Jasper County Democrat, Volume 11, Number 31, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 19 September 1908 — Page 2

m m dm. 11. incog anm m wiuan. *1.60 PER YEAR IN ADVANCE. Official Democratic Paper of Jaapor County. Published Wednesday* and Saturdays. Entered as Second-Class Matter Juno *, 1808, at the post office at Rensselaer, Ind., under the Act of March >, 1878. Office on Van Rensselaer Street. Long Distance Telephones: Office 316. Residence 311. Advertising rates made known on application. SATURDAY, SEPT. 19, 1908.

NATIONAL TICKET.

For President WILLIAM J. BRYAN. For Vice-President, JOHN W. KERN. STATE TICKET. Governor THOMAS R. MARSHALL. Lieutenant-Governor FRANK J. HALL. Secretary of State JAMES F. COX. Auditor of State MARION BAILEY. Treasurer or State JOHN ISENBARGER. Attorney General » WALTER J. LOTZ. Reporter Supreme Court BURT NEW. Judge Supreme Court M. B. LAIRY. Judge Appellate Court E. W. FELT. State Statistician P. J. KELLEHER. Supt. Public Instruction ROBERT J. ALEY. . DISTRICT TICKET. Member of Congress WILLIAM DARROCH, of Newton County. State Senator, Counties of Jasper, Newton, Starke and White, ALdE J. LAW, of Newton County. Representative. Counties of Jasper and White, GUY T. GERBER t of Jasper County. COUNTY TICKET. Treasurer ALFRED PETERS of Marion tp. Recorder CHARLES W HARNEIt of Carpenter tp. Sheriff WILLIAM I. HOOVER ~~ or "Marion tp. Surveyor FRANK HARRIOTT of Union tp. - . Coroner DR. A J. MILLER of Rensselaer. Commissioner. Ist I)ist. THOMAS F. MALONEY of Kankakee tp. Commission! r ;?rd Dist. GEORGE B. FOX of Carpenter tp. TOWNSHIP TICKETS. Carpenter—GEOßGE BESSE Trustee; JAMES H. GREEN, Assessor. Gillum JOHN W. SELMER Trustee. Marion EDWARD HKRATH. Trustee; SAMUEL SCOTT. Assessor. Union—ISAAC RIGHT Trustee; CHARLES U. HARRIOTT, Assessor. Hanging Grove -WM. R. WILLITT. Trustee; CHARLES LEFLER, Assessor. Walker DAVID M. PEER, Trustee; JOSEPH FENZIL, Assessor. Jordan—WM. WORTLEY. Trustee; FRANK NESSIUS, Assessor; * . • ■ ; . ■ Newton—E. P. LANE, Trus- . tee; JOSEPH THOMAS, As- , sessor. - Barkley—THOMAS M. CAL- ! LAHAN, Trustee; JOHN NOR- ► MAN, Assessor. ► Wheatfleld— S. D. CLARK, ' Trustee; HENRY MISCH, As- ► sessor.

When the Ohio engineers of Taft's steam roller heard that Governor HanIjr bad called a special session of the Indiana legislature they surely remembered that Hanly. when he had been lnanlted in the national convention, said: “I can make you burn for this in Indiana, and I am going to do it."

THE SPECIAL SESSION AND THE RESPONSIBILITY.

The Democratic party had no hand In calling the special session of the legislature. It has no responsibility for It. The public welfare did not demand It. At a cost no greater than a small amount of Interest the financial embarrassment of the state caused by the Republican blunder In the appropriation laws enacted at the last session could have been tided over. If there Is a “night rider” epidemic anywfiAre in Indiana there is already power and money In the hands of the authorities to deal with tt. The Vin cennes claim is a matter that the legislature settled at the last session over the governor’s veto.

These are the only reasons given by Governor Hanly for calling the extraordinary session, except the consideration of a local option law. Concerning this question both parties made declarations in their platforms, and the merits of these respective declarations are to be passed on by the voters at the November election. There was no reason for anticipating the action of : ■'•r ' the people or attempting to forestall their decision.

But Hanly and Watson and other Republican leaders and candidates got Into a quarrel. They doubted each other's sincerity. They questioned each other’s good faith. Each one had a poor opinion of the other's political honesty. The governor wrote letters to Watson and other candidates—and 9 It Is said, affixed a special delivery stamp—asking certain questions and saying that the responses would determine his “personal and official conduct in the campaign.” If any re sponsesWefemade~they did not sat isfy the governor and his faction. A conference of all the factions was as terward held which was equally incon elusive.

The fact that the governor's “official conduct” (doubtless with respect to the special session) could have been controlled by an arrangement with the other factions satisfactory to him, is absolute and irrefragible proof that no real necessity existed for putting the people to the great expense of an extra session and several special elec tions. On the other hand, if Watson really approved Hanly's kind of laws his program—why didn't, lie tell him so, thus heading off a special session arid saving the people much money? Why should the taxpayers suffer because of the fight between these politicians and their factions? It is clearly evident that Republican affairs and not the people’s business are at the' bottom of the trouble. The whole thing is an outrage on the public. All that the Democratic members can do is to stand unitedly and firmly together. They will, of course vote to correct the Republican blunder in the appropriation laws. After that is done there is no reason for prolonging the session and putting the people to expense. If more than that is done the whole responsibility must rest upon the Republicans and the public will so understand.- If the Democrats are forced to further action by the conduct of the Republican majority they can do nothing less than stand squarely on the Democratic platform declarations.

Cromwell's $50,000.

The New York Press, a Republican paper, declared the other day that “if William Nelson Cromwell has contributed $30,000 to the Republican national committee, and Treasurer Sheldon will im deny the report, it is due to Mr. Taft and to the public that the national committee make a complete explanation of the matter.” Rut the Republican national committee has not made and will not make any sort of “explanation of the matter." Crom well, as Harriman’s representative, dictated the choice of Bheldon as treasurer. He himself Is a member of Mr. Taft's advisory committee. The truth is that Harriman, the trusts. Standard Oil and- the associated special interests generally are duinlng Taft’s campaign and they will run It to suit themselves.

LET CANNON TELL HOW HE HAS DONE IT.

Joseph O. Cannon, usually “Uncle Joe,” Is the boss of the house of representatives, the agent of the predatory Interests; and the father of the Infamous system of rules which denies the people a voice in congress—and James E. Watson has been one of his tools, the “whip” of the house. Cannon was influential In securing the nomination of Sherman for vice president —Sherman being also an agent of the trusts and a co-worker with Cannon In smothering legislation adverse to them. Cannon has been put in charge of the congressional campaign, which is to look after members of con gress. He has a separate fund and a separate treasurer, to whom the trusts can contribute their money without fear of publicity. Cannon is to speak for Watson and the Republican party at Indianapolis on the 24th of this month. He presided over the Illinois Republican state convention, held In Peoria on (he 10th. In his speech to the Illinois Republicans he said Bryan was a millionaire and asserted that he had become a millionaire by the use of “wind and ink.” The next day, in a speech at Olney, 111., Mr. Bryan frankly stated that he was worth probably *125,000. And he told how he had earned It. And then Mr. Bryan referred to the fact that Cannon had held public office for forty years, thirty-five years of the time as a member, of congress. As Cannon Is reputed to be wealthy, Mr. Bryan asked him to be as frank as he had been and tell the public how he got his money— “ What he had sold, whom he sold It to and what he got for It."

But Cannon won’t tell. His wealth is given as *2,000,000. As a member of congress at *5,000 a year he has drawn about *175,000. He has lived on his salary and lived well. He has not stinted himself, has smoked good cigars and drunk good whisky—and plenty of both. And yet out of his *175,000 of salary he has nfanaged to save two million dollars, or more than *50,000 a year. It is quite remarkable. What did he sell? To whom did he sell it? And what did lie get for it? Let-Mr. Cannon answer these questions. The people of Indiana, to whom he is to speak in the interest of his “whip,” Mr. Watson, and his friends Taft and Sherman, want to know how a member of congress on *5,000 a year can save $50,000 a year. Rut he won’t tell.

DEMOCRATIC CLUBS AND SONGS.

The organization of Democratic clubs is proceeding at a tremendous rate throughout the state. There are Bryan and Kern clubs, Marshall clubs, Business Men’s clubs. Traveling Men’s clubs, 30-Cent clubs. Early Voters clubs, Young Men’s clubs—and just plain Democratic clubs. Every man in every one of them has enlisted for the campaign. Never in any previous campaign for a generation has there been such unity and enthusiasm. It means work, votes and victory. And besides, it should not be forgotten that there are glee clubs, whose duty it is to add to the pleasures of the campaign and swell the general enthusiasm. Fred T. Loftin of Indianapolis has issued a Democratic campaign song book, down to date, and so has Vincent P. Kirk of Plymouth, and nobody need lack for good Democratic music. Let the welkin ring.

Forty Labor Journals for Bryan. According to the Chicago RecordHerald, support for Bryan and the Democratic platform was voted by the editors of forty trade union journals, who met in that city. Every part of the country was represented at the gathering, and according to the program adopted, the labor journals will at onee begin to urge their readers to support Bryan. It was declared that organized labor would register 1.000,000 votes next November for the Democratic candidate. The fact that Hanly, Watson and other Republican leaders have no confidence in each other’s good faith or political honesty is the real cause for the calling of the costly extra session of the legislature. After watching the maneuvers of Watson on the stump and Durbin In his gum shoes, Hanly became convinced that the Republican plan, as mapped out by the party managers. was, as the Indianapolis Sun expresses it. to “go through the campaign with a bucket of water on t c shoulder and a keg of booze on the other.” He is now trying to smoke them out. It is the first time in the history of the state that a party factional quarrel has led to calling a special session of the legislature at a cost of 1100,000 to the taxpayers.

REPUBLICAN EXTRAVAGANCE.

The Republican state committee 1s (issuing documents and sending “plate” natter to Republican papers attempting to show that there has been no unnecessary increase in expenses and no increase in taxation under Republican management. We give the rate of state taxation for 1896—the last year of Claude Matthews’ administration as governor, and that of the last year available —1907 —Governor Hanly’s administration: 1896 —Democratic. Benevolent and reformatory....* .5 State debt... .3 Educational 12-3 State 9 State school 11 , .29 2-3 1907—Republican. Benevolent and reformatory ..* .5 Educational 2 3-4 State 12 State school 13.6 , .33.35 We speak of the administration ol Claude Matthews as Democratic because he was governor and in 1896 we had had only one Republican legislature, which merely continued the Democratic policy in vogue up to that time.

Observe that in 1896 three cents of the 29 2-3 went toward paying the state debt, and that there is no such levy in 1907. Under the operation of the Democratic law for its payment we now have no levy for that purpose; but the Republicans, instead of reducing taxation as the debt and interest was being paid, have increased taxation.

They liave not only increased the rate, but the total taxables as compared with the Democratic period, have been enormously increased. The Republicans apply their levy of over 33 cents to $472,709,072 more taxables than the Democrats had for the application of their levy of 29 2-3. So the full story of excessive taxation is not told in the rate above. To illustrate the increased cost of government we present the following record of disbursements: 1894 —Democratic. State and general fund (including $647,088 applied on state debt) *2,787,267 1906—Republican. State and general fund (no payment on state debt).. .*5,093,255 —Rockville Tribune.

THE STEEL TRUST OPENS REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN.

The Ohio Republicans opened their campaign at Youngstown and made a display through the aid of the steel trust. Speaking of the meeting the Cincinnati Enquirer said: The commanding feature of the day was the parade that- preceded the speaking in Wick Park. There were a few over 12,000 men in line. Of these more than 10,000 came from the steel mills w hich form the chief and almost the sole industry of the city and suburbs. They were the employes of the Republic Iron and Steel company, the Youngstown Sheet and Tube company, and the United States Steel corporation, better known as the steel trust. Supplied with uniforms at the expense of these companies, the toilers presented a striking appearance as they marched past the reviewing stand. Because of the opening a shut-down of the mills was ordered until next Monday and the occasion made a holiday. But few of these workers attended the meeting in Wick Park This was easily seen by the lack of uniforms in the crowd. Probably not over one-tenth of the turnout came to hear the speeches The same account also says this: One of the unusual incidents occurred when the parade halted at (lie Elks’ Chib. Someone called for a cheer for Taft. Out of the uniformed ranks in response came a roaring shout for Bryan and the column moved on. So It seems that the steel trust may not be able to deliver the votes that it has promised for Taft. The harmony among the Republicans of West Virginia is intense. Not only do they have two nominees for governor, but the other day United States Senator Scott and State Senator Smith engaged in a fist fight when they met in a bank and exchanged thirty-six blows, by actual count. And the cause of the fight was Smith’s statement in a speech that West Virginia’s seats in the United States senate had been sold at auction for many years. Scott resented such publicity of party secrets.

Governor Hanly and Speaker Branch dissolved the regular session of the legislature In, a very panic of liaste to prevent the passage of the metropolitan police bill over the .governor's veto. And now, to correct some blunders and to thrash out a strictly Republican party quarrel, the gpvernor calls the legislature back again— at a probable cost of SIOO,OOO to the taxpayers.

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