Jasper County Democrat, Volume 14, Number 14, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 7 June 1911 — Page 2

TIE JISPER GOMTT DEIOCIRT H.uiroeiLanonioHßiiMH. OFFICIAL DEMOCRATIC PAPER OF JASPER COUNTY. Entered as Second Class Matter June 8, 1908. at the post office at Rensselaer, Indiana, under the Act of March 3, 1879. Published Wednesday and Saturday. Wednesday Issue 4 Pages; Saturday Is* sue 8 Pages. Long Distance Telephones Office 315. * Residence 311. Advertising rates made known on application. WEDNESDAY, JUNE 7, 1911.

A SPLENDID OUTING.

(Continued from Page One.)

rustic design, made of logs, is perhaps 80x100 feet in size, beautiful in its architecture and was built by the boys of the Interlakin industrial school (the school is conducted under the Rumely management. during their hours for shop work, their free time and evenings, between September 1 and the middle of November of the last school year. Satwdray morning another auto ride was taken through Laporte’s manufacturing district. The M. Rumely company is the largest employers of labor in Laporte, although there are several smaller factories there, including the large- Cable piano factory. The Rumely company have an immense plant- They manufacture tract-:n engines, threshers, gangplows, etc. and do a tremendous business. Millions of dollars are invested in the plant, and scores c-t their Oilpuli traction engines and undreds of new threshers ready for shipment to all parts of the world filled their yards. A trip through the work shops was ven- interesting, and one was impressed w ith the fact that Laporte owes much of its prosperity to the Rumely's whose public -pirit has enthused evenresident of “The Maple City’’, to do his or her part in pushing their city to the front. The ladies of Laporte gave a reception and elocutionary entertainment for the ladies of the editorial party at their Association House at 10:30 Friday morning, and at 11 o’clock the special cars were taken for Bluffside Beach, where the ladies served a fine lunch in the Pavilion. Then away to Michigan City, where Bro. Jphn B. Faulkner of the Michigan City Despatch was master of ceremonies. An hour’s ooat ride on the fine lake steamer “United States,” on Lake Michigan, by courtesy of the Indiana Transportation Co., thence on return to the boat landing, in special street cars to the state prison.

The original program was for a banquet by Warden Fogarty at 6 p. m., at the prison, but as many of the visitors were compelled to get home Saturday night and Sunday, the program had be hurried through sb that it might end at 3:15, and consequently only one hour was spent at the prison. A fine musical program was rendered in the chapel by the prison band, and a partial inspection of the prison made, the time being too short to see much. A large new building is now in course of construction there and several others are practically new, including the new cell house. The entire place is clean and well kept. After this brief inspection the entire party were ushered into the regular prisoners’ dining room, where a luncheon of ham and veal sandwiches, coffee, cheese, pickles, ice cream arid cake' was served in regular prison style. The tables run the entire length of the big room, are about 16 inches wide and the men sit on wood stools while eating their ffteals. Tables are in single line, and the food and drink is served by prison waiters passing along in front of the tables and giving to each his portion, one waiter serving coffee, another bread, etc. The change of program and cutting out of the evening banquet at the prison was a disappointment to both tje visitors and the Warden, the Latter having made arrangements to entertain his temporary guests very handsomely, but as is usual in these affairs, too much program 1 had been prqvided and it had to be curtailed. The brief visit, however, was much enjoyed and Warden Fogarty demonstrated that he can play the host to perfection. f j.‘ ■'* Returning from the prison mcst of the editorial party boarded the special traction cars .for the return home, perhaps a dozen of the party going from Michigan Cay via traction line to Gary

and Chicago and thence home via the Monon. There were present at the meeting besides the editors proper and members of their family, Governor and Mrs. Marshall: Mr. D'ehority, chief of the state board of accounts, sand ’daughter; Secretary of State and Mrs. Ellingham ; Attorney - General Honan; J. JEred.France, cldYk of the Supreme Court; Fish and Game Commissioner and Mrs. Miles; CongTessmaij H. ,A. Barnhart and several democratic members of the legislature. Arter registering each one was handed a large envelope containing a handsome metal and ribbon badge ‘ made especially f ~ the occasion, a program of the two days events and an elegantly printed s uvenir booklet of Laporte, containing some sixty pages of half-tone illustrations and reading matter descriptive ' the best little city in Indiana. This, jog, was gotten out, especially for the editorial meeting, and the work, which was done b * the Argus-Bulletin. reflects much credit n that shop’s ability to turn out a handsome piece of printing. The mid-summer meeting of the Indiana democratic editors is given up principally to having a good time, and this was no exception. It i- . but proper that a big vote of thanks should be tendered Mayor Darrow and editor Darling of Laporte, and all others who helped to make this meeting such an enj yabie one.

DO YOU WANT LIGHTNING PROTECTION?

I sell the largest and best lightning conductors that are made. I also handle the copper cable at the following prices: 28 strand, pure copper. 7’Sc per foot; 32 strand, 9c; 40 strand, extra large. 12} jc. If you are interested, call and see me or write me at Rens-selaer.—-F. A. Bicknell.

TO FRIENDS OF THE DEMOCRAT.

Instruct your attorneys tc bring all legal notices in which you are interested in or have to pay for to The Democrat, and thereby save money and do us a favor that will be much appreciated. All notices —administrator, executor, or gua'dian—survey, sale of real estate, non-resident notices, ditch and highway notices, etc., the clients themselves control and attorneys will take them to the paper you desire for publication, if you mention the matter to them; otherwise they will take them to their own political organs. Please do not forget this when having any legal notices to publish. Glasses flitted by

FARMS FOR SALE.

165 acres, one mile from court house, on stone road, n..' R., telephone in house. This farm is all black soil in cultivation. A large tile crosses this farm with many laterals, giving it good drainage. There is a large 11-room house; large barn, double cribs, and other outbuildings; all in good condition. There is a good well, windmill, and large bearing orchard. This is a good farm and a desirable hom<* and will be sold at right prices. 80 acres, all cultivated, good house and barn, chicken house, good well, good outlet for drainage, on pike road, R. R., telephone and near school. Will sell on easy terms or will take trade as first payment. 161 acres, all good land, 15 acres timber, remainder cultivated, and in meadow. There’ if a four-room house, outbuildings.' new fancing. large ditch, and some tile drainage. Mortgage $4,800. which has some time to run. Owner will sell on easy terms or trade his equity. 600 acres, three miles from good business town, near gravel road. 400 acres in cultivation and meadow, 20 0 acres pasture. There is a large eight-room house, large bank barn, double cribs, windmill good well. There is a large dredge ditch 'just built that passes within a few rods of this farm that gives it a fine outlet for drainage. This is a fine grain and stock farm. Price right. Will take up to $15,000 in good trade. 160 acres, in Polk county. Arknear Oklahoma line, and five miles from railroad. This land lies well and is productive ’ soil. Will trade clear and pay difference." 80 acres at a bargain, on easy terms, five miles out. . 25 acres at a bargain on easy terms. On main road near large ditch; has four-room house. 21 acres, fine black soil, five blocks from court house, cement walks and good well; sell at a bargain. 160 acres in the wheat belt of Kansas. Will trade clear for property or land here and pay difference. G. F. MEYERS.

DR. A. G. CAT! Optometrist Rensselaer, Indiana. V 065 ce over Long’s Drug Store. Phone No. 232.

CONSTITUTION IN PLAIN LANGUAGE

Soiernor Marshall Explains Proposed Changes. BESS PEOPLE TO INVESTIGATE In an Addreaa Before the State Democcratic Editorial Association the Governor Sets Out Very Plainly the Meaning of the Movement to Give Indiana a New Constitution. Laporte. Ind.. June 2. —Speaking to the subject of "The New Constitution and the Old." Governor Thomas R. Marshall, in his address before the members of the Indiana Democratic Editorial Association in this city this afternoon, presented his views on a subject which just now is attracting wide attention throughout the state. The governor said in part: "Perhaps you have observed that I; have consistently refrained from answering charges and criticisms. 11 shall continue this custom. • If the truth deserves criticism, no apology will prevent it. When falsehoods are uttered, they contain the virus of their own destruction. I say this that you may not think I am here to apologize for anything I had to do with the new constitution. I propose to give only a > brief explanation of the reasons for : its presentation to the people and to explain in the language of the commoo man every particular in which it I differs from our present constitution. There - is no mystery connected with its presentation and no difficulty in understanding its provisions. Begs People to Investigate.

“I am not of those who believe that the people should follow men Instead of principles. For nearly three years, whenever it has been opportune. I have begged the people to investigate questions for themselves and to follow no man when he seeks to lead them out of the beaten path of orderly and constitutional government and strives to impress upon them his particular views regardless of the common good. The man who injects his personality into a contest is very likely to become dangerous. Most reformers are busily engaged in preventing people from doing the things which the reformer himself does not like and in compelling people to do things of which the reformer is enamoured. I am not responsible that the proposed new constitution is called the "Tom Marshall constitution.’* It is a name given to it to ridicule it. It is to be laughed out of existence, not because of what it contains, but because I happen to be connected with its presentation. It would be well for us to realize that the business of ar American is to have a mind of his own; to gather together facts and not fancies, and then, with a patriotic judgment, to determine whether a proposal is one which will inure to the common good without being subversive of our principles of government. It is in such a spirit that I desire to present to you the conditions which led to the presentation of the new constitution to the sober consideration of the voters of Indiana. Power to Alter Constitution. At the outset I say frankly that if this new constitution deprives the people of Indiana of any measure of their government and lessens their hold upon public affairs, it ought to be rejected at the polls. Upon the other hand, if ft gives the people a better form of government, and one not inconsistent with Federal principles, if it enables them to take better control of their own affairs and tends to clarify and purify politics in Indiana, it should be adopted by the people regardless of whence it came or how it found its way before them. “As to the legal phasdte I may not properly speak. A suit has been brought to determine whether a free people can alter and reform their constitution. My belief in the right of the judiciary to act unhampered by executive interference is so strong as to preclude any discussion by me of the law involved in that suit. The legal procedure I pass by therefore, resting content with the belief that we have, in some way, full, power to alter and reform our constitution.

“The pending litigation limits me to a consideration of the reasons which led up to the presentation of the new constitution and the differences between it and the present document. The constitution of 1816 provided that every twelve years thereafter a rote should be taken by the people of the State to determine whether or not a constitutional convention should assemble, and that if a majority voted favorably a convention should be called. In the regular order of periods, the rote should have been taken in the year 1825. ’ Yet, in the annual message to the Legislature of 1849, Governor Whitcomb declared there was need of reforms in the document, and upon his recommendation a constitutional convention was called.. That convention took up, first, the question of its own legal distance, and, secondly, whether a twelve-year clause should be repeated in the new document. The constitution, upon being submitted to the people. was

adopted and became. In 1851, the organic, law of Indiana. It baa remained each until thia day. It contains no statement whatever ae to the manner tn which a new constitution may be adopted by the people. That omission had led to different theories as to bow, if at all, we can ever get a new constitution. Some have contended that it must be by a constitutional convention authorized by the general assembly; others, that it must be by a convention called by the people: and still others, among whom are distinguished lawyers, have contended that nothing can be done except to amend the present document tn the manner prescribed by it. "One thing is sure: the document was not is tended to prevent the people from promoting the commonweal. Its sole purpose was to preserve the inalienable rights of man and to furnish the best working model for the administration of public affairs consistent with the needs and demands of the age. It has a very unusual clause, however, with reference to the presentation of amendments. It requires that an amendment must first be proposed and passed by one general assembly, that it must then pass a second general assembly and then be presented to the qualified voters of the state for adoption or rejection. To be accepted or rejected, a majority of ail the votes cast at the election must be recorded either for or against It, and while one amendment is pending no new amendment can be presented. From time to time we have had amendments proposed and from time toNinae they have neither been adopted nor rejected, because a majority of all the votes cast at the election was not received for or against. At the last general election, for the third time, the lawyers' qualification amendment was not ratified, although it received a very large majority of those voting upon it.

A Bar to Amendments. “Therefore, those who were desirous of equal suffrage found themselves unable to present such an amendment to the legislature; those who believed tn state-wide prohibition likewise could not: nor could those who believed in the initiative, referendum and recall. Each proposed reform or change found itself suddenly stepped. It was suggested to me that an act authorizing a special election upon the question of the qualifications of attorneys should be. passed. I found, upon investigation, that the expense of such an election would not be less than SIOO,OOO. I also fotmd that in no possible event could the people vote upon any change in their organic law at any regular election earlier than 1914. “I had become convinced, in talking with thoughtful men throughout the state, that there undoubtedly were certain changes in the constitution which would meet the approval of right thinking men regardless of their political views. I had also become convinced that it would cost much to hold a constitutional convention and that a convention might never agree upon a document to be presented to the people. I found that the expense of the constitutional convention of 1851 was $82,536.57, and this at a time when everything was more cheaply done than at present and when the compensation of the members was limited to $3.00 per diem. With various views touching equal suffrage, state-wide prohibition, the initiative, referendum and recall, commission form of government for cities, etc., extant, the result of a convention at the present time would be, I concluded, greatly in doubt. I believed then as I do now that such a convention would be fraught with great danger and would shake the state into a passion by the bitterness which the various advocates of proposed reforms would display. I could not see how it would be otherwise than that political rancor and party spirit would very largely enter into the personnel of the convention. I think I was right, for a large number of partisans now are assaulting the new constitution, not by reason of any change in our system of government which it contains, but because of a desire to ruin the standtag of the governor of Indiana with the people of his state. I am convinced that if a constitutional convention did succeed in presenting a new document that the document itself would be rendered uncertain or unwise by the intensity of political prejudices. Such a convention would be long drawn out and expensive. I could not figure the expense at less than $450,00° —nearly a half million pt the people’s money—to depend upon a mere chance.

Faith in Majority's Good Sense. “It therefore impressed me that to spend $106,000 to dispose of the question of the lawyers’ qualifications and wait until 1914 to submit another amendment, or to spend a half million dollars and take the 1 chance of a constitutional convention submitting a document which would meet with approval. would be unwise, bad financially and bad politically for the people of the state. “The expense and doubts involved led to the course adopted. When the legal battle has cleared away, if the document remains for adoption or re" jection.then partisan antagonists with fine-toothed combs will be attacking this phrase and that phrase and endeavoring to defeat adoption. Notwithstanding all which will come to pass. I still have an abiding faith in the judgment and good sense of a majority ot the people of Indiana regardless of politics. I believe that the document itself will be examined in the light of the needs of today and of the evils which it seeks to correct. . I

have not a right to ask anything personal of the people of Indiana, out I have a right to aak, and do ask, that this document receive thoughtful, patriotic and unprejudiced consideration from every man who wants the best things for Indiana. “American constitutions are much the same in their character, and before the people come to vote upon this document they will ascertain in what particulars it differs from the one under which we are now living. It will be presented to them at an expense of jiot to exceed $2,000 plus the expense of litigation, for which I am not to blame. If it does not suit the people they will be in no worse condition than now; if it does suit them and they adopt it, it will open the way for the presentation and speedy settlement of other proposed reforms in , government. Let me now epitomize the differences between the old constitution and the new. Compulsory Compensation Law.

“It has been conceded that a workman’s compulsory compensation law for Injury or death occurring in hazardous employments Is a necessity of modern industrial life. It has been denied that under our present constitution such a law could be enacted. The new constitution gives the general assembly authority to enact such a law and to define what constitutes hazardous employment. Let the employers and the employes in the light of their experience consider this point and determine if it is not the thing both sides need and which without additional expense will very measurably relieve present galling conditions. "The taking of private property for public purposes is an exercise of what is known as the right of eminent domain. At present the state when taking exclusively for state purposes can do so without compensation first being assessed and tendered. The new constitution provides that this may be deme only in the case of necessity. “Relative to the suffrage question, an Inherent mistake.is made by many well-meaning people who approach It upon the theory that suffrage is an inalienable right of mankind. This is not true. Men and women are entitled to life, to liberty, and to the pursuit of happiness, but they are not entitled, inherently, to the right to vote. Suffrage is granted to that class of citizens which it is deemed will use that right most wisely for all. There is no j particular reason why twenty-one years should be designated as the age I when a male should begin voting save that the common judgment of mankind Is that the average man reaches his maturity then. There is no particular reason why a man should hold a certain term of residence before voting save that it is deemed wise fpr him thus to reside in order to properly acquaint himself with political and social conditions. The constitution of 1816 required every person to be a citizen of the United States before he could vote. Our present constitution permits a foreigner who has b*een in America one year and declared his intention to become a citizen of the "United States to vote, provided he possesses the residential qualifications. This change from the constitution of 1816 to the constitution of 1851 was made for the purpose of attracting immigrants to the state of Indiana. It is common knowledge, based not upon theory but upon actual experience. that the unrestrained granting of the right of franchise to mankind at large has proven to be one of the dangerous experiments in government Conditions in Indiana have changed since 1861, and there has come into the state a vast number of foreigners, mere wayfarers, who, with the aid of skillful political manipulators, have defiled the purity of the ballot and have become a menace to our civilization. I have the greatest respect for the foreigner who comes to Indiana and wants to be one among us, but If the high school boy and the Intelligent woman cannot vote, I think we should require him to become a citizen of the United States before voting. Reorganization of Legislature.

“The new constitution provides that every voter must live twelve months in Indiana, must be a citizen of the United States of twenty-one years or upward, must have the township and precinct residential qualifications and must have paid his poll tax for the current year and the preceding year without delinquency. It also provides that after Nov. 1, 1913, there shall be registration and that thereafter there shall be admitted to registration no person who cannot read any section of the constitution of the United States in English or some other known tongue.

“Under the new constitution the senate will be composed of the same number erf members as now and elected In the same way. The house of representatives shall never exceed 130 members. Each county is to have one representative, first, because each county deserves one, and, secondly, to prevent the shameless gerrymandering of the state, which has been ddne by both parties when in power. The surplus representation is to be deter mined by dividing the total population of the state as given by the national census by ninety-two and by giving each county an additional representative for each full quota and fractional surplus of a half-quota. This will also save the expense of enumerations. The new constitution provides that the sessions shall extend not exceeding 100 days and that the governor may at any time by proclamation call a special session for a specific purpose or for specific! purposes, but for a liitnfttime not to exceed thirty days. There can be no local or special laws, as the

constitution now provides, save special charters for different cities. “The new document requires a three-fifths vote of the members elected to each house rather than a bare majority to pass a measure over the veto; and it provides that the governor may veto any individual item or items in an appropriation bill while approving the bill as a whole. State and county officials, except judges, are all given a four years’ tenure of office, and no person except a judge is eligible to more than four years in any period of eight. This eliminates the playing of politics for re-election and enables the officer to devote his time exclusively to the duties of his office. I know no reason why the clerk, auditor and recorder should be elected for four years and the sheriff, coroner and surveyor for two. “Great’ tonfusion has arisen from our judicial decisions, and a spirit of envy and discontent is traceable to the existence of both a supreme and an appellate court. These courts now consist of eleven judges. The new constitution proposes that'there shall be a supreme court of eleven judges. This would enable us to abolish the appellate court and prevent confusion in our decisions. Initiative, Referendum and Recall. “The new constitution provides that on petition of twenty-five per centum of the qualified voters of the state the general assembly may adopt laws providing for the initiative, referendum and recall, both of state and local application, but that no bill for the recall of the judiciary shall ever be passed. “We would better find out before we Inevitably yield our consent to the initiative, referendum and recall of officers, except judges, that the fault is not with the people as much as it is with the legislator. It may be well to ascertain whether the people’s government has been wrested from them or whether they have voluntarily given it away. It might pay to determine whether it is necessary to destroy it in order to recover it. As its recovery must lie wholly by peaceable means, it may be advisable to ascertain what are the advantages of the new over the old before adopting them. Experiments are being tried in other states. Let us watch their results, adopt them if good, avoid them if evil. “But I am one of those who believe that theories must inevitably go down in the face of conditions. Therefore, I am in favor of putting this guidepost in the constitution, of our state to warn the legislator that his business is to serve the people; that he is not in office as the hired attorney of corporations or any class of citizens to procure enactments which will be for their special benefit; to warn him that there is a point beyond which he dare not go, and that if he we are going to demand, regardless of all our preconceived theories of government, that he give us a chance to reject those things which we believe to be vicious and to adopt good legislation which we believe he has refused to pass for us. This is conservative in its character. It is intended only as a warning and yet it may be made use of as a safety appliance in the event of danger. I cannot well see how it will fail to meet with the approval of the people of Indiana.

An Indefeasible Right. “Under the new constitution the general assembly may provide for the qualifications of persons admitted to the practice of law. In the present constitution every person of good moral character is entitled to practice. The new constitution provides that an amendment may be proposed by a< general assembly and immediately voted upon by the people of the state and that it shall become a part of the constitution if a majority of the electors voting upon it vote favorably. A political party may declare for or against an amendment and have -the amendment printed as a part of its ticket. It Is provided, too, that no new constitution shall ever be submitted until after a constitutional convention has been held. It may be thought that this is an unusual provision. It must not be forgotten, however, that the present constitution totally lacks any clause for the calling of a constitutional convention. Therefore, the legislature is the only body which could present a new constitution. It must not be forgotten also that the , new constitution can be amended —while the old seems impossible of amendment. Nor must it be forgotten that as many amendments as the legislature desires to submit may be submitted to the voters of the state at one and the same time. “My countrymen, It is your Indefeasible right as declared from the beginnings of this government to alter and reform your constitution. It has never been surrendered by you; it could not be taken away from you by your fathers. It is yours here and now to exercise as seems best to you. That right is solemnly stated In your present document. Your present document is unamendable by reason of its conditions and the decision of the supreme court. “The changes are few. They are conservative In their character. When adopted by you, it will give all those who have special views and Ideas an opportunity to voice those views and to obtain, If they can, the consent of the general assembly to the presentation of those views by way' of amendment, for adoption or rejection by the people. So reasonable are these changes that it has been claimed that they are but amendments, and that the people, therefore, must not vote upon them. I cannot with propriety discuss this legal question.”