Jasper County Democrat, Volume 22, Number 70, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 29 November 1919 — LEST WE FORGET [ARTICLE]

LEST WE FORGET

In Alexander Black’s great novel

"The Great Desire’’ is this: "By every contact I realize that the common expectation is of an earth transformed by this war.” We may fail to realize our expectation—and this is quite likely—but surely we dare not deny or disown it, or model our policy on the theory that it was not once a reality. Wise and brave men who have noble and gallant expectations always seek to realize them, and never let go their hold of them. Those who are now sinking back into the old cynicism, applauding —when thrown on the screen—the . old warnings against entanglement 1 In European affairs which have no more applicability than warnings qgalnst the use of steam as a mo 4 tive power, and pleading for a policy of isolation which would have 1 kept us out of the war altogether, need to remember their own state of mind when the German rush was broken at Chateau Thierry. When our wonderful army swept through the Argonne and, in compand with the British, crashed through the Hindenburg line, we all felt that the way was being paved, not for an American, but a world victory over Germany. That was the thought that was uppermost in every one’s mind. As nation after nation came into the war, it became clear that Germany was the enemy of mankind. We were fighting a system, a phllisophy of life, a culture that were believed to be a menace to humanity. We were filled with gratitude to Great Britain and France for their gallant stand against the peril, and understood that they were fighting our battle. Their cause was our cause, because it was a world cause. Well, the war was won, but tha. world victory was the crown of a world cause. And now the question is whether we shall take ourselves out of the world, and come out on the side of Germany. Astonishing as It may seem, there are some who talked very bravely during the war, who now advocate precisely that course. Perhaps they are past the reach of argument, but it may be that they are not beyond the reach of their own memoriee. They knew and they often said it,' that the world was being attacked, and was in the grawest peril. Is it yet safe? Is its great cause won? Is its victory finally clinched? dearly s the world war must end with a world peadb. We did not fight to make France safe, to give her Alsace-Lorraine, or even to make democracy safe. But we did sight ■ to make humanity safe, and were pledged to put our mighty power, not only in the fighting line, but into the reorganization of the world In order that it might enjoy that peace and safety that our efforts had done so much to bring within the field of our vision. As it was the world war against Germany then, so it is the world against Germany now. We wonder If Senator Lodge Is not often haunted by his own great swords, and whether those who are now for

holding aloof do not occasionally thrill at their own old and splendid conception of America as the saviour of the world- —Indianapolis News (Rep.) One of the most Important provisions of the peace covenant is that having to do with a reduction of armaments. This is something that men have beyn hoping and working for for many years. It was the dream of The Hague conferenced Everyone understands that nations can not (maintain mighty armies and navies without making war almost certain. With the revival of the old imperialistic spirit in Germany other nations, apart from a league, will be forced to arm. The covenant expressly provides for a limitation of armaments, binds the signatory powers to discourage the private manufacture of arms and munitions, and (pledges them to give to one another full information as to military programsThis is one of the most vital articles of Xhe covenant. But it woulfl fall to the ground if the United States should refuse to enter the league.’ With this government free to arm as heavily as it chose, and subject to no restraint, no other government would dare to limit its armaments. The limitation policy can never be put into effect except by the concurrent action of all the great powers. To defeat the league covenant, therefore, would be to start again the race for military and naval supremacy.

One of the criticisms of the peace covenant is based on the claim that it makes no provision for an international court. But it at least opens the way to it. For Article 14 provides that “the council shall formulate and submit to the members of the league for adoption plans for the establishment of a permanent court of international justice.” It will be the duty of this court “to hear and determine any dispute of an international character which the parties thereto submit to it,” and it, “may also give an advisory opinion upon any dispute or question referred to it by the council or by the assembly.” No court would be worth anything that was established by a league of which America was not a member. Here, then are two great blessings which those who would kill or greatly weaken the covenant propose to throw away. It is even doubtful whether the treaty itself could be enforced against Germany were the United States to refuse to be a party to it- This is the feeling in Germany, as shown by a correspondent of the New York Sun, a paper bitterly hostile to the covenant.