Jasper County Democrat, Volume 11, Number 29, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 12 September 1908 — Page 6

BY ALBERT PAYSON TERHUNE

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CHAPTER VI.

“W THAT a strange man!" ex1■ / claimed Dallas Wainwright 1/1/ in wonder, as the anteroom v v door slammed behind the boss. “And what utterly abominable manners! Who is he, Alwyn?” “Horrlgan.” “Richard Horrlgan. the"— “The boss. Yes. He has a pleasing way of stamping Into this office unasked, as If he owned it and as If I were his clerk. But today’s behavior was the worst yet. It’s got to stop!” “But don’t do or say anything reckless, Alwyn. Promise me. Remember how strong he is!” “There’s no danger of his letting me forget his power,” said Bennett, with a bitter smile. “He”— “But you’ll be careful, won’t you? Please do, for my sake. And you mustn’t keep him waiting. If there’s a way out through Cynthia’s office we'll go by that. Goodby. I’ll explain to your mother. No; you must let us go now-. Office business must come first. Won’t you call this evening? I’ll be home and alone." Despite Bennett’s remonstrances she was firm, and it was in no pleasant frame of mind that the mayor threw himself into a seat when he was left alone in the room. That the talk with Dallas, which had promised so much for him, should be thus rudely interrupted. That— Morrigan flung open the door and stamped in. The boss’ anger had by no means subsided in the few moments of delay, but bad, rather, grown until it vibrated in his every word and gesture. He wasted no time in formalities, but came to the point with all the tender grace and tact of a pile driver. “Look here, Bennett," he rumbled, menace underlying tone and look, “I’m told Phelan’s been here this afternoon. What did he want?”

“To see me,” answered Bennett calmly, the effort at self control visible only jn the whitening of the knuckles that gripped the desk edge. “What did he want to see you about?” “A business matter.” “What business matter?” “Mine,” “Yours, eh?" sneered Horrigan. “Well, young man, I want you to understand here and now that no one can be chummy with Jim Phelan and be my man at the same time. Got that through your heaj?” “Yes,” assented Bennett; “I think 1 have. And while we’re speaking plainfly I want you to understand here and now that no one can bully me, either here or elsewhere, and that I’m no man’s man. Have you got that through your head?” Horrigan stared in savage amazement. He doubted if his ears had not played him false. Bennett had always treated the boss with uniform courtesy, and Horrigan belonged to the too numerous class who do not understand until too late the difference between gentle breeding and weak cowardice. That a man should speak to him courteously and not interlard bls talk with oaths, obscenity or roughness seemed to Horrigan, as ft does to many another boor, an evidence of timidity and lack of virility. A Damascus blade is a far more harmless looking weapon than a bludgeon, yet it is capable when the necessity arises of far deadlier work.

It Is only the man whose gentleness lias not granite strength as its foundntlon who deserves the newly popular term of “mollycoddle.” Had Horrigan’s large experience with men been extended to embrace this fact be would-probably never ha ve picked out Alwyn Bennett in the first place as candidate for mayor nor deemed the younger man a fit tool for the organization’s crooked work. The French nobles of the old regime, whose polish of manner was the envy of the world, fought like devils on occasion and went to death on the scaffold with a smile and a jest on their lips, while many a brutal demagogue in the same circumstances broke down and screamed for mercy. However, Horrigan chanced to be more familiar with the history "bf the organization than with that of France; hence, deeming Bennett’s reply a mere sporadic flash of defiance from a properly cowed spirit, be resolved to crush the rebellion at a blow. “Don’t give me any Insolence!” he roared. “I won’t stand for it, and”— “Moreover,” quietly continued Bennett, as though the boss had not spoken, “I shall be very much obliged If In future you will knock at my door Instead of bursting In on me. This Is ■y private office, not yours.”

&he New Mayor Essed m tiJLßroadhursFs Successful Play

THE MAN OF THE HOUR

“Do you mean to”— "I’ve explained as clearly as I can Just what I mean. If you don’t understand me I can't supply you with intelligence." “Bennett,” said the boss, his burning rage steadied down to a white heat, far more dangerous, but less incoherent, “you and me are talking too much and saying too little. We’ve got to come to a showdow’n. You’re a clever boy and you made a rattling good fight, and you’re on the right side of the public and of the press too. Y'ou're the l>est material we’ve got. and if you try and do the right thing there’s no limit to what you can rise to—but only if you do the right thing.” “ The right thing.’ ” echoed Bennett. “What do you mean by the right thing?” “I mean you've got to do the right thing by the men who put you where yon are today.” ••Tlmf's fair. But who 'put me where I am today?'" ••I did I. Dick Horrlgan. Who ever ! < • i-.! <>•!' ’ O'i till I took you up? No- !.<>: H I >1! ’n’t' make you mayor, o <ll 1. i’.• ''!<<> to know?” "Tire voters The people of this eity." ’’The voters.” scoffed Horrlgan. "The deuce they did! Who had you nominated ?"

“You did. But it was the public who elected me. and I'm going to obey your orders in one thing. I’m going to ‘do the right thing by the men who put me where I am today.’ I’m going to pay the voters for their trust iii me by giving them a fair and square ad ministration. In the case of this Borough Street railw’ay franchise bill, for instance,” tapping the document lying before him on his desk, "before I sign that bill I intend to make sure it's for the good of the people, that it is for the good of the city, not merely for the good of Richard Horrigan and a clique of his friends and heelers. No. don’t swear. It’H do you no good. I’m firm on this matter. If you’re discontented with me it’s your own fault. I warned you months ago that if 1 was elected I should keep my oath of office. As for this Borough bill”— “As for this Borough bill,” broke in Horrigan savagely, “you’ll sign it. If you don’t”— “Well?” queried Bennett, as the boss paused, choked by his own fury. “If I don’t sign it—what then?” “If you don’t, your political career is ended from this time on. See? It’s ended. Smashed flat. You think of yourself as a fine, promising young man who's on the road to the governorship and maybe to the White House. Well, you aren’t. You’re what Dick Horrigan made you, and your future will be what Dick Horrigan chooses to make it. I lifted you up, and I can tear you down just as easy. And, what’s more, by , I’ll do it if you doift sign the Borough bill. I’m a man of my word, and before ever you were nominated I pledged my word to have that bill put through. The bill paid your election expenses. It”_

“I paid my own election expenses. You know that” “Your personal expenses, perhaps. But who paid for parades, halls, banners, fireworks, speakers, advertisements, workers and watchers and all the other million things that elected you? The men behind that Borough bill paid them. And they did it on the tinderstandlug you'd sign the bill.” “In other words,” remarked Bennett, “you made a bargain for me. Well, I can't keep It.”

“Oh, I'll keep it all right You'll sign that bill or you’ll”— “Mr. Horrigan,” exclaimed Bennett, controlling his temper with more and more difficulty, "you said something just now about our coming to a showdown. This is the time Tor it I want you to rejpemlier henceforth that 1 wear no man’s collar—yours or any one else’s—and that you can’t deliver any goods you've bargained, for in my name. If I sign that bill it won’t be under your orders, but because I think It right”. “Oh," laughed Horrigan, who thought he began to we the drift of the other’s mind. "1 don't hold out for that. I don’t care why you sign it as long as you do sign It.” “What do you think about the bill yourself?” inquired Alwyn. “Do you consider it honest?”

“What do 1 care? It’s got to be signed, and”— “I care. And 1 think the bill is fraudulent.” “Getting tender in the conscience, aren’t you? Well”— “If you piit it that way, yes. I think this Borough blit is crooked from first to last. But”— “What’s the matter with it? / Aln't”— “Let me explain,” pursued Alwyn. “This bill gives the Borough Street Railway company the right to use whatever motive power they choose to. It gives them the right to charge five cent fares without any transfers. In one paragraph there’s a clause permitting them to build a subway if they want one. By another paragraph's concessions they can build a conduit and lease it out for telephone or telegraph wires. By another they can do an ex-press-4)UBlness. But all these provisions are as nothing compared to the fact that the bill gives the streets

above and below ground to the Borough company forever and ever—not for a term of years, but until the end of the world. It delivers that route to the company not only for our time, but for always, and binds us and our descendants to its terms. That is the chief outrage of the whole thing. To think that the”— “Oh, we’ve got a howling reformer In the mayor’s seat, have we?" scoffed Horrlgan. “If I’d known that”—“The people have got a man who is trying to protect their rights and property. Here’s a letter 1 received today. You’ll recognize the name of the capitalist who wrote it. You know he Is honest as well as wise. This is his proposition: HA will pay $2,000,000 for that same franchise, give the city 10 per cent of the gross receipts and turn over the whole plant to it at the end of fifty years. What do you think of that?” “It’s a fake.”

“It is a bbna fide offer. He volunteers to deposit $1,000,000 to bind the bargain. Now, what I want to ask you, Mr. Horrlgan. is this: If the franchise is worth $2,000,000, why are you and your faction in the board of aidermen so anxious to give it away for nothing?” “Look here!” blustered the boss.

“I”“I am looking,” returned Bennett. “I’ve been looking deeper into it than you realize. I asked you a question just now. I’ll answer it myself in one word—'Graft!’ That is why you want to give away a franchise that is worth $2.000 000.” < “Graft!” snorted Horrigan contemptuously. “The same old reformer howl! What’s your idea of graft anyway?” “Graft is unearned increment. Money to which the recipient has no legal or moral right. That is”— “So! Then show me the man who ain’t a grafter! A lawyer shows his client how to evade the law. and he takes a fee for doing it. What’s that but graft? A magazine : *'takes pay for printing an advertisement its editors know is a fake. What’s that? Graft! When a congressman votes for an appropriation because another congressman has agreed to vote for one of his, what’s that? Graft! When a five thousand a year senator retires at the end of ten years worth a million, what’s that? Graft! A police captain on 750 a year buys yachts and country estates. Graft! tiow about the railroad president who gets stock free la a corporation that ships over his road, or the insurance man or banker who gives or takes fat loans on fancy securities and clears 1,000 per cent? Grafters, all of ’em! Grafters! Every one grafts who can or who isn’t too stupid. Show me a man who doesn’t graft and I’ll show you a fool. Present company not excepted.” “That’s where you’re wrong.” returned Alywn, ignoring the slur and speaking with a judicial quiet oddly at contrast with the boss’ vehemence. “The man who said ‘Honesty is the best policy’ knew' what be was talking about It pays best not only hereafter, but here as well. Why did Missouri choose Folk for governor? Because in spite of his faults he Is honest. Why was La Follette sent to the senate from Wisconsin? Because, faults and all, he was honest. Why did the people of this country make Roosevelt their president? Were they blind to his faults and foibles? No, but they knew he was honest! 1 am honest. This bill isn’t. That is why I won’t sign it.” “You won’t, eh?” roared Horrigan. “Then veto It! Veto it if you dare! I’ll not only smash your political career, but I’l| pass the bill over your veto. That’ll show you pretty well how you and me stand as to power in the city. I’ll make you the laughingstock of the administration by taking the whole thing out of your hands and passing it in spite of you.” “I doubt it,” answ'ered Bennett, paling, but meeting coolly the fiery wrath in Horrigan’s little red eyes. “1 intend to fight your Borough bill in the aldermanic chamber and outside that council. To pass a bill over my veto you’ll have to get a two-thirds majority. That means fourteen votes. You have ouly your ‘solid thirteen.’ And I’ll make it my business to see you don’t get a fourteenth vote.” “I'll look out for that, all right, all right” “One thing more, Mr. Horrigan. I have reason to believe there is bribery in this matter. I’ll ferret out the name of every man who gives or takes a bribe in connection with the Borough franchise bill, and I’ll send every one of them to jail—not only the aidermen, but the capitalists" who are behind the measure. Receiver and thief shall go to jail together.” “Is that so?” chuckled Horrigan. “Then, Mr. Reformer, let me tell you who is really behind this whole affair, the man you’ll have to jail first of all, Mr. Charles Wainwright, uncle of the girl you’re trying to marry.” He leaned back to note the effect of his revelation, but Bennett’s face moved no muscle, gave no hint of what ’•gr tiMnae+h

Don’t forget that V. G. Collins at the brick livery barn handles farm implements of all kinds. Give

“Besides.” went on Horrlgan. eager to press bls advantage, “every cent

“Now go ahead and do as you like," said Horrigan.

It was Horrlgan’s trump card, and he had played it well. White, silent Bennett walked back to his desk. The fight seemed all knocked out of him. Heavily he moved, like a man overexbausted. Picking up a pen. he wrote rapidly, then cast aside the pen. crossed to the window and looked out into the snowy, crowded park. “You’ve signed the bill?” cried Horrlgan In delight “I’ve vetoed It” replied Bennett (To be- continued.)

WHY BIG BANKS OPPOSE DEPOSIT GUARANTY.

The large banks in the great cities that are mostly owned and controlled by the Standard Oil Company, the large insurance companies and similar interests, are opposed to the guaranty of bank deposits. They feel that from their enormous size they can attract money from the small banks in both city and country. They know that if the deposits of small banks were guaranteed the deposits of country banks would increase, the money would stay in the country for local use, and the big monopoly banks would not be able to congest the money in large financial centers for use in unfair stock speculation. If you want your money to stay at home to build up the business of your locality, vote for the guaranty of bank deposits—which means to vote for the Democratic candidates.

A NEW HARRIMAN DEAL.

The New York correspondent of ’he Chicago Record-Herald (a paper which is supporting Taft and Sherman) telegraphed his paper the other day the following: “The most interesting feature of the day was a report which circulated in the best circles to the effect that a government attorney was authority for the statement that the suit of the government against the Union Pacific and Southern Pacific companies for violation of the Sherman act had been definitely dropped and the prosecution having, after many conferences and thorough consideration?-arrived at the conclusion that It would be unable to make out a case against those roads Formal announcement of this termination of the litigation would, it was said, be withheld until after the elec tion.”

Being in Chicago when this amazing news was printed. Hon. John E. Lamb of this state, a member of the advisory committee of the Democratic national committee, had his attention called to the matter. Mr. Lamb thought the report of the dropping of the suits against Harriman’s roads should be considered authentic. Commenting on the publication, he said: "Those suits against Mr. Harriman’s pet railroads were ordered brought by the administration something near a year ago, with a great flourish of trumpets, and it was generally believed that the administration was in -earnest and that the department of justice would obey orders. Now that Mr. Harriman has promised to be good and his special attorney, William Nelson Cromwell, has been appointed a member of the Republican national advisory committee and has contributed $50,000 to the fund of that committee, it seems that the prosecution has ’after many conferences and thorough consideration, arrived at the conclusion that it would be unable to make out a case against those roads.’ Is the conclusion arrived at an honest one? Or rather is not the conclusion the result of the changed attitude of the Harriman railroads toward the Republican national ticket? Is the fact that ‘formal announcement of the termination of thiff litigation would. It was said, be withheld until after the election’ corroborative proof that a new deal has been made between ‘My Dear Harriman' and somebody representing the United States government? These are questions that will be thoroughly discussed and considered by the voters until the November election.”

NOTICE OF ADMINISTRATION. z Notice is hereby given that the undersigned has been appointed by the Clerk of the Circuit Court of Jasper County, State of Indiana, administrator of the estate of Samuel S. Galbraith, late of Jasper county, deceased. Said estate is supposed to be solvent. X CHARLES F. GALBRAITH, Sept 5-12-19 Administrator. An arm load of old papers for a nickel at the Democrat office.

Of Miss Wainwright’s fortune and of her brother’s has been put by Wainwright i into Borough stock. If the franchise is beaten, that stock will collapse and Miss Wainwright will l>e a pauper. You’ll > beggar the girl you’re in love with and her young brother If ’ you veto that bill. Nowgoaheadand do as you like.”

TAFT’S CAMPAIGN HELPERS.

Here are the names and occupations of some of the men whom Mr. Taft and his political managers have selected to help them run the Republican cam palgn in a financial, executive and advisory capacity: William Nelson Cromwell of New York, the great Wall street lawyer, attorney for the Panama canal combine, Kuehn, Loeb & Co., the Harriman interests, the sugar trust. Standard Oil trust, et al. George Rumsey Sheldon of. No. 2 Wall street, multi-millionaire and officer and director in more than twenty corporations.

Frederick W. Upham of Chicago, a millionaire several times over, member of the state board of review which passes upon the amount of taxes which corporations and large estates should pay in Illinois, and a director In several corporations. Charles F. Brooker of Connecticut, millionaire, engaged in the banking and railway business, andXvice president of the New York, New Haven & Hartford Railroad company, against which a government suit is now pending. < Frank O. Lowden of Illinois, multimillionaire, son-in-law of the late Geo. M. Pullman and now vice president of and heavily interested in that widely known monopoly, the Pullman Palace Car company.

T. Coleman Du Pont of Delaware, best known as a member of the Du Pont Powder company, controlling factor in the powder trust, whose milking of the federal treasury in powder contracts has been thoroughly exposed in congress and against which a suit is now pending, brought by the department of justice for its dissolution. And last, but by no meins least, the great political reformer of Pennsylvania, Bois Penrose, the political heir of Boss Quay and, since the latter's death, boss of the corrupt political ma chine in Philadelphia and Pennsylvania, a machine which has not been equaled in political turpitude since the days of Boss Tweed in New York. *

Messrs. Cromwell and Sheldon and their associates detailed above have a list of trust connections probably unsurpassed by any other set of men of like number within the bounds of this country. They should be able to do equally as good work in a national way as is being done by Fred W. Upham in Chicago. Upham, who is the assistant treasurer of the Republican national committee, is, as stated above, a member vs the board of review, which passes on the amount of taxes corporations and large estates shall pay in the city of Chicago and the state of Illinois. He has been busy recently addressing letters to corporations whose property he will assess, in which he makes urgent appeals for campaign contributions to the Republican national committee.

THE VERMONT ELECTION.

The Republican campaign managers are so hard up for comfort that they pretend to get hilarious over the voting in Vermont. That state always gives a Republican majority. The average Republican majority for the past thirty years at the September elections has been 28,500. Four years ago it was 31,557. In 1900 it was 31,319. In 1896 it was 38,391. This year the Republicans get about 27,000, but the Democrats make a gain of fifteen members of the legislature. All of the election machinery in Vermont is in the hands of the Republicans and that party, through its national and state committees, made tremendous efforts to get a big vote, using piles of money’ and a swarm of outside speakers. A press dispatch from Chicago comments on the result as follows:

“It is apparent that this year the decrease In the Republican vote in Vermont has been greater than at any time since 1892. But it is further to be noted that In years prior to this the Democratic national committee has paid especial attention to the state of Vermont because of the early date at which its election was held and the moral effect of the result of it upon the national election. This year, chiefly because of the extreme lateness of the national convention, the Democratic national committee did nothing in Vermont. Not one speaker was sent there, nor was any literature of a national distributed there. The Democrats of Vermont were compelled to work out their own salvation, and the result they achieved in view of the handicap under which they labored Is decidedly encouraging. "The Republican national committee which has maintained its publicity bureau constantly during the four years' interval between elections, and which has innumerable able speakers drawing salaries from the national and the state governments, was able to flood the state with oratory and with documents. “In view of all these facts the one amazing thing, the one significant thing, is that Jhe Republican plurality instead of being enormously increased has been materially cut down. It is an omen of success for the Democratic party.”

The tin-plate trust made tinware dear and flimsy. But it also made William B. Leeds so rich in a few yean that he could live abroad like a nabob and die leaving more than 130,000,000.

Don’t Wear Any Kind and All Kinds of Glasses ■ £ And do your eyes harm, when you can have your eyes tested by latest methods by a permanently located and reliable Optometrist. Glasses from $2 up. Office over Long’s Drug Store. Appointments made by telephone, No. 232. DR. A. G. CATT OPTOriETRIST Registered and Licenwd on the State Board Examination and also graduate of Optieal College.

Northwest, Indianapolis, . an< * South, Lou It villa •nd French Lick Sprln 8 t. * RENSSELAER TIME TABLE, in Effect June 14, 1908. xt e T SOUTH BOUND. ?r O «n~ J X) H lBvI,le Mail (daily) 10:55 a m xT° oa —l?.*?i polis Mall (daily).. 2:01 n‘ m' No.39—Milk accomm. (daily) 5:40 wnr No. <^M. I , NO < R J,r y) BO . UND -. No.4o—Milk accomm. (daily) N0.32-Fast Mail (da11y)....: sSsstm No- 6—Mail and Ex. (daiiy).. 3-26 d bl . to Chi. Ves. Mail 6:36 ?:S: No-38—Cin. to Chi. (Sun.only) 2:67 p.m. •Daily except Sunday. p. m. „N°- 3 y lll ? t0 , p at Rensselaer for passengers for Lafayette and South. No. 4 will stop at Rensselaer to let off passengers from points south of for Loweu - M?non 3 for m LL l fayetU i : eCt connect,on “ m FRANK J. REED, G. P. A., w - H- McDOEL, Pres, and Gen’l Mgr., CHAS. H. ROCKWELL, Traffic Mgr., Chicago. W. H. BEAM, Agent,* Rensselaer.

COUNTY BOARD OF, EDUCATION. ...Trustees. , Townships. Washington Cook Hanging Grove M. Coppess Gillam Grana Davisson Barklev Charles F. Stackhouse .'.Marlon Charles E. Sage.;-.*,..,..........J0rdan W. B. leoman Newton George L. Parks Milroy Fred Karch Walker Henry Fe1dman............ Keener Charles Stalbaum Kankakee Robert A Mannan Wheatfield Anson A. Fell Carpenter Harvey Davisson .Union Ernest Lamson, Co. Supt.... Rensselaer E. C. English Rensselaer James H. Green Remlngton 2®°' O- 5tembe1......... Wheatfield Truant Officer..C. M. Sands, Rensselaer JUDICIAL. .Circuit Judge Charles W. Hanley Prosecuting Attorney R. O. Graves Terms of Court.—Second Monday in February, April, September and November. Four week terms. CITY OFFICERS. Mayor... j. h. s . Ellls Marshal W. 8. Parks p lerk ' Charles Morlan Treasurer Moses Leopold A. t , t ?. r, 5S y LI Geo. A - Williams £! vil n . g l neer L, Gamble EJre Chief. J. J. Montgomery Fire Warden J. J. Montgomery Councilmen. Ist ward. .....H. L. Brown 2nd ward J. f. Irwin 3rd ward. .Eli Gerber At large..C. G. Spitler, Jay W. Williams COUNTY OFFICERS. Clerk ..Charles C. Warner Sheriff... John O’Connor Auditor ; j. N. Leatherman Treasurer .J. d. Allman Recorder . J, W. Tilton Surveyor Myrt B. Price Coroner Jennings Wright Supt. Public Schools.. Ernest R. Lamson County Assessor John Q. Lewis Health Officer .. ,M. D. Gwin Commissioners. Ist District John Pettet 2nd District Frederick Waymire 3rd District .....Charles T. Denham Commissioners’ court—First Monday of each month. Jordan Township. The undersigned, trustee of Jordan, township, attends to official business at nis residence on the first Saturday of _egch month; also at the Shide schoolhouse on the east side, on the third Saturday of each month between the hours of 9 a. m. and 3 p. m. Persons having business with me will please govern themselves accordingly. Postoffice address. Goodland, Ind. R. F. D. CHAS. E. SAGE. Trustee. Newton Township. . The undersigned, trustee of Newton township, attends to official business at his residence on Thursday of each week. Persons having business with me will please govern themselves accordingly. Postoffice address Rensselaer, Indiana. Phone 26-A, Mt. Ayr Exchange. W. B. YEOMAN, Trustee. Union Township. , The undersigned, trustee of Union township, attends to official business at his residence on Friday of each week. Persons having business with me will P’ < ove r? themselves accordingly. Postoffice address, Rensselaer, Indiana. R. r . D. 2. HARVEY DAVISSON, Trustee.

Millions to Loan ! We are prepared to take care of all the Farm Loan business In this and adjoining counties at Lowest Rates and Best Terms, regardless of the “financial stringency.” If you have a loan coming due or desire a new loan It will not be necessary to pay the excessive rates demanded by our competitors. FIVE PER CENT. smicwim ■ Promni sereice Irwin & Irwin Odd Fellows Bldg. Henssel&er.