Jasper County Democrat, Volume 9, Number 23, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 8 September 1906 — Page 3

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REPUBLICANS AT ODDS

The Stand Patters Have Trouble In Their Own Ranks. A BEVOLT AGAINST THB MACHINE Secretary Dover of the Republicau National Committee Disa*rees With Other Leaders on the Tariff Issue. Brohen Republican Promises, Like Chickens, Comin* Home to Roost. The disorganization of the Republican party is growing apace. Everywhere there are Revolts against the machine leaders who would stifle the voice of the rank and file of the party on Issues and candidates. In spite of President Roosevelt’s adhesion to the stand pat programme of the Republican congressional leaders and managers, the demand for tariff revision will not down, because the people are clamorous for relief from tariff fostered trust high prices. The latest protest against the stand pat issue comes from Secretary Elmer Dover of the Republican national committee, who, in an Interview in the Washington Post, July 28. said: "Local conditions should govern in a matter of this kind. It is useless to close our eyes to the fact that there is a demand for tariff revision in many parts of the country, and there are many Republican candidates for congress to whom it might prove disastrous to stand pat this fall. In some districts Republicans are going to win by declaring in favor of revision , of some of the Dingley schedules; in others Republicans will be elected on an antirevision platform. Local sentiment must be recognized to a great extent, and a stand patter is likely to Jose by disregarding it, and vice versa.” This is an extraordinary statement from a leading official of the Republican party Just when President Roosevelt and the congressional campaign committee have decided to stand pat on the tariff and shows a schism in Republican councils that is very encouraging to Democrats and honest reformers, for it must not be supposed that Mr. Dover would fly in the face of President Roosevelt and the congressional campaign managers unless his opinion of the necessities of the campaign was strongly supported by some members of the national committee and other Republican leaders. Dover’s plan is not to hamper the congressional candidates with the stand pat Issue, but leave each one to follow the bent of the voters of his district, so as not to lose votes. If tariff revision was a direct issue In all the congressional districts, there is no doubt that a majority of the members elected to the next congress would favor tariff reform. There are quite a number of Republican members in the present congress who were either pledged to vote for reciprocity or free raw materials or a reduction of duties on such products of trusts as are sold cheaper abroad than here. But what did It amount to? The Republican congress was dominated by the extreme protectionists, and the caucus chose a stand pattsr for speaker, and the voice of those who had pledged their constituents to vote for reform was stifled. No tariff reform measure was allowed to be considered or dis- ' cussed. If the Republicans this fall elect a majority of the members of the next congress, the same conditions will prevail, for Speaker Cannon and the stand pat majority will again control and again stifle any revision Sentiment in the Republican ranks, ...

'There is but one way'that a Republican member who is pledged to vote for tariff revision can make bls vote count, and that Is by refusing to enter the Republican caucus, and if such caucus selects a stand pat candidate for speaker to vote for the Democratic candidate. In case of the next congress being quite nearly divided politically such a vote from a few Republican or independent members might turn the scale. But how many Republican candidates will pledge themselves to take such an Independent course, and how many can be relied upon to bolt their party even if such a pledge was given? Many Republican voters have been tooled in some districts in the past three congressional campaigns, and their experience of Republican candidates* professions for tariff reform and their lack of performance has taugut them that such promises are worthless under the caucus system that compels the minority to accept the issues laid down by the majority. Therefore the only relief from trusts and tariff plundering is to elect Democrats or continue to pay the taxes to the trusts that the tariff fosters and the high cost of living that the trusts Impose by virtue of the protection that the trusts enjoy.

The Railroads and the Law.

The executive officials and attorneys of the railroads west of Chicago have held a meeting to find out "where they are at.” They all have a different idea of just what the new railroad rate bill requires. They agreed, however, that the railroads must stick together and declared it was the purpose of every road to obey the law both in letter and spirit. They need not waste any time on the latter proposition, for the interstate commerce commission will see the law is carried out in spite of railroad opposition.

LIGHT ON SANTO DOMINGO.

Trwe Inwardness of the Polley of President Roosevelt. One of the real causes of Mr. Roosevelt’s interference in Santo Domingo has at last come to light. Bonds are to be Issued to take up the entire foreign indebtedness of Santo Domingo and of its United States creditors, including the Santo Domingo Improvement Company of New York. It la significant that it is stated that the 55 per cent of the money already collected by the United States collectors at Santo Domingo ports is to be used to pay interest and provide a sinking fund to provide for these bonds. It is also stated by the administration officials that this programme will be carried out without the consent of the senate, for it can be accomplished without a treaty as long as the de facto Santo Domingo government acts in accord with the government of the United States on the plan agreed upon. This fastening of an enormous bonded indebtedness upon the people of Santo Domingo with the assistance of the military power of the United States by preventing by force the attempt to overturn the de facto patriots in possession will surely lead to complications that may compel the United States to assume the bonded debt or allow the foreign bondholders to collect it by force. Suppose that some fine moaning in spite of the United States a revolution overthrows the present government, there being no treaty in existence, the successful revolutionists could repudiate the "arrangement” and refuse to pay the bonds. It is quite possible that a future administration. Democratic or otherwise, might by force of public opinion leave the Dominicans to decide who shall govern them and as to whether they are righteously called tipon to pay a debt the inception of which is clouded with usury if not fraud of the baldest kind. That is the vortex the administration is pushing us into with its Santo Domingo policy. There is no Monroe doctrine about it, the question being simply, Shall we be the debt collectors for our own speculators and those of Europe and saddle the poor darkies of Santo Domingo with an enormous debt for which they have never had value received?

GRAFT IN COAL LANDS

An Attempt to Divert the Batan Field to “Somebody.” DEMOOBATS DEFEAT THE STEAL Great Value of the Deposit to' the Government In Time of- War—The Way the Indian Coal Landa Have Been Leased to the Railroads la an Outrageous Scandal. Under the imperial system which has resulted from the late Spanish-Ameri-can war, the functions of the war department haVe been vastly expanded, and the secretary of war is practically viceroy of the colonies. The most important scandals In the war department relate to its policy in the Philippines and the Panama canal zone. At the last session of congress, upon the suggestion of Secretary Taft, a bill was passed providing for the purchase of certain Spanish claims on the Island of Batan in the Philippine archipelago, upon the pretext of securing for the government of the United States complete control of that island and its Immense coal deposits. Wo paid $50,000 for those claims, which Were indefensible according' to the department of justice, and we got undisputed title to the coal deposits. According to Chairman Cooper of the house committee on insular affairs, “We paid the money in order that somebody might get . the coat” (See

June 1006, page 8095.) But two weeks after congress had passed this bill another bill, prepared at the war department, was introduced, which provided for leasing these coal lands for fifty years to some- 4 body without any compensation in the nature of royalty to the government The bill and the debate on it will be found in the Congressional Record at pages 8094 to 8098. In the debate It was shown that these lands were worth at least $100,000,000. These lands were to be practically given away to somebody, some private corporation—the American coal trust If the secretary of war had been the agent of the coal trust in the management of this affair he could not have done more in the interest of that monopoly than he did by urging the passage of that bill. Fortunately the secretary’s bill was defeated in consequence of a strong opposition by Champ Clark of Missouri. “Not long ago,’’ said Mr. Clark, “we voted an appropriation of $50,000 to secure the shadowy rights of somebody to a passageway to these very identical lands in order that we might have a certainty of having coal over there. Now the committee comes in and proposes to lease the land for fifty years to anybody who bids the highest. That’s the theory, but of course everybody knows who it is that is going to get the lease for fifty years. It is true that they put into this contract the clause that they must keep on hand coal enough for our uses and the uses of the Philippine government, but suppose they do not keep it on hand, and suppose that we suddenly get Into a foreign war and find ourselves in the Philippine Islands without any coal? We would be in a most unfortunate and disastrous condition. Inasmuch as we have these coal lands and have paid for them I am in favor of the United States government fixing up a mine of Its own over there, so that nobody can get a ton of coal out of that island except ourselves for our own purposes.” The Taft proposition was so scandalous that even a Republican congress, refused to become a party to it. It was an attempt to rob the government by placing it at the mercy of the coal trust as to all coal needed for the navy in eastern waters. It was in line with the polley of the administration respecting the coal lands of the governmentment and those of the Indians in this country, as that policy was explained by Senator La Follette in his speech on the Five Civilized Tribes, delivered in the senate March 26, 190®, when it was shown that the coal lands belonging to the Indians were worth at least $175,000,000, comprising 437,734 acres, of which 104,000 acres had already been leased to railroads and the remainder of which would have been brought under railroad control by the passage of the bill relating to the allotment of Indian lands as it tfrsn stood, the interior department having made the leases already in existence and approved the bill which would result in the lease of the remainder to private corporations.

TARIFF TRUST PROTECTION.

Republicans Admit the Trusts Sell Cheaper Abroad Than Here. As Senator Aldrich and Congressman Dalzell have both admitted In speeches they have made In congress that the trusts are selling cheaper to foreigners than to our own people, there should be no longer any objection to so revising the tariff as to cut off protection to such trusts. Yet we are officially informed that the campaign for congress by the Republican congressional committee is to advocate standing pat on the tariff, and President Roosevelt approves the stand pat proposition. This will be a great disappointment to thousands of Republicans who had been led to believe that their party would revise the tariff "after election.” What are these independent Republican voters going to do about it? Will they be willing to continue to see for eigners buying the products of the trusts for much less than they themselves have to pay, especially when this protection j>olicy is shown by Dun’s Index figures to have advanced the cost of living 48 per cent since the present tariff bill was enacted in 1897? It hardly needs the evidence of figures to prove to the home provider that the cost of living has Increased, for the fact that the outlay for food and clothing and rent, which, by the way is not included In the Dun figures, has largely Increased is too Surely in evidence by increased expenditures. If salaries and wages had advanced in like proportion there would be more Justice in continuing the Republican policy of letting well enough alone, but unfortunately wages have only increased on the average about 14 per cent. The attempt to prosecute trusts tor restraint of trade does not touch the root of the evil, which can only be ac complished by cutting away the ground from under them and undermining their monopoly privileges that the tariff protects them in. To stand pat and allow the protected trusts to still plun der the toiling millions is monstrous, and to encourage them in selling cheaper abroad than at home Is not protection, but robbery of our own people. Oeesns of Pina. The largest pin factory in the world is that in Birmingham, England, where 37,000,000 pins are manufactured every working day. An Honest Confession. I’m fond of nice atorien of giants and witches Who live all alone by themselves, Of gnomes underground who are guarding their riches, And dragons and goblins and elves; I love tales of wizards with stern, bearded faces And wands and long robes of deep red. But I wish there were not so many dark places To be passed when I’m going to bed!

A TALE OF REVENGE

“Manuel, I’ll have to leave you for some time. Let everything go on as if I were here,” said Robert Seton one afternoon. “Yes, senor. Senor has a sweetheart?” ; “Tes, Manuel, I have a sweetheart; but I doubt if my arrival in the United States will please her as well as it will me. t “I shall not see you again before I go, so goodby, Manuel.” “Adois, senor.” Seven years before Robert Seton had landed at Caracas with but little money in bis pocket and no friends. He had plenty of money now, but was still without friends. As he sat in his tent smoking his thoughts centered upon a little New England town, “t will open their eyes when I get tkere,” he was thinking. “That cursed Ratcliffe will rue the day he ever married Maude Adams. She will be sorry too. So pretty and yet so false. She said she loved me, but she threw me over when father broke up. Poor father! Banker Adams caused his death, I’m sure. Curse him! He wanted the old homestead, so he foreclosed the mortgage he held. Well, maybe some wouldn’t hold malice toward any one who has treated them the way those people treated me. I hold malice. I’ll be revenged for the death of my father and the loss of my bride. I'm not one of the soft, forgiving kind. The poop fools, not to know that I would revenge myself at any cost.” Such thoughts welled up in his mind whenever he thought of home. Eight years before he had been in his senior year at Harvard. His father was wealthy—supposedly so, at least. He was engaged to be married to a beautiful girl. The world looked very bright to him. Then one morning he received news that his father was dead—had blown his brains out, in fact. Following upon that, the news came that his father was bankrupt, and a letter from his sweatheart telling him that she loved another. He learned enough to know that Banker Adams had been instrumental In causing the bankruptcy of his father and the breaking of his engagement. When, some years before, Robert Seton had come from college to attend the funeral of his father and found himself penniless, his bride promised to another man, he had solemnly sworn that he would one day own the Seton homestead and cause the bankruptcy of Banker Adams, as his father had been made bankrupt. Then Maude Adams, she who had never known poverty’s blighting, cursing effects, should suffer too. He would bankrupt her husband too. His vengeance would be complete indeed. Now it is morning, and the wagon train has started out. It Is still dark. The white capped wagon containing the bedding and provisions and the ore wagons form the main body. The mounted men, each one carrying a gun and revolver, ride ahead. The mountains are infested with bandits, and one must go armed. No bandit, however, Is likely to attack the Americano. So say the swarthy teamsters as they wrap their cloaks more closely about them. Now they are starting up a long ridge, and the drivers jump from the wagons and walk up. Seton’s thoughts ramble from one thing to another, but always come back to the home of his childhood. He wondered If Maude Adams, now Ratcliffe, was happy. What mattered it to him? His poor old father’s image as he lay cold in death came back to him. “I wonder how Adariis will look after I'm through with him?” he muttered. “He has the courage to kill himself,” It was still dark. A man rode up to him and In excited tones informed him of the presence of bandits a few miles ahead. Seton rode forward and, placing a dozen men under his lieutenant, ordered him to advance and engage the bandits if there were any. He knew this fellow, the bandit chief, Montero. He had pursued him for 100 miles. He was not at all uneasy; so many reports are only rumors. How will he announce his arrival at home? What will people think of him? He does not care for their opinion. He thinks only of his poor dead father. Banker Adams might at least have spared his old friend. He has them under his thumb now. Say the word and they are penniless. It is lighter now. As they go higher and higher up the slope the lighter it gets. A faint breeze springs up. The time between sunrise and break of day is here. Hark! What is that? The faint crack of rifles is heard now. He spurs ins horse forward and with the guard dashes up the road. Now they have reached the place. Two or three meu are lying upon the ground. Farther down the road they are fighting, hand to hand. His men have been fired upon and have charged the enemy. Down the road Seton saw one of his guards fall, his skull cleft by a machete stroke from the hands of the bandit chieftain. With cries of “Forward!” he rides down upon them. The fight is soon over. Nearly all the bandits were killed. It had been a surprise to them. The victorious guards return from the charge. That body lying upon the grass, supported by the lieutenant, is not that of a native. No. Upon the grass lies all that is mortal of Robert Seton, a bullet in his brain. And as the lieutenant, seeing the uselessness of tarrying longer, arises the first beam of the rising sun gleams across the ghastly red stream flowing from the little hole in his forehead. And soon the body of Robert Seton was buried in a shallow grave and covered with stones to keep the jackal away. And thus, when he had reached the alm of his life, that life was taken away and the alm destroyed.—Cincinnati Poet

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