Jasper County Democrat, Volume 23, Number 24, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 19 June 1920 — THE GAME AND ITS PERILS [ARTICLE]

THE GAME AND ITS PERILS

As the full details of the senatorial plot for the presidency are disclosed, the mind is staggered at the audacity of its conception, the magnitude and comprehensiveness of its scope and the almost inconceivable cunning and devotion with which it was ex9cuted. There has never been so bald-faced an attempt to arrogate supreme power in full view of public attention or one carried out with more open and spirited defiance of popular government. It was in the hope of stopping this sort of thing that the direct primary laws were passed; but this legislation, as well as the sound popular instinct that demanded it, has had no other effect upon the wouldbe masters of all power and executive as well as legislative functions than to gain for it the passing tribute of a sneer. The primaries may alm at government by the people, but the senate aristocrats have no thought of such surrender. The spontaneous movement for Leonard Wood appeared so formidable six months ago that steps were considered necessary to defeat that popular desire. The plan was to nominate Harding. To avow such a purpose, In face of the popularity of Wood, Lowden and Johnson, would be to invite failure. So the work must be done indirectly. Enough strength before the convention must be apportioned to these respective leaders to aid them to stop each other but not to win.

To i make a long story short, Wood was openly sacrificed, Lowden was

basely betrayed, and Johnson, after he had carried out his part in contesting with Wood in the Important primary states, was swindled out of hls t Irish plank and actually told fha! his inestimably effective service in launching the campaign fund inves-* tigation had smirched himself also. Men in Michigan nominally for Wood, men in Kentucky nominally for Lowden, sardonically awaited the time when they could crucify their leader in order to put over the Harding conspiracy. The three leaders were played against each other. Eminent statesmen, secretly sworn to the senatorial enterprise, openly wailed and gnashed their teeth in sympathy with Lowden in Indiana, Wood in Kansas, Johnson in New Jersey. Unfortunately, they were aided innocently and wretchedly by deluded persons and newspapers that supposed the war between Wood and Lowden was real, instead of a mock battle', staged to destroy them both. Some of these gangsters took money from both sides; some of them kept up the pitiful pretense of loyalty to Wood or Lowden or Johnson to the last; all of them were animated by the desire that the senate band should be the president, under the name and sign of some perfectly respectable and pliable gentleman who would execute the will of those who had given him the empty honor of the nomination, would supply the money for his subsequent campaign and tell him what to do in case he should be inducted into apparent power.

Then comes the question, what to do? First, what ought to be done? To this there can be, of course, only one answer; they should be shorn of the power they have so shamelessly abused. They might be dethroned individually, even if it becomes necessary to elect a Republiccan president. What we have is an oligarchy, calling upon us to rebuke the Woodrow Wilson autocracy. At least the president was battling for an ideal. At least he offered the country a specific and definite outline of principles and policies, while the sum and substance of the senatorial anabasis is simply supreme power in their own hands. Give them a free hand and they will offer such laws and make such appointments as they see fit. It is an effort to steal the government which menaces the perpetuity of our institutions and the confidence of mankind in the integrity of public men. We know too well what they count upon to deaden all ears to the stealthy step of oligarchy, .posing as the enemy of autocratic power. Bend to the yoke, they say, or continue the unspeakable Democratic party in power; bend to the yoke or suffer under the excess profits tax; bend to the yoke or see the unions enthroned; bend to the yoke or tolerate the dread Wilson dynasty. Some of them will be fighting again to save the Union from the southern confederacy, some to escape free silver and some to restore the McKinley tariff. These things they count upon to mollify in time the resentment of honest men at the most highhanded attest to seize the government our politics has ever seen. The other question is as to what can be done. We know what ought to be done, but can it be compassed? These men have already demonstrated skill and cunning almost beyond belief. Are they also correct in their convictioq. that there is no limit to the patience with which the people will grin and bear such contumely, such plain denial of the popular desire, such mockery of free institutions, such betrayal of leaders and causes? Perhaps they are right. Perhaps the American people, like others that have trodden the thronged ways of alternating liberty and tyranny, are ready to accept an oligarchy, if only it has the daring to conceive and the resolution to execute the expedition. Then we must not overlook the misconduct that has made the opportunity ready to their hands. If the president had earned and held the confidence of the people, this adventure might have been dreamed of, but it could not have been realized. Such are the miseries of today, that we are fain to fly to the inducements held out by the buccaneers. Such blandishments are always the part of wily aspirants for power which is not rightfully theirs. Encroachments of the rule of the people are made alluring by promises of relief from burdens and false lights of supposed freedom. And always they have respectability ready to lend the atmosphere of honesty and prosperity to their cause. “Shall we have a Cicero?” By all means, the senatorial conspirator of old Rome replied; “for his silver hairs will buy men’s voices to commend our deeds.” —Indianapolis Star (Republican state organ).