Jasper County Democrat, Volume 21, Number 24, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 22 June 1918 — Page 7

SATURDAY’, JUNE 22, 1918

BACK WILSON, SAYS MARSHALL

(Conlnned from page two)

natp pile of brickbats which were hurled directly and Indirectly at the President of the United States. This advice, for myself.l am going to take, but when I consider the opportunity offered, I, to paraphrase Lord Clive, am amazed at my moderation. All Bight-Thinking Americans. I shall not, therefore, attempt a review of the encyclopedia of Republic-' an. strength and Democratic weakness, which the Governor of Indiana presented to the convention of his party, it may be that America is not a Democracy but I shall leave that question for some future de Tocqueville to argue out with the Governor. It may be that we have no interest in the form of government which the German people may desire but, for myself, I say that we have an interest in the people who rule in Germany and that until we have stopped murder and rapine and pillage and terrorism on land and sea, theory or no theory, the house of Hohenzollern will be the common enemy of all rightthinking Americans. Theory or no theory, we are not going to let that house buy the bankrupt stock of hell and force upon unwilling and defenseless peoples all its horrors. Just what the Republican party means by saying that its purpose is to win the war now most of us do not understand. What the Democratic party stands for is to win the war as soon as it can be won and it holds that to the speedy winning of it these are the essentials: Conviction of the justice of the cause in which we are engaged; a fixed and definite end to be attained; the whole-hearted, disinterested, political and patriotic sacrifice of personal ambition, party preferment and individual success to the objects’ attainment, and confidence, absolute confidence, in the Commander-in-Chief. A thousand parties may meet and adopt a thousand patriotic platforms; the Republic may mobilize all its money, all its men and all its resources, and yet the chance of fail; ure will be great if, behind all the party platforms and mobilized strength of the Republic, you do not put the confidence of the American people in the Director-General.

History Repeating Itself. Some timid soul may say, “You are not speaking with discretion; you are giving proof of the charge in Republican speeches and papers that you look upon the war as an asset of the Democratic party.” I speak for no one but myself when I say, it will not be needful for any Republican to adduce proof that this war is an asset of the Democratic party. I count it as an asset because of our system of government and in the light of our history. I do not claim that the individual Democrat is a bit more loyal than the individual Republican but I admit that this war in serving as a party asset differs from none other in which the Republic- has engaged. The War of the Rebellion was fought by Republican and Democrat alike but it was fought under a Republican administration and by a Republican commander-in-Chief. This war is being fought by Democrats and Republicans alike but it is being fought bv a Democratic Commander-in-Chief and under a Democratic administration. That which was a Republican asset in the years of ’62, 64 and ’9B is a Democratic asset in 1918. » Some Republican politicians are doing now what some Democratic politicians did during the War of the Rebellion, boasting of their patriotism but indulging in never-ending criticism of the administration in its prosecution of the vrar. Similar criticism struck Lincoln; it was hurled at McKinley; it is now gathering in storm clouds around Wilson. Same Unselfish Loyalty. Wherever two or three Republican politicians are gathereed together, lo there are loud protestations of patriotism and devotion to the Com-mender-in-Chief, but' criticism of many things that he and his subordinates have done or. failed to do. Errors and omissions are aired, anaIvzed and magnified. These critics claim they are loyal and whole-heart-edly in support of the war, but — And in this “but” lies danger to the successful prosecution of the war. There must be no “buts,” There must be the same unselfish loyalty to -the President of the United States in this dangerous hour as was expressed by the Scottish woman for King Charles when she said she was loyal to the crown of Great Britain though that crown hung upon a gooseberry bush. These critics are the men who seemingly believe, although they have no confidence in the ability of the President of the United States to call to his aid and assistance such persons as he believes can aid him in the prosecution of this war; that they by a partisan election can hand him advisers and counsellors in whom he •will have confidence. This is humanly impossible. The President has called to bis assistance ex-President Taft, ex-Justice Hughes. Goethals, Hoover, Stettinius, Rosenwald and hundreds of individual Republicans and I have hope and confidence that he is going to call hundreds more but he calls them as individuals and not at the behest of a party caucus or a partisan election. The Real Controversy. The real controversy between the Republican politician and the President is this: The President chooses to select by hand his Republican assistants while the-organization demands that he take them machinerim.

What is lamentable in Republican organization patriotism is its duplication in American life of the Prussian idea. It is not needful to be born in Germany nor of German blood to have a Prussian mind. My complaint in the long years has been, not that the Republican party did not rule well, but that it ruled along unscientific lines. To my mind a Republican Commander-in-Chief could rule well in such a conflict as the one in which we are engaged. The Democratic Commander-in-Chief is ruling well. He has the confidence of the rank and file and of very many of the Republican leaders but he has the enmity of the Prussian Republican, the man who is cocksure that, no difference What the issue or the circumstances, the Republican party was born to rule and that all Democratic rule is bad just because it is Democratic. Let us understand that honesty and ability and loyalty are individual aiTd not partisan. I am told by way of defense, however, that protestations against the conduct of this war have come from certain Democrats and that, therefore, the assquits that have been made are not political in their character. Again history repeats itself. In the diary of George W. Julian of the day following the assassination of President Lincoln will be found these words: “Have spent most of the after- • noon ip consultation with Wade, Chandler, Covode, Judge Carter and Wilkinson, correspondent of the Tribune. * * * I like the radicalism of the members of this caucus but have not in a long time heard so much profanity. It becomes intolerably dlsguting. Their hostility toward Lincoln’s policy of conciliation and contempt for his weakness were undisguised; . and the universal feeling among radical men here is that his death is a God-send.”

The One Vital Issue. Make no mistake about it, there Is but one vital igsue in the mind of the American that is the winning of the war. It is not a Democratic war nor a Republican war but it is being fought under a Democratic administration and that administration will, in accordance with the historic mind of the Republic, be supported for many reasons by Democrat and Republican alike. The Republican party of Indiana announces that at the conclusion of the war there will arise great problems of reconstruction. It does not say what the problems will be but i' is cocksure that, whatever they may be, no brain not stamped G. O. P. can hope to cope with them. When I was continuously in Indiana the Republican party lived in the past; it now seems to live in the future; could it by any possibility be convinced that the present is the time in which to live?

It is always a dangerous thing to criticise from either language or conduct because neither may express the true motive of the man. Still there have been no other standards given to humankind when political parties go before the people. There are times when men and newspapers can be. independent. Those times are in the hours of peace. But in the hour of war no man or paper can afford to be independent. He who is not for the President is against him. Suspect the man who’is always talking about his patriotism and at the same time shedding bitter tears because he feels that his duty just forces him to point out how weak the President is in choice of men, how feeble he is in the execution of necessary military operations. I have myself been so long a partisan that I have an intense compassion for those who are seeking the weak joint in Wilson’s armor. I know how many of us there are tossed between duty and desire, who feel the urge of non-partisan patriotism and at- the same time long for the fruits of a partisan triumph, who can appreciate the Presbyterian elder’s lament that he wished he had gone to New York before he was converted. The Time for Decision. Now is the time when men must answer the question as to whether they are whole-heartedly with the Com-mander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States or whether they are with the party that is seeking mainly political preferment. Let us now see what has taken place in Indiana. In an informal letter to the Republican editors of'his state, at their meeting on January 26, the junior senator from Indiana used the following language: “The Republican party demands, and will not be denied, the right to a full share in the vigorous prosecution of the war and the establishment of American ideals, whether a partisan administration wills it or not.’ He uttered substantially the same sentiment at the recent Republican state convention. This expresses the idea of a good many office holders and office seekers in America. They conceive that the Republican party is some sort of a sentient being, capable of bearing arms and getting into the thick of the fight. The quotation contains a covert suggestion that this ferocious war machine has been rejected by some recruiting officer. It would be far more intelligible if the charge were directly made that it had been rejected and the reason for its rejection given to the Republic. No one now knows whether the Republican party has been rejected or not, and, if so,

whether It has been rejected for fiat feet, hernia or defective vision. Greathouse vs. Hays. Parties do not enlist. Men do. Comparative zeal of equally loyal men must be judged by the. relative time given by them to war and to politics. There were two state chairmen in Indiana, one Democratic, the other Republican; one gave up his political job to devote his full time to war work; the other gave up his war work in order to engage exclusively in politics and the Governor of Indiana wrote him: “I have a feeling, too, that you have found it necessary to resign as chairman of the State Council of Defense in order to perform even more important duties.” And still I suppose that it will be said by many that I am making only a miserable, partisan, Democratic speech, when I suggest that this language and this conduct indicate that the interests of the Republican party in Indiana and in the nation are far more important than the doing of everything that can be done for the winning of the war. Then this Young Lochinvar ambled out of the West upon the G. 0. P- — the Grand Old Palfry—and with force and arms seized the Lady Theodora and carried her off to that medieval castle called Republican headquarters, where he set her above the salt and introduced her as a Republican vestal virgin. But our Young Lochinvar discovered that there were large numbers of his retainers who did not believe that she was the coy nqaiden she said she was and who strangely insisted that they had seen her walking the political streets In 1912 and 1916. While he was busy, running from one end of his domain to the other, trying to convince the faithful that their suspicions were not true, the Lady Theodora, being left at home, concluded to take a hand in the war by writing letters in derogation and criticism of its management to a newspaper, which newspaper had as its managing editor a man whjj, was, at the declaration of hostilities against the imperial German government, an alien enemy of the United States, and which newspaper had published the Jtose Pastor Stokes letter and other seditious documents. Political Jockeys in Indiana.

Some men at least are going to object if she is the Republican party and if she is goifig to fight the war in this way—through the columns of the Kansas City Star and, notwithstanding her great desire to take charge of everything, they are going to insist that she shall not be permitted to do so qarlier than March 4, 1921, and not then, if God and the right shall prevail. It is time for those of us who hitherto have been known as political jockeys in Indiana to realize that the people have put out to grass the Grand Old Palfry and the historic Democratic stalking horse and that In this race for the world’s freedom stakes, neither one of them can be so doped as ever to reach the last quarter before the flag falls. One Other Incident. And now may I touch upon another incident. There is no explanation of what constitutes the Republican party of Indiana which is going, regardless of the wishes of the administration, to take a hand in this war. It is presumable, however, that the party is to be known by its leaders. A federal prisoner in this state, indicted and arrested for attempting to cause insubordination, disloyalty, etc., by making false statements and appeals on the public streets, was acquitted in Judge Anderson’s court because he was not guilty under the law. He had publicly proclaimed that "Any young man that would enlist or volunteer his services for the United States should be taken out and horse-whipped,” and that all loyal Americans should withdraw their support from the war which was being fought by the United States, he said, not in behalf of freedom or liberty but in the interest of the capitalistic class. Congress gave the country additional legislation to cover cases of this kind and on the final roll-call, the two Senators from Indiana voted against the legislation, while in the House, the Republican representatives from Indiana voted for it, and yet earlier in the same Congress, when the espionage bill was being subjected to roll-call, four of Indiana’s nine Republican representatives voted "yea” and four voted “nay,” while one did not vote at all. Who Speaks for It. Who is the Republican party of Indiana and who speaks for it. The truth is that it is much like the Democratic party in that its representatives never get together except upon election day. The senators from Indiana, faithful as they have been from their viewpoint in the discharge of their duty, can not have sat in their places without realizing that there are men upon their side of the Chamber who no more believe as they do than the most rampant Socialist in the land and yet these very men are pretending to constitute the Republican party. Does the Republican party In Indiana reject with scorn the votes of the German sympathizer in the state? If so, why didn’t it have the courage to say that this is an English-speaking people; that nothing so tends to unite a people as the use of a common language and that, in the interests of building up a cohesive American citizenship, it proposed to see to it that the German language was no longer taught in the schools of Indiana.

THE TWICE-A-WEEK DEMOCRAT

Many Are Lending Their Lives—What Arel&lf Lending? '' k Thousands of our boys are going down into the trenches today—clean-faced, determined, splendid young men—going there to battle for you. You can at least go down in your pockets for them? ■ * • I -*• Think it over —be ready on . . . < June 28th \ National War Savings Day There’s an army. Yes, a dozen armies—of stalwart, windbronzed young men standing between you and the grizzly ? Hun. These young fellows are giving their ease, their comfort, their friends and homes, their bodies, the hope of life .— giving for you—for you. You can at least lend your money for them? Prove your patriotism with dollars. National War Savings Committee a. This space contributed for the Winning of the War by ——■———■“ THE STATE BANK OF RENSSELAER

No, I hope I am mistaken, but I believe that the party is with this question as it was with prohibition—for prohibition and for the English language but keeping silent in the hope of the liberal vote and that of the German sympathizer. But One Language. A man is not a German because he has a German name or because he has German blood in him. He is a German whatever his name or blood, if he wishes the house of Hohenzollern to triumph. I, of course, want my party to win but, at the risk of being read out of it, I beg you to vote against any Democrat who is not whole-heartedly behind the President

{Keep Faith With Your Boy “Over There” When your boy was so little that all the world was a foreign country to him, he trusted you to take care of him. You sent that boy to school and to play t , and on your little errands, and with implicit faith he did your bidding. Now we have sent your boy or your neighbor’s boy out into a foreign land, into terrors that we cannot even know—and his faith has not faltered. He knows we will do our part, and we know he will do his. Are we keeping the faith? Are we scrimping and.saving and giving to help our boys do the thing that humanity has asked of them, and to help them come back to us sane and whole ? “ June 28th National War Savings Day J - Saving to help our sons is not to be called by the ugly name of duty or sacrifice, ft is love’s blessed privilege. Tsar’l National War Savings Committee " This space contributed for the Winnin* of the War by THE FIRST NATIONAL BANK RENSSELAER, INDIANA

or the United States and the way he proposes to win this war; who is not in favor of "taking the German language out of the schools of Indiana and welding into a united people, by the use of a common language, all those who dwell-within our borders. Yes, we are to have politics thi. year in Indiana, but politics this year must be patriotic as well as partisan in character, it must be the kind of politics which wholeheartedly gets behind that colossal figure of these stormy- hours, the man whom Provi donee has set upon the mountain peak of duty, desire and endeavor, with whom we can win, without whom the world's hope must perish —Woodrow Wilson. Captain- General Of the

PAGE SEVEN

Armies of Freedom. Admiral of the Seven Seas. It will not do to keep our promise to his ear and break It to h.i« hone.

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