it should be withdrawn; and certainly if invested in some other industry that needs no protection, tho money will yield a better return in the end to the investor himself, and will contribute very much mora to tho general prosperity, employing more labor, developing mora capital. Tho hot-house process was never accessary In the United States. It k folly for a man to attempt to grow oranges is Massachusetts, when ho can produce other crops thai m.y without arUHcial forclnjr.-QeB. M. T. McMa la DofiahoVaMaffMU

PROTECTION TO LABOR FRAUD. Men Ar en the Vrnt Mat aud Amrrfrmn Lter la Not I'retortetl by IutlM oh tieeit Canadian Moving Hack mu-X rertnat Wilt "One effect of the temporary shutting down of the many is'cw England cotton mills during the past two mouths, and the subsequent reduction in thu wages of the operatives, has been the stimulus given emigration from this and other New England states to Canada. "Few factories but have felt the effects of this exodus of tho FrenchCanadians back to tho farms from which the promise of high wages and speedy enrichment enticed them, and for weeks past tho depot platforms at the village railway stations havo been piled high with their trunks and huge boxes, tilled with clothing and household goods, billed for points beyond the Canadian border. "There is no more reliable indicator of the industrial situation in the cotton manufacturing centers than the periodical movement of the migratory portion of the French Cauadiun population. When the tide of industrial prosperity is on the rise, and with it tho wages of the cotton operatives, the French Canadian, taking it at the Hood, hies him from the farm to the factory, and gain when It begins to ebb, ho is the first to take alarm, nnd with the accumulated savings of his sojourn in the states fly back to the farm. " The alove. from tho Providence Journal, is quoted by the Manufacturer, of Philadelphia, one of the staunchest, not to say- the most bitter, of protectionist journals. Jt is assumed that this furnishes a clinching argument for protection to American wageearners by means of tarrlff duties. Hut does it? Does it not rather stamp the whole system as a farce and a fraud'.' Does it not make clear that trade in labor is free and that when tho reward for labor is higher in this than in other countries there is no obstruction to its migration and importation, except the trouble of moving and the expense of transportation? Jot more certainly does the liquid in a spirit level flow toward thelower'end of the tube than docs the tide of immigration flow toward tho country of greatest natural and actual advantages for the employment of labor. Labor, like water, is constantly seeking its level. Men being on the free list, they can and do sell their labor in the highest market Ileneo wahres the world over are about as nearly level as are the waters of the seas and of the great bodies of water closely connected with them. If daj wages are much higher in one conntry than in another it is because labor is more cllicient in the former than in the latter country. This theory is in accord not only with common sense but with all well-authenticated facts obtained by democrats or republicans. When dames G. lllaine was secretary of state, in 1SS1, he made a report on wages in the cotton industry, iu this and other countries, based upon statistics obtained by foreign consuls. He was forced to come to the conclusion that "undoubtedly the inequalities in the wages of English and American operatives are more than equalized by the greater eflieiency of the latter and their longer hours of labor." The previous secretary of state, William M. Kvarts, made a similar report and came to a similar conclusion. Ho said: "One workman in the United States, as will be seen from the foregoing extracts, does as much as two workmon in most; of the countries in Kurope." That labor is more ellieient.in this country is demonstrated every day of the year by our exports of goods to all parts of the globe. Our shoemakers, carpet and cloth weavers, piano, carriage and wagon makers, and mechanics and workingmcn of all kinds receive double the iny wages paid in Kurope and yet their products arc exported to Europe and sold in competition with the products of Europe's cheapest labor. JWnny largo manufacturers have declared that labor is cheaper in this than in any other country all things considered. No. a duty on goods gives no protection to labor that makes the goods As Hon. Hen Hutterworth frankly admitted, "the manufacturers and the trusts get the protection and the prollts of the tariff." The American workingman sees the effect of protection iu the increased prices of what he purchases. His labor is constantly in competition with the labor of all other countries both in our own and in foreign countries. This fallacy exploded, protection will have no other leg upon which to stand. Hut anyway, it has twice been knocked completely off its pins in this country and the Inst obsequies are now being performed. No humbug ever deserved to be buried deeper than this one. llvitoN W. J low.

INCOME TAX SENTIMENT. I'micrfMiiian Warner, Who llrprrnrnt Ihn Ma1tliliMt IlUtrlrt In tliU Country. Fitrn Tiixtnc Mcn'n Weal tit Itnthcr Titan Their Wnt. In the face of a prospective deficit of 670,000,000 on one hand and the emphatic demand of the people to reduce tariff duties on the other hand democratic congressmen, who feel the responsibility of tho situation, are casting about for a way out of the predicament. Many of them from the south and west havo long Iwen iu favor of an income tax. In fact, they introduced nbout t.venty different income tax bills during the first session of tho last congress. During the last few months representatives from all parts of tho country havo declared for an income tax. Hon. John Da Witt Warner, of the Thirteenth congressional district of New York, probably represents more very large incomes than any other co grcssmnn. Tho Vanderhilts Goulds, Astors, Huntingtons, llockefellcrs, llavemeyers, Whitneys and perhaps 400 or MX) of the wealthiest of Now York City's 1,'iOO or 1,800 millionaires live In this district Under an income tax this district would probably coutribute more to tho revenue than any other district an more than any one state, exeep, perhaps, ten or twelve of tat lwgeat Aad ret XLt. Warner ia

not afraid to advocate sa iaeoase taf

He aoi only thinks It more Just tt a tariff tax but ho believes it would meet the approval of the teas thousands of mechanics, clerks and laborers in his district Wo quote tha following from an interview with Mr.t Warner In the St. Louie Kepublic, of October 23: "I certainly prefer aa la come tax, If it is necessary to raise sufllclent revenue, rather than thu retention of such, high tarill duties as to involve an fe ordinate proportion of protection. I would not hesitate a minute how to voto if tho question were presented between a protective tariff which' woula furnish the necessary revenue, and a bill which made tho duties one-third lower and enacted an income tax to supply tho deficiency. Personally, I think it would not bo long before a substantial! ravenuo tariff would bring as much money intp the treasury as would higher rates, because not only would imports increase as a result of j lower tariff rates, but we should havo an era of prosperity that.exports would greatly increase, and would naturally le paid for to a large ex ent by a further iucrea.su of imports." "Hut do you think it necessary to put tho entire machinery of collecting an income tax into operation to raise twenty or thirty millions?" was asked. "The machinery need bo no mora elaborate than for the collection of any other tax, and I fear thu amount of the deficit to be provided for the first year may reach $50,000,000 or more. I do not think, however, that an income tax would be really necessary, because the increase in customs receipt under a revenue tax might soon give us a surplus and we could issue, in the meantime, treasury certificates redeemable at the pleasure of the government within no more than ten years. There may be a disposition in the house, however, to insist upon legislation which will meet tho wholo revenuo problem at once. "Members may say that my expectation of the increased customs receipts is only a prediction nnd that adequate revenue ought to be cortainly provided for now. We shall have, then, a contest between different plans for meeting the emergency. There will be the same opposition to an income tax that thero is to any new form of taxation, nnd of the contest between the income tax, the plan for tho issue of bonds and' thcr plans I should not Iks surprised if tho final outcome were the authority to meet any temporary deficit by tho issue of s ort term bonds, in anticipation of income, leaving the question of whether an income tax is needed to be settled by experiment, and this seems to me to bo the best plan at present" "Hut do you not think that tho needed rev nue can bo raised by increasing1 tho internal revenue tax on beer or whisky?" "I presume that it could be raised by doubling the beer tax," said Mr. Warner, "but I do not favor such a propoi sition as supplementing a tariff already so high as to levy from those in poor circumstances tho greater part of the necessary Income of the government. If it is true that an income tax would levy its heaviest burdens on th rich while it let the poor escape taxatloa this would hnrdl$- lie more than a fair offset for the enormous disproportionate burden which is imposed upon consumption instead of wealth by tariff taxation. The increase of the tax on beer would simply carry further the same wrong theory of legislation. If, however, it were a question of taking it off clothes and putting it on beer I would lie for taking it off clothes, but I am not In favor of putting it on both, in order to saddle the whole tax oa constt option." "Hut do you believe th it the increase in the tax on beer would affect tho retail price?" asked your correspondent "The consumer would have 19 pay it in the end. You can 10t laya tax oa a theory that it will bo paid by nobody and that it will not affect the cost of tho articles on which it is laid. The coa-i sumcr would have to pay the increase, whether it wero in smaller glasses or poorer bccr.or a reduction of tho inducement to competition among producers. I repeat, if wealth already paid most of the fedcra taxes and in, some emergency the question arose as, o how to increase tho revenues by taxes on consumption, I might think a plumpinp levy on beer to be a good thing. Hut the trouble is that the most of federal taxes arc now levied on consumption; such will bo the case, oven when tha tariff is reduced to 1 revenue basis; and, therefore, if we need additional taxes I believe in levying them,, on men' wealth rather than men's wants." 'Cheap Anirrlmn rncll" Abroad. As one more instance of the way th American manufacturer has to be pro tected against his foreign competitors, the American Stationer cites a statement made by Mr. Johann Fabcr, of Nurcmlierg in regard to the dlfllcultlcs which ho Is encountering in his European trade through the underselling of American lead-pencil manufacturers. He said that Knglanil was "flooded with cheap American pencils" to such nn extent that his product had no chanco of sale. American cedar pencils arc sold in Kngland at from sixty to sixty-eight cents a gross a price which tho Germans cannot touch. This only shows how flagrantly Herr Falnsr has been deceived. If he hail looked Into the American tariff laws, in which the duties nro never higher than are abso lutely needed to withstand foreign ' competition, ho would have seen that the rate on lead pencils is SO cents a gross and :J0 per cent ad valorem additional. This amounts to about 1 no per cent, of indispensablo protection, and hence it is clear that the Germans can undersell the Americans by fnlly that margin. Yet it is Just possible that the profound Herman mind Ik on track , of that great beauty of protection which consists in reserving tho bloss j ings of dear goods and high prices for ' Its own people, and which ruthlessly degrades the foreigner by selling hint, tho satno goods at a ruinously Uw ligare. N. Y. I'oiU