Jasper County Democrat, Volume 11, Number 41, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 24 October 1908 — Page 2

JASPER COUIT HU. 1. 1. UKKt, illlli 111 HILIIBI SATURDAY, OCTOBER 24, 1908. 41.60 PER YEAR IN ADVANCE. Official Democratic Paper of Jasper Comity. Published Wednesdays and Saturdays. Entered as Second-Class Matter June 8. 1408, at the post office at Rensselaer, tad., under the Act of March 3, 1878. Office on Van Rensselaer Street. * Long Distance Telephones: Office 815. . Residence 811. Advertising rates made known on application.

NATIONAL TICKET.

Fer President WILLIAM J. BRYAN. For Vice-President, JOHN W. KERN. STATE TICKET. Governor THOMAS R. MARSHALL. Lieutenant-Governor FRANK J. HALL. Secretary of State JAMES F. COX. Auditor of State MARION BAILEY. Treasurer of State JOHN ISENBARGER. Attorney General WALTER J, LOTZ. Reporter Supreme Court BURT NEW. Judge Supreme Court M. B. LAIRY. Judge Appellate Court E. W. FELT. State Statistician P. J. KELLEHER. Supt. Public Instruction ROBERT J. ALEY. COUNTY TICKET. Member of Congress WILLIAM DARROCH, of Newton County. State Senator, Counties of Jasper, Newton, Starke and White, ALG IE J. LAW, of Newton County. Representative, Counties of Jasper and White, GUY T. GERBER of Jasper County. Treasurer ALFRED PETERS of Marion tp. Recorder CHARLES W. HARNER of Carpenter tp. Sheriff WILLIAM I. HOOVER of Marion tp. Surveyor FRANK GARRIOTT of Union tp. Coroner DR. A. J. MILLER of Rensselaer. Commissioner, Ist Dist. THOMAS F.'MALONEY of Kankakee tp. Commissioner 3rd Diet. GEORGE B. FOX of Carpenter TOWNSHIP TICKETS. Carpenter —GEORGE BESSE Trustee; JAMES H. GREEN, Assessor. Gillam—JOHN W. SELMER Trustee. Marion EDWARD HERATH, Trustee; JAMES DONNELLY, Assessor. Milroy-CHARLES M. SMITH Trustee; WILLIAM E. CULP, Assessor. Union—ISAAC KIGHT Trustee; SOL. NQRMAN. Assessor. Hanging Grove—WM. R. WILLITS, Trustee; CHARLES LEFLER, Assessor. Walker—DAVlD M. PEER, Trustee; JOSEPH FENZIL, Assessor. Jordan—WM. WORTLEY, Trustee; FRANK NESSIUS, Assessor. Kankakee—WlLLlAM FITZGERALD, Trustee; JOHN BEHLES. Assessor. Newton—E, P, LANEyTrustee; JOSEPH THOMAS, Assessor. Barkley—THOMAS M. CALLAHAN. Trustee; JOHN NORMAN, Assessor. Whedtfleld- S. D. CLARK, Trustee; HENRY MISCH, Assessor.

Jasper Guy or Remington makes farm loans at 5 per cent interest with no commission but office charges. Write Mm.' ts For Sale:—A Surveyor's Outfit. Wm. H. Churchill, one block north if the depot. Rensselaer, Ind. The highest market price for your m and butter. CHICAGO BARGAIN STORB.

ROOSEVELT AND THE TRUSTS.

De They Want a “Chans*7" —How the t Tariff Comes In. President Roosevelt's last letter t# Mr. Bryan, under date of Sept. 27, han an Important bearing on the tariff, now the foremost issue of the campaign. Mr. Roosevelt enumerates among the achievements of his admiuistratlou the collecting of over $150,000 in fines from the American Sugar company, $15,000 from each of four packing compaulwrDud the prosecution of other the 'Standard Oil compalifg J wT>ose case is still pending. Much light upon the relations between these trusts and the administration Is shed by facts marshaled by one of Mr. Roosevelt's supporters, Mr. H. E. Mlles, who describes himself as a "protectionist, a manufacturer and a Republican.” Mr. Mlles, who is chairman of the tariff committee of the National Association of Manufacturers, In a recent pamphlet bn “Tariff Making” says that the tariff “dicker” of the federal government “with the sugar trust has cost the (people of the United States $200,000,000 In the past ten years." In view of these undeniable tariff favors as compared with about $150,000 in fines the American Sugar company is still somewhat In the debt of Roosevelt “deeds” and, prlma facie, not likely to desire a change. Though the tariff was passed under McKinley, Roosevelt has not recommended a withdrawal by his administration from the “dicker," Again, Mr. Miles, commenting on the fact that Standard Oil products, while nominally on the free list, are by a tariff trick heavily protected, says this “petroleum Joker has cost the country another $200,000,000, government Investigation showing that American petroleum Is sold in foreign markets for 30 to 50 per cent below the price charged to domestic consumers.” Even if the government should collect the Landis fine of about $29,000,000, which seems unlikely, the Standard Oil company would appear to be no loser through the sum total of the administration’s “policies,” its tariff debits largely overbalancing the “tine” credits. The president does not mention any fining or prosecution of the steel trust, but only a permission by the; administration of its swallowing a rival company. He says the smaller company strongly desired to be swallowed and that this prevented "widespread disaster,” , But Mr. Miles, discovering no inconsiderable disaster in the tariff tributes levied by this trust, says, “The steel people have taken in the last ten years from $300,000,000 to $500,000,000 of the people’s money.” Mr. Roosevelt says, “If they violate the law in connection with any act of the steel corporation I will Immediately proceed against them.” Has it never occurred to the president or his attorney general that a number of legally Independent steel companies probably conld not consistently hold up to S2B per ton the price of steel rails, which all admit can be made for sl4 or less, if there were not between them an agreement in restraint of trade and competition? Have not these conspirators held meetings in New York from time to time, with no attempt at concealment, secure In the knowledge that the ’government, which sold them the $30,000,000 to $50,000,000 of tariff graft per year, would permit them to bank it without molestation? In the Dingley schedules as a whole, against which the president has uttered no protest, Mr. Mlles sees “the robbery of the public, as the supreme court defines it. of $500,000,000 per year.” Upon these schedules scores of trusts fatten without even she thought of a fine or a prosecution. Some years ago the president said that there is no connection between the trust question and the tariff, and the practice of his administration has been consistent with that transparent fallacy, which lias led him to attempt to punish sonic trusts for doing what the tariff encourages them all to do. A promised tariff revision to he made by his party, presumably through CanPayne. Dalzell and Fordnoy in thenouso and Aldrich, Burrows, Platt. Penrose and Hopkins In the senate. Is not calculated to inspire the tariff sheltered trusts with a desire for a change of parties. JESSE F. ORTON.

He Can’t Get the Steak.

—De Mar in Philadelphia Record.

Can't Stand Cannon.

"They stood brutally pat on the tariff,” complains Collier’s Weekly, a Republican Journal, which, while supporting the national ticket with many a wry face, cannot stand for Cannonism and is working vigorously for the defeat of the stand pat speaker.

"LABOR COST" PLEA

Discredited by History and by • Present Day Facts. MONOPOLY’S “LAST DtTCH.” Hod. John De Witt Warner of New York Writes on the Tariff Issue In This Campaign—Wages Higher Because of Labor’s Intelligence and Country's Resources.

According to the Republican plat form, the "true principle of protec tlon” requires “such duties as wil equal the difference between the cost of production at home and abroad, together with a reasonable profit to American industries.” The addition of “a reasonable profit” is new in the history of tariff discussion and Ride feasible from any standpoint. If a protected American industry is put on a perfectly even footing with foreign competitors by equalization of the costs of production through tariff duties it certainly can find no Just basis for any further demand. Let us consider for a moment the claim that protective duties are needed to equalize the costs of production. This term Is generally understood to refer chiefly to “labor cost.” It is said that without “protection” our labor will be reduced to the level of underpaid foreign labor. The pretexts for the establishment of our high tariff were the greater costs of production caused by the civil war Internal revenue taxes and the Insuffi dent supply of labor left after the raising of Immense armies. These pretexts having been snatched from the employer by the abolition of the internal revenue taxes except those on spirits, by the disbanding of the armies and the introduction of foreign laborers on an enormous scale, the protected interests have rallied about the labor cost of production, not because, of the Inherent strength of this position, but because It is their last ditch. There is reason to suspect that it is because -they have felt more and more the Shallowness of this fortification, that they have now attempted to eke out their defense with the false and awkward breastworks of “reasonable profits.” The argument founded on differences In labor cost has no basis of fact to support it. The allegations on which it is based are simply not true. The question is not as to the daily wage of the American laborer as compared with foreign rates of wages, but as to the labor cost in a given product, and there is admittedly no considerable “protected” industry in w’hich the efficiency of our labor and the enterprise of our inventors have not reduced the labor cost well below that In any competing foreign industry. Alexander Hamilton, the first apostle of “protection” In America, said nothing of higher wages or “standard of living” as a basis of a permanent protective policy. His plea was merely for a temporary inducement to capital for the purpose of accelerating our development along natural lines. He explained that the somewhat higher wages then paid in America, especially in agriculture, would become equalized with European wages by importation of the best and cheapest labor from European factories. He even argued that numerous factories would make it possible to utilize the work of women and young children more completely thpn was possible in agriculture. Later, in like manner, Henry Clay asked for a tariff in the interest, not of labor, but of manufacturing employers He pointed out that ingenuity in the construction of machinery and adroitness in its use, together with large natural stores of raw materials, more than counterbalanced the lower wages of lal»or in Great Britain, “if they really existed." After capital had thus had its “temporary Inducement” the United States in 1846 abandoned the theory of “protection,” reducing duties toward a revenue basis, and in 1857 most of the remaining “protection” was removed. The high tariff of the civil war, adopted chiefly to allow the manufacturers of the country to get back from the people at large such taxes as the former had been compelled by the Internal revenue system to pay for the support of the government, was accompanied by another measure about which little was said—the contract labor law of 1864. Under the guidance of Mr. Sherman in the senate and Mr. Morrill lu the house this labor law. demanded by the manufacturers, was put through. It provided for -official advertisement throughout Europe for laborers to come to the United States and gave assistance to American em ployers contracting for laborers abroad for the Repress purpose of reducing wages herc. scr tbab the ypterars of our armies returning at the <lose of the war found their jobs gone and were forced to compete with contract labor.

This brief historical outline shows that the “higher wages” argument as the basis* of the demand for tariff duties is merely an afterthought laid bold of as a drowning man snatches at a straw because nothing else is left. Does “protection” raise wages? As already noted, wages are not high here when amount and quality of product are (taken Into account. But the real question in, Why are money wages high here? In 1773 Adam Smith, noting the difference in money wages between British and American workmen, concluded that “plenty of good land and liberty to manage their own affairs in their own way seemed to be the two great causes of tlje prosperity of all new countries. Every colonist,” said he.

r »has more land than he can possibly rultlvate. He is, therefore, eager to secure laborers from all quartei3 nod to reward them with the most liberal wages.” Alexander Hamilton noted-the same fact and explained it in the same way, while Clay, reasoning on the same that, though wages might ‘Till on account of the importation of foreign labor, yet “the extent and fertility of our lands constitute an adequate security against an excess to manufactures and also against oppression on the part of capitalists toward the laboring portions of the community”—in other words, that our unprotected industries would always be a protection to labor against the oppression of protected capital.’ In late years wages have advanced more rapidly in Great Britain than to the United States, and the same was true in Germany until her tariff legislation of recent years. This result, coincident with extremely high and increasing “protection” in America, suggests one of the open secrets of the general advance in wages. Another is suggested by the fact that the constantly improving physical and mental condition of the world’s workingmen has made their hands and heads more efficient in production and themselves more plucky to insist upbn an equitable share. In this country, about the only one whose'lnhabitants have never as a whole been hungry, whose children have never as a whole been wretched and whose women have never as a whole sunk under unwomanly labor, the result—the greatest prosperity since the sun shone upon Eden—ls due to our free soil and the of Providence, neither of which waited for or came through.the custom house. JOHN DE WITT WARNER.

TARIFF SUPPORTS THE TRUST

Cleveland’a Secretary of the Interior Speaks on Paramount Issue, i It is useless for representatives of the Republican party to declare hostility to trusts while they maintain the protective tariff. The protective tariff which they made and which they support makes and supports the trust. The trusts, with their tariff protected monopoly, control the raw materials and therefore hold at their mercy the manufacturers as well as consumers. Individual enterprise Is artificially checked, and the reasonable chances of the average man are deatßiyed.___._ ______ _ For a long time an effort has been made to deceive the laborer with the claim that a protective tariff was intended to protect his wages against foreign pauper labor. With the combination of protected industries destroying competition among employers, with no restriction against pauper labor coming to take the laborer's job, with inflated stock and bond issues absorbing the profits from Increased prices brought about by the tariff, this argument has failed. At last the Republican party pathetically admits that the high tariff is to give profits to those who hold the watered Stocks of the tariff protected trusts. The Democratic party not only represents the financial Interest of the people on this question, but it represents the moral side. It is morally wrong to permit one class to tax another class. It is morally wrong for a few to destroy domestic competition by the aid of laws which cut off foreign competition and then to charge excessive prices for commodities so necessary to commerce, to industrial pursuits and even to daily living. The law may make it legal. It cannot make it right.—Governor Hoke Smith of Georgia in Letter to New York World.

Solving the Acrostic.

—De Mar lu Philadelphia Record.

Fake Prosperity.

The steel trust denies that it will spend >6,000,000 in wages before election, chiefly in Ohio, Indiana. Illinois and West Virginia, for the purpose of I giving work to 100,000 idle men whose i employment is not Justified by trad I conditions. But the “financial man” of the New Yoyk Journal of Commerce | Says that this stbry “comes from a Source that is always interesting and often right.” It Is pointed out that i< this should result in keeping the high tariff party in power It might be the beat possible “investment,” which is not k wild guess in view of the fact that the trust annually takes from the people many times $6,000,000 purely as a result of the high duties on steel and iron. In past campaigns direct 'contributions were the rule. Now a I monopoly corporation can use It* stockholders’ money in creating a pre 'election prosperity. ■

GREED WED TARIFF

Public Interest Ignored In the Dingley Schedules. THE PROOF HAS LEAKED OUT I ■. “ ■ JU 1 • X Professor Edward A. Ross, Economist and Author, Now at Wisconsin University, Says Principle, Not Party Contributions, Must Control. The question of tariff revision is not a covert attack on protection. The thirteen inch guns of the protectionfree trade controversy need not be wheeled into line in this fight. For some of us the point is this: It is well known now that the present tariff was framed at a time when special interests held the national legislature with a grip that is shocking to contemplate. Enough has leaked out to prove that tn the making of the schedules the greedy, alert private interest had its way, whereas the general public interest was consistently ignored. Now that the people are awake to the importance of protecting vast diffused interests against the aggressions of small concentrated interests, as is evidenced by meat inspection, pure food laws, anti-child labor legislation, corporation control, forestry and conservation, they demand that the schedules imposed upon them Ln those evil times of favoritism be overhauled by men alive to the public interest and recast according to some principle. Almost any rational principle will lead to a tariff more acceptable than the unresisted thrust of selfish interests that shaped the Dingley tariff. A system of protective duties honestly built up on the principle of allowing for the difference in labor cost between the United States and competing countries would be infinitely preferable to schedules dictated to many instances by the heavy contributors to the party chest in the campaign of 1896. EDWARD ALSWORTH ROSS.

ABOUT POTTERY.

Mr. Taft’s “For instance” Has an Ominous Look. Mr. Taft has at last made one specification bn the tariff. To his statement that some schedules must be revised up, some down, he now adds that “pottery” should be revised up. If he knows any duty that should be scaled down to give the people relief from monopoly prices he has not mentioned it. Pottery is to go up, though plain wfre now bears a duty of 55 per cent and decorated ware 60 per cent, and Imports of both arte discouraged by freight charges of perhaps 10 per cent. The New York Times, supporting Taft under protest, shows that as the tariff duty “is imposed on packings and no allowance is made on broken wares” the “protection” enjoyed by pottery, including costs of Importation, Is from 75 to 100 per cent before the wares reach the consumer; further, that the pottery industry “is firmly established, widespread, varied In products, highly developed, in machinery and methods and perfectly capable of bolding the home market against all comers Without protection.” The Times remarks that Mark Hanna tried to work this same increase of pottery duties into the Dingtey bill, but failed to “deceive even the senators who were eager to be deceived if It could be done plausibly.” No wonder the Times asks why Mr. Taft cannot let the tariff alone.

PAST PROMISES BROKEN.

Paper Friendly to Taft Doubts Good Faith of Party. That the Republican party should have promised tariff revision in its platform is conclusive evidence that the demand for some change has been far stronger than it ever was before. That the demand for revision to which the convention listened is a demand for lower duties hardly admits of question. That the convention intended to promise that is a very different matter. Twelve years ago the Republican party promised reciprocity, and eleven years ago it enacted a..tariff law with special provisions in authorization and rates of duty for reciprocity, but the senate has killed all the treaties negotiated under it. Certain manufacturers are already preparing to descend upon congress next spring with demands for higher duties, and there is plenty bf evidence that the party leaders if successful will feel that they have complied sufficiently with the convention promises If they enact a double tariff, the Dingley rates constituting the minimum and. substantial prohibition constituting the maximum.—New York Jom-nal lHf Commerce. ;

Height of Impudence.

The New York Evening Post, although supporting Taft, takes no stock in the prosperity panic argument. It says: “We agree with Mr. Bryan that for the Republicans to predict that his election will bring on panic and hard times is the height of impudence. That cry was raised against the Democrats In 1896, 1900 and 1904. But after more than ten years of undisputed Republican ascendency we had one of the worst panics in our history, and the hard times are still upon us. Under these circumstances the Republican orators might Interest their hearers more by explaining why the miraculous intelligence and administrative skill of the Republicans failed to save us ” ■ fz ■■

Don’t Wear Any Kind and All Kinds of Glasses And do your eyes harm, wh&i you can have your eyes tested by latest methods by a permanently located and reliable Optometrist. Gias sfrom $2 up. Office over Long’s Drug Store. Appointments made by telephone, No. 232. DR. A. G. CATT OPTOHETRIST Registered and Licensed on the State Board Examination and also graduate of Optical College.

REN BBELAER > TIME table. In Effect June 14, 1908. , SOUTH BOUND. —Louisville Mall (dailv) in-kb » N039~m 1 % POl,s Mall NO.B9—Milk accomm. (dally) n*4o S reNo. 3—Louisville Ex (daiiv) ivns R’ S’ N 0.31— Fast Mail. :.. * 7777' ™- „ . „ north bound. No. 4—Mail (da11y).... 4-*n. —£? ilk accomm. (daily) 7'3? xm" No.32—Fast Mall (dailyL wA u;s :S: y IU ? to P at Rensselaer for pasforLafayette and South. P BtO P Bt Rensselaer to let off passengers from points south of Monon, ana take passengers for LoweiL Hammond and Chicago. x-oweu. M^non COnDecUon « W. H F GenU’Mxr CHAS. H. ROCKWELL/ Traffic Ug” W. H. BEAM. Agent, Rensselaer,

COUNTY BOARD OF EDUCATION. Washington Cook Grand* aSJES’n::;;::;;:;;::::;• George L. Parks. Milroy Fred Karch Walker SSZ. BBL--:-ag Z Harvey Davisson'.’./.'.....Uni0n F rn r St Co ’ ® U P*-..-Rensselaer MJ. C. English Rensselaer James H. Green Remington Geo. O. StembelWheatfield Truant Officer..C. M. Santa, Rensselaer ™ .... JUDICIAL. Circuit Judge Charles W. Hanley Prosecuting Attorneyß. O. GravS Terms of Court.—Second Monday in Jfebruw-y. April. September and November. Four week terms.

CITY OFFICERS. Mayos-; J. H. 8. EHla L*era.....Charles Morlan Treasurer Moses Leonid Attorney-; T....g£a* Fir. Mom*™,, Ist ward.h. L. Brown At targe.,C. G. Spitler, Jay W Wifikuma COUNTY OFFICERS. SSSir Charles C. Warner bneriirJohn O’Connor Auditorj. n. Leatherman TreasurerJ. d. Allman RecorderJ. 47. TUton Surveyor Myrt B. Price Coroner Jennings Wright Supt. Public Schools..Ernestß. Lamson Assessor....John a Lewis Health. OfficerM. D. Gwin , Commissioners. Ist District John Pettet 2nd District Frederick Waymiro 3rd District Charles T. Denham Commissioners’ court—First Monday of each month. Jordan Township. The undersigned, trustee of Jordan township, attends to official business at his residence on the first Saturday of each month; also at the Shide schoolhouse on the east side, on the third Saturday of each month between the hours of 9 a. m. and 3 p. m. Persons having business with me will please govern themselves accordingly. Postoffice address. Goodland, Ind. R. F. D. CHAS. E. SAGE, Trustee. Newton Township.. The undersigned, trustee of Newton township, attends to official business at his residence on Thursday of each week. Persons having business with me will please govern themselves accordingly. Postoffice address Rensselaer, Indiana. Phone 26-A, Mt. Ayr Exchange. W. B. YEOMAN. Trustee. Union Township. The undersigned, trustee of Union township, attends to official business at his residence on Friday of each week. Persons having business with me will please govern themselves accordingly. PostoflAge Rensselaer, Indiana, HARVEY DAVISSON, Trustee.

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