Jasper County Democrat, Volume 6, Number 36, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 12 December 1903 — PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT’S MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. [ARTICLE]

PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT’S MESSAGE TO CONGRESS.

fV> the Senate and House of Represent*The country Is to be congratulated on tIM amount of substantial achievement which has marked the past year both as recaids our foreign and as regards our domestic policy. . With a nation ns with a man the most important things are those of the houseOff and therefore the country is esnarially to be congratulated on what has Ljg accomplished in the direction of providing for the exercise of supervision over the great corporations and comping»jffp“ of corporations engaged in interstate commerce. The Congress has created the Department of Commerce and Labor, including the Bureau °f poratious, with for the first time autliorKr to secure proper publicity of such proceedings of these great corporations aa°thepublic has the right to hnow. t has provided for the expediting of suite for the enforcement of the fedora auti trast law; and hy another * a " “J*“ aecnred equal treatment to all producers la the transportation of their goods, thus Bakina a long stride forward in making effective the work of the Interstate Commerce Commission. . The establishment of the Department •f Commerce and Labor, w >th the reau of Corporations tliereuuder, murks a real advance in the direction of doing all that is possible for the solution of the questions vitally affecting capitalists and wage workers. The preliminary work of the Bureau of Corporations in the department has showu the wisdom of it* creation. Publicity in corporate affairs will tend to do away with ignorance, and wHI afford facts upon which Intelligent action may he taken. The Department of Commerce and l.abor will be not only the clearing house for information regarding the business transactions of the nation, but the executive arm of the government to aid in atrewrthening our domestic and foreign markets, in perfecting our transportation facilities, in building up our merchant marine, in preventing the entrance of nndeairuble immigrants, in improving commercial and industrial conditions, mid in bringing together on common ground those necessary partners in industrial progress —capital and labor. Capital and Lubor, The consistent policy of the national rernment, so far as it lias the power, to hold in check the unscrupulous mnn, whether employer or employe; but to refuse to weaken individual initiative or to hamper or cramp the industrial development of the country. We recognize that this is an era of federation and combination in which great capitalistic corporations mid labor unions have become factors of tremendous importance in all industrial centers. Hearty recognition is given the far-reaching, beneficent work which lias been accomplished through both corporations and unions, and the line as between different corporations, us between different unions, is drawn as it Is between different individuals; that is, It Is drawn on conduct, the effort being to treat both organized capital and organised labor ulike; asking nothing save that the interest of each shall be brought into harmony with the interest of the general public, and that the conduct of each shall conform to the fundamental rules of obedience to luw, of individual freedom, and of justice and fair dealing towards all. Whenever either corporation, labor union or individual disregards the law or acts iu a spirit of arbitrary and tyrannous interference with the rights of others, whether corporations or individuals, then where the federal government has jurisdiction, it will see to it that the misconduct is stopped, paying not the slightest heed to the position or power of the corporation, the nuion or the Individual, hut only to one vital sact —that is, the question whether or not tlie conduct of the individual or aggregate of individuals is in accordance irith the law of the laud. Every man must be guaranteed his liberty and his right to do as he likes with his property or his labor, so long ns he does not infringe the rights of others. No man is above the luw and no man is below it; ■or do we ask any man’s permission when we require him to obey it. Obedience to the law is demanded as a right; not naked as a favor. Government Finances* From all sources, exclusive of the postal service, the receipts of the government for the last fiscal year aggregated 1560,880,674. The expenditures for the Mnn period were $50(i,099,00i, the surSis for the fiscal yenr being $54,297,007. D indications are that the surplus for the present fiscal year will be very small, if indeed there be any surplus. From July to November the receipts from customs were, approximately, nine million dollars less than the receipts from the Mm, source for n corresponding portion of last year. Should this decrease continue at the same ratio throughout the hacat year, the surplus would be reduced hy. approximately, thirty million dollars. Should the revenue from customs suffer ■inch further decrease during the fiscal year, the surplus would vanish. A large surplus is certainly undesirable. Two years ago the war taxes were taken off with the express intention of equalizing the governmental receipts and expenditures, and though the first year thereafter still showed a surplus, It now seems likely that a substantial equality of revenue and expenditure will be attained. Bach being the case, it is of great moment both to exercise care and economy fat appropriations, and to scan sharply any change in our fiscal revenue system which may reduce our income. The need of strict economy iu our expenditures is emphasized by the fact that we cannot afford to be parsimonious iu providing lor what is essential to our national wellbeing. Careful economy wherever possible will alone prevent out income from falling below the point required in order to meet our genuine needs. The Integrity of our currency is beyond question, and under present conditions ft would be unwise and unnecesaanr to attempt a reconstruction of our mrare monetary system. The same liberty should be granted the Secretary of fh* Treasury to deposit customs receipts as ia granted Kim in the deposit of receipts from other sources. In my message of Dec. 2, 1902. 1 called attention to certain needs of the financial situation, and 1 again nsk the consideration of the Congress for these questions. Merchant Marine. A majority of our people desire that steps be taken in the interests of American shipping, so that we may once more immune our former position iu the ocean carrying trade. Irat hitherto the differ cares of opinion as to the proper method of reaching this end hare been so wide that it has proved iiui>oasible to secure the adoption of any particular scheme. Haring in view these facta, I recommend that the Congress direct the Secretary of the Navy, the Postmaster Genaeal aad the Secretary of Commerce and labor, associated with such a representataoa from the-Senate and House of Repeaoentatives as the Congress iu its wisAaaa may designate, to serve as a commiseirn for the purpose of investigating mm 4 reporting to the Congress at its next aaaoton what legislation ia desirable or necessary for the development of the American merchant marine and American commerce, and incidentally of a national ocean mail service of adeouate ooxiilary naval cruisers and naval **•

serves. While such a measure is desirable in any event, it is especially desirable at this time, in view of the fact that our present governmental contract for ocean mail with the American Line will expire in 1905. Moreover, lines of cargo ships are of even more importance than fast mail lines; save so far aa the latter can he depended upon to furnish swift auxiliary cruisers in time of war. The establishment of new lines of cargo ships to South America, to Asia, and elsewhere would be much in the interest of our commercial expansion. Immigration. We cannot have too much immigration of the right kind, and we should have none at all of the wrong kind. The need ia to devise some system by which undesirable immigrants shall be- kept out entirely, while desirable immigrants are properly distributed throughout the country. The special investigation of the subject of naturalization under the direction of the Attorney General, and the consequent prosecutions, reveal a condition of affairs calling for the immediate attention of the Congress. Forgeries and peri juries of shameless and flagrant character have been perpetrated, not only in the dense centers of population, blit throughout the country; and it is established beyond doubt that very many socalled citizens of the United States have no title whatever to that right, and are asserting and enjoying the benefits of the same through the grossest frauds. The body politic cannot be. sound nnd healthy if many of its constituent members claim their standing through the prostitution of the high .right und calling of citizenship. It should mean something to become a citizen of the United States; and in the process no loophole whatever should be left open to fraud. In my last annual message, in connection with the subject of the due regulation of combinations of capital which are or may become injurious to the public, I recommended a special appropriation for the better enforcement of the anti-trust law as it uow stands, to be expended under the direction of the Attorney General. Accordingly the Congress appropriated the sum of five hundred thousand dollars, to be expended under the direction of the Attorney General in the employment of special counsel and agents in the Department of Justice to conduct proceedings nnd prosecutions under said laws in the courts of the United States. I now recommend, ns a matter of the utmost importance and urgency, the extension of the purposes of this appropriation so that it may be available, under the direction of the Attorney General, nnd until used, for the due enforcement of the laws of the United States in general and especially of the civil and criminal taws relating to public lands and the Ihws relating to postal crimes nnd offenses and the subject of naturalization. Recent investigations have shown a deplorable state of affairs in these three matters of vitnl concern. By various frauds nnd by forgeries and perjuries, thousands of acres of the public domain, embracing lands of different character and extending through various sections of the country, have been dishonestly acquired. It is hardly necessary to urge the importance of recovering these dishonest acquisitions, stolen from the people, and of promptly and duly punishing the offenders. Postal Frauds. I speak in another part of this message of the widespread crimes by which the sacred right of citizeuship is falsely asserted nnd thnt “inestimable heritage” perverted to base ends. By similar means—that is, through frauds, forgeries and perjuries, nnd by shameless briberies —the laws relating to the proper conduct of the public service in general and to the due administration of the Postofflee Department have been notoriously violated, and many indictments have been found, and the consequent prosecutions are in course of hearing or on the eve thereof. For the reasons thus indicated, and so that the government mny be prepared to enforce promptly and with the greatest effect the due penalties for such violations of law. and to this end may be furnished with sufficient instrumentalities and competent legal assistance for the investigations ami trials which will be necessary at many different points of the country, I urge upon the Congress the necessity of making the said appropriation available for immediate use for all such purposes, to be expended under the direction of the Attorney-General. Steps have been taken by the State Department looking to the making of bribery an extraditable offense with foreign power*. The need of more effective treaties covering this crime is manifest. The exposures and prosecutions of official corruption in St. Louis, Mo., and other cities and States have resulted in a number of givers and takers of bribes becoming fugitives In foreign lands. Bribery has not been Included in extradition treaties heretofore, os the necessity for It has not arisen. While there mny have been as much official corruption -in former years, there has been more developed and brought to light in the immediate past than in the preceding century of our country's history. It should be the policy of the United States to leave no place on earth where a corrupt man fleeing from this country can rest in peace. There Is no reason why bribery should not be Included in ail treaties ns extraditable. Alaskan Boundary. For several years past the rapid development of Alaska and the establishment of growing American Interests in regions theretofore unsurveyed and imperfectly known brought into piomlnence the urgent necessity of a practical demarcation of the boundaries between the jurisdictions of the United States and Great Britain. Although the treaty of 1825 between Great Britain and Russia, the provisions of which were copied in the treaty of 1807, whereby Russia conveyed Alaska to the United States, was positive as to the control, first by Russia and later by the United States, of a strip of territory along the continental main land from the western shore of Portland Canal to Mount St. Bliss, following and surrounding the Indentations of the coast and including the Islands to the westward, lta description of the landward margin of the strip was Indefinite, retting on the supposed existence of a continuous ridge or range of mountains skirting the coast, as figured in the charts of the early navigators. It had at no time been possible for either party In Interest to lay down, under the authority of the treaty, a line so obviously exact according to its provisions as to command the assent of the other. For nearly three-fourths of a century the absence of tangible local Interests demanding the exercise of positive Jurisdiction on either side of the border left the question dormant A permanent disposition of the matter finally became imperative. After unavailing attempts to reach an understanding through a Joint High Commission, followed by prolonged negotiations, conducted to an amicable spirit, a convention between the United States and Great Britain was signed, January 24, 1903, providing for an examination of the subject by a mixed tribunal of six members, three on a side, with a view to Its final disposition. Ratifications were exchanged on March 3 last, whereupon the two Governments appointed their respective members. On the twentieth of October a majority of the tribunal reached and signed an agreement on all the questions submitted by the terins of the' convention. By this award the right of tfie United States to the control of a continuous strip or border of the malaiand shore, skirting all the tidewater Inlets and sinuosities of the coast, is confirmed. ' The result Is satisfactory in every way. It Is of great material advantage to oar people tn the Far Northwest, ft has removed from the field of discussion and possible danger a question liable to become more acutely accentuated with each passing year. Finally, It has furnished a signal proof of the fslrnoas end good will seNh

which two friendly nations can approach and determine Issues Involving national sotersignty. Claims Against Venesuela. It will be remembered that during the second session of the last Congrejs Orest Britain. Germany, and Italy formed an alliance for the purpose of blockading the ports of Venesuela and using such other means of pressure as would secure a settlement of claim* due, as they alleged, to cer tain of their subjects. Their employment of force for the collection of these claims was terminated by an agreement brought about through the offices of the diplomatic representatives of the United States at Caracas nnd the Government at Washington, thereby ending a situation which wus bound to cause Increasing friction, and which Jeopardised the peace of the continent. Under this agreement Venesmela agreed to set apart a certain percentage of the customs receipts of two of her ports to be applied to the payment of whatever obligations might be ascertained by mixed commissions appointed fer that purpose to be due from her, not only to the three powers already mentioned, whose proceedings against her had resulted In a state of war, but also to the United States, France, Spain, Belgium, the Netherlands, Sweden and Norway, Bnd Mexico, who had not employed force for the collection of the claims alleged to bs due to certain of their citizens. A demand was then made by the so-called blockading powers that the sums ascertained to be dne to their citizens by such mixed commissions should be accorded payment In full before anything was paid upon the claims of any of the so-called peace powers. Venezuela, on the other baud, insisted that all her creditors should be paid upon a basis of exact equality. During the efforts to adjust this dispute It was suggested by the powers in Interest that It should be referred to me for decision, but I was clearly of the opinion that a far wiser course would be to submit the question to the Permanent Court of Arbitration at The Hague. It seemed to me to offer an ndmirable opportunity to advance the practice of the peaceful settlement of disputes between nations and to secure for the Hague Tribunal a memorable increase of Its practical Importance. The nations Interested In the controversy were so numerous and in many Instances so powerful as to make it evident that beneficent results would follow from their appearance at the same time before the bar of that august tribunal of peace. Our hopes In that regard have been realized. Russia and Austria are represented in the persons of the learned and distinguished Jurists who compose the trlbuual, while Great Britain, Germany, France, Spain, Italy, Belgium, the Netherlands, Sweden and Norway, Mexico, the United States, and Venesuela are represented by their respective agents and counsel. There seems good ground for the belief that there has been a real growth among the civilized nations of a sentiment which will permit a gradual substitution of other methods than the method of war In the settlement of disputes. It is not pretended that as vet we are near n position in which It will be possible wholly to prevent war, or that a Just regard for national interest nnd honor will in all cases permit of the settlement of international disputes by arbitration; but by a mixture of prudence and firmness with wisdom we think it Is possible to do away with much of the provocation and excuse for war, and at least In many cases to substitute some other and more rational method for the settlement of disputes. t Relations with Turkey and Chl.ia. Karly In July, having received intelligence, which happily turned out to be erroneous, of the assassination of our Vice Consul at Beirut, I dispatched a small squadron to that port for such service ns might be found necessary on arrival. Although the attempt on the life of our Vice Consul bad not been successful, yet the outrage was symptomatic of a state of excitement and disorder which demanded Immediate attention. The arrival of the vessels had the happiest resnlt. A feeling of security at once took the place of the former alarm and disquiet; our officers were cordially welcomed by the consular body and the leading merchants, and ordinary business resumed Its activity. The Government of the Sultan gave a considerate hearing to the representations of our minister; the official who wus regarded as responsible for the disturbed condition of affairs was removed. Our relations with the Turkish Government remain friendly; our claims founded on inequitable treatment of some of our schools and mlsslous appear to be lu process of amicable adjustment. The signing of a new commercial treaty with China, which took place at Shanghai on the Bth of October, is a cause for satisfaction. This act, the result of long discussion and negotiation, places our commercial relations with the great Oriental Umpire on a more satisfactory footing than they have ever heretofore enjoyed. It provides not only for the ordinary rights and privileges of diplomatic and consular officers, but also for an Important extension of our commerce by Increased facility of access to Chinese ports, and for the relief of trade by the removal of some of the obstacles which have embarrassed It in the past. The full measure of development which our commerce may rightfully expect can hardly be looked for until the settlement of the present abnormal state of things iu the Empire; but the foundation for such development has at last been laid. Karat Free Delivery. The rural free-dellvery service has been steadily extended. The attention of the CoDgress is asked to the question of the compensation of the letter carriers and clerks engaged In the postal service, especially on the new rural free-dellvery routes. More routes have been Installed since the first of July last than In any like period in the Department’s history. While a due regard to economy must be kept in mind in the establishment of new routes, yet the extension of the rural free-dellvery system must be continued, for reasons of sound public policy. No governmental movement of recent years has resulted in greater Immediate benefit to people of the country districts. Rural free delivery, taken in connection with the telephone, the bicycle, and the trolley, accomplishes much toward lessening the Isolation of farm life and making it brighter and more attractive. Rural free delivery is not only a good thing in Itself, but la good because It Is one of the causes which check this unwholesome tendency toward the urban concentration of our population at the expense of the country -districts. It la for the same reason that we sympathise with and approve of the policy of building good road a. Alaska and Insular Possessions. I call your special attention to the Territory of Alaska. The country la developing rapidly, and it has an assured fntare. The mineral wealth is great and has as yet hardly been tapped. The fisheries, If wisely handled and kept under national control, will he a business as permanent as any other, and of the utmost Importance to the people. The forests If properly guarded will form another great source of wealth. Portions of Alaska are fitted for farming and atock raising, although the methods must be adapted to the peculiar conditions of the eountry, Alaska is situated In the far north; but ap are Norway and Sweden and Finland; add Alaska can prosper and play Its part In the New World Jnst as those nations have prospered and played their parts In the Old World. Of our Insular possessions the Philippines and Porto Rico ft la gratifying to aay that their steady progress has been such as to make It unnecessary to spend mnch time In discussing them. Yet the Congress should ever kepp In mind that a peculiar obligation rests upon ns to further In every way the welfare of these communities. The Philippines should be knit closer to us by tariff arrangements It would, of course, be Impossible suddenly to rains the people of the Islands to the high pitch of Industrial prosperity and of governmental efficiency to which they will in the end by degrees attain; and the caution and moderation shown In develonln* ‘ h « m kave J&esn among /the m.ln reasoni why 'this development has hitherto gone on so smoothly. Scrupulous care has been taken In the choice of governmental agentand the enttos elimination of partisan poll ties from the public service. The condition of the islanders Is la material things far better than ever before, while their governmental. Intellectual, and moral advance has kept pace with their material advance. No one people ever benefited another ptopis mere than we have benefited

the Filipinos by taking possession of the Islands Experience has shown that In the Western States themselves, as well as in the rest of the country, there Is widespread conviction thnt certain of the public-land laws and the resulting administrative practice no longer meet the present needs. The character aad uses of the remaining public lands differ widely from those of the ftubllc lands which Congress had especially n view when these laws were passed- The rapidly Increasing rate of disposal of the public land Is not followed by a corresponding increase In home building. There Is a tendency to mass In large holdings public lands, especially timber and grazing lands, and thereby to retard settlement. I renew and emphasise my recommendation of last year that so far as they are available for agriculture sh Its broadest sense, and to whatever extent they may be reclaimed under the national Irrigation law, the remaining public landa should be held rigidly for the home builder. The attention of the Congress Is especially directed to the timber and stone law, the desertland law, and the commutation clause of the homestead law, Which In their operation have In many respects conflicted with wise public-land policy. The work of reclamation of the arid lands of the Weat Is progressing steadily and satisfactorily under the terms of the law setting aside the proceeds from the disposal of public lands. Surveys and examinations are progressing throughout the arid States and Territories, plans for reclaiming works being prepared and passed upon by boards of engineers before approval by the Secretary of the Interior. In Arizona nnd Nevada, in localities where such work is pre-eminently needed, construction has already been begun. In other parts of the arid West various projects are well advanced toward the drawing up of contracts, these being delayed In part by necessities of reaching agreements or understanding as regards rights of way or acquisition of real estate. During the year ended June 30 last 25,566 persons were appointed -through competitive examinations under the civil-ser-vice rules. This was 12,972 more than during the preceding year, and 40 per cent of those who passed the examinations. This abnormal growth was largely occasioned by the extension of classification to the rural free-dellvery service and the appointment last year of over 9,000 rural carriers. A revision of the civil-service rules took effect on April 15 last, which has greatly Improved their operation. Afmy and Navy. The effect of the laws providing a General Staff for the Army and for the more effective use of the National Guard has been excellent. Great Improvement has been made In the efficiency of our Army In recent years. Such schools as those erected at Fort Leavenworth and Fort Riley and the Institution of fall maneuver work accomplish satisfactory results. The good effect of these maneuvers upon the National Guard Is marked, and ample 'appropriation should be made to enable the guardsmen of the several States to share' In the benefit. The government should as soon as possible secure suitable permanent camp sites for military maneuvers In the various sections of the country. The service thereby rendered not only to the Regular Army, but to the National Guard of the several States, will be so great as to repay many times over the relatively small expense. We should not rest satisfied with what has been done, however. The only people who are contented with a system of promotion by mere seniority are those who are contented with the triumph of mediocrity over excellence. On the other hand a system which encouraged the exercise of social or political favoritism In promotions would be even worse. But It would surely be easy to devise n method of promotion from grade to grade In which the opinion of the higher officers of the service upon the candidates should be decisive upon the standing and promotion of the latter. Just such a system now obtains at West Point. I heartily congratulate the Congress upon the steady progress in building up the American Navy. We can not afford a letup in this great work. To stand still means to go back. There should be no cessation In adding to the effective units of the fighting strength of the fleet. Meanwhile the Navy Department and the officers of the Navy are doing well their part by providing constant service at sea under conditions akin to those of actual warfare. Our officers and enlisted men are learning to handle the battle ships, cruisers, and torpedo boats with high efficiency In fleet and squadron formations, and the standard of marksmanship Is being steadily raised. It Is eminently desirable, however, that there should be provided a naval general staff on lines similar to those 6f the General Staff lately created for the Army. Isthmian Cana}. By the act of Jane 28, 1902, the Congrees authorized the President to enter Into treaty with Colombia for the bnlldlng of the canal across the Isthmns of Panama; It being provided that In the event of failure to secure such treaty after the lapse of a reasonable time, recourse should be had to building a canal through Nicaragua. It has not been necessary to conalder this alternative, as I am enabled to lay before the Senate a treaty providing for the building of the canal across the Isthmus of Panama. This was the route which commended Itself to the deliberate judgment of the Congress, and we can now acquire by treaty the right to construct the canal over this route. The question now, therefore. Is not by which route the Isthmian canal shall be built, for that question has been definitely and Irrevocably decided. The question Is simply whether or not we shall have an Isthmian canak When the Congress directed that we should take the Panama route under treaty with Colombia, the essence of the condition, of course, referred not to the Government which controlled that route, but to the route Itself; to the territory across which the route lay, not to the name which for the moment the territory bore on the map. The purpose of the law was to authorise the President to make a treaty with the povter in actnal control of the Isthmns of Panama. This purpose has been fulfilled. In the year 1849 this Government entered Into a treaty with New Granada, the predecessor upon the Isthmns of the Republic of Colombia and of the present Republic of Panama, by which treaty It was provided that the Government and cltlsens of the United States should always have free aad open right of way or transit across the lathmus of Panama by any modes of communication that might be constructed, while in return our Government guaranteed the perfect neutrality of the above-men-tioned Isthmus with the view that the free transit from the one to the other sea might not be interrupted or embarrassed. The treaty vested In the United States a substantial property right carved out of the rights of sovereignty and property which New Granada then had and possessed over the said territory. The name of New Granada has passed away and Its territory has been divided. Its successor, the Government of Colombia, has ceased to own any property In the Isthmus. A uew Republic, that of Panama, which was at one time a sovereign State, and at another time a mere department of the successive confederations known as New Granada and Colombia, has now succeeded to the rights which first one and then the other formerly exercised over the Isthmus. But as long as the Isthmus endures, the mere geographical fact of Its existence, and the peculiar interest therein which la required by our position, perpetuate the solemn coutract which binds the holders of the territory to respect our right to freedom of transit across It, and binds ns in return to safeguard for the Isthmus and the world the exercise of that Inestimable privilege. The true Interpretation *of the obUgatlon npon which the United States entered In this treaty of 1849 has been given repeatedly In the utterances of Presidents and Secretaries of State. Secretary Cass in 1858 officially stated the position of this Government as follows: “The progress of events has rendered the lnteroceanlc route across the narrow portion of CentraltAmeriea vastly Important to the commercial world, and especially to the United States, whose possessions extend along the i Atlantic and Pacific coasts, and dr gland the speedhjt and easiest modes of commualcation. while ao^ sndTclrcumstanoes that hay* arisen. **sßs

meats, even If administered with store regard to the Just demands qf other nations than they have been, would be permitted, lu a spirit of Eastern Isolation, to close the gates o< Intercourse on highways of the world, and justify the set by the pretension that these avenues of trade ana travel belong to them and that they choose to shut them, or, what is al-’ most equivalent, to encumber them with such unjust relations as would prevent their general use.” Seven years later. In 1805, Mr. Seward In different communications took the following position: f “The United States have taken and will take no Interest in any question of internal revolution In the State of Panama, or any State of the United States of Colombia, but will maintain a perfect neutrality in connection with such domestic altercations. The United States will, nevertheless, hold themdelves ready to protect the transit fra® aero® the Isthmus against Invasion of either domestic or foreign disturbers of tbe peace of the State of Panama. • * * Neither the text nor <he spirit of the stipulation in that article by which the United States engages to preserve the neutrality of the Isthmus of Panama, imposes an obligation on this Government to comply with the requisition (of the President of the United States of Colombia for a force to protect the Isthmus of Panama from a body of insurgents of that country). The purpose of the stipulation was to guarantee the Isthums against seizure or Invasion by a foreign power only.” Attorney-General Speed, under dote of November 7, 1885, advised Secretary Seward as follows: “From this treaty It can not be supposed that New Granada invited the United States to become a party to tbe Intestine troubles of that Government, nor did the United States become bound to take sides in the domestic broils of New Granada. The United States, did guarantee New Granada In the sovereignty and property over the territory. This was as against other and foreign governments.” For four hundred years, ever since shortly after the discovery of this hemisphere, the canal across the Isthmus has been planned. For two score years It has been worked at. When made It Is to last for the ages. It Is to alter the geography of a continent and the trade routes of the world. We have shown by every treaty we have negotiated or attempted to negotiate with the peoples In control of the Isthmus and with foreign nations In reference thereto our consistent good faith In observing our obligations; on the one hand to the peoples of the Isthmus, and on the other hand to the civilized world whose commercial rights we are safeguarding and guaranteeing by our action. We have done our duty to others In letter and In spirit, and we have shown the utmost forbearance In exacting our own rights. Lost spring, under the act above referred to, a treaty concluded between the representatives of the Republic of Colombia and of our Government was ratified by the Senate. This treaty wus entered Into at“ the urgent solicitation of the people of Colombia and after a body of experts appointed by our Government especially to go Into tbe matter of the routes-acrossthe Isthmus had pronounced unanimously In favor of the Panama route. In drawing up this treaty every concession was made to the people and to the Government of Colombia. We were more than just In dealing with them. Our generosity was such as to make It a serious question whether we had not gone too far In their interest at the expense of our own; for In our scrupulous desire to pay all possible heed, not merely to the real bnt even to the fancied rights of our weaker neighbor, who already owed so much to our protection and forbearance, we yielded In all possible ways to her desires In drawing up the treaty. Nevertheless the Government of Colombia not merely repudiated the treaty, but repudiated It In such manner as to make It evident by the time the Colombian Congress adjourned that not the scantiest hope remained of ever getting a satisfactory treaty from them. The Government of Colombia made the treaty, and yet when the Colombian Congress was called to ratify It the vote against ratification was unanimous. It does not appear that the Government made any real effort to secure ratification. Revolution in Panama. Immediately after the adjournment of the Congress a revolution broke out In Panama. The people of Panama had long been discontented with the Republic of Colombia, and they had been kept quiet only by the prospect of the conclusion of the treaty, which was to them a matter of vital concern. When It became evident that the treaty was hopelessly lost, the people of Panama rose literally as one man. Not a shot was fired by a single man on the lathmus In the interest of tbe Colombian Government. Not a life was lost lu the accomplishment of the revolution. The Colombian troops stationed on the Isthmus, who had long been unpaid, made common cause with the people of Panama, and with astonishing unanimity the new Republic was started. The duty of the United States In the premises was clear. In strict accordance with the principles laid down by Secretaries Csss and Seward in the official documents above quoted, tbe United States gave notice that It would permit the landing of no expeditionary force, the arrival of which would mean chaos and destruction along the line of the railroad and of the proposed canal, and an Interruption of transit as an Inevitable consequence. The de facto Government of Panama was recognized In the following telegram to Mr. Enrman: “The people of Panama have, by apparently unanimous movement, dissolved their political connection with the Republic of Colombia and resumed their Independence. When yon are satisfied that a de facto government, republican In form and without substantial opposition from Its own people, has been established In the State of Panama, you will enter Into relations with It as the responsible Government of the territory and look to It or all due action to protect the persons and property of citizens of the United States and to keep open the isthmian transit, In accordance with the obligations of existing treaties governing the relations of the United States to that territory.” The Government of Colombia was notified of our action by the following telegram to Air. Beaupre: “The people of Panama having, by an apparently unanimous movement, dissolved their political connection with the Republic of Colombia and resumed their Independence, and having adopted a government of their own, republican In form, with which the Government of the United States of America has entered Into relations, the President of the United States, in accordance with the ties of friendship which have so long and so happily existed between the respective nations, most earnestly commends to the Government of Colombia and of Panama the peaceful and equitable settlement of all questions at Issue between them. He holds that he is bound not merely by treaty obligations,* bnt by the Interests of civilization, to see that the peaceful traffic of the world across the Isthmus of Panama shall not longer be disturbed by a constant succession of unnecessary and wasteful civil wars.” When these events happened, fifty-seven vears had elapsed since the United States had entered Into Its treaty with New Granada. Daring that time the Governments of New Granada and of Its successor, Colombia, have been In a constant state of flux. There have been revolutions, rebellions. Insurrections, riots, and other outbreaks, numbering 53 for the 57 years. It Is a fact that one of them lasted for nearly three years before It was quelled; another for nearly a year. In short, the experience of over half a centdry has shown Colombia to be utterly Incapable of keeping order on the Isthmus. Only tbe active Interference of the United States has enabled her to preserve so much as a semblance of sovereignty. Had It not been for the exercise by the United States of the police bower In her Interest, her connection with tbe Isthmus would have been sundered long ago. In 1859, in 1860, tn 1873, In 1885, In 1901, and again tn 1902, sailors and marines from United States war ships were forced to land In order to patrol the Isthmus, to protect life and property, and to see that the transit across the Isthmus was kept open. In 1891. In 1885, and In 1900, the Colombian Government asked that the UalteA States Government wonld land troops to protect Its Interests and maintain order oa the Isthmus. Colombia’s Latest Proposition. which runs as follows: “bowing that revolution has already

commenced In Panama (an eminent Colombian) says that If the Government of the United States will land-troops to preserve Colombian sovereignty, and the transit, If requested by Colombian charge d’affaires, this government will declare martial law; and, by virtue of vested constitutional authority, when public order Is disturbed, will approve by decree the ratification of the canal treaty as signed; or. If the Government of the United Sta’es prefers, will call extra session of the Congress—with new and friendly members—next May to approve the treaty. (An eminent Colombian) has the perfect confidence of vice president, he says, and If It became necessary will go to the Isthmns or send representative there to adjust matters along above lines to the satisfaction of the people there.” This dispatch Is noteworthy from two standpoints. Its offer of Immediately guaranteeing the treaty lo us is in sharp contrast with the positive snd contemptuous refusal of the. Congress which has just closed its sessions to consider favorably such a treaty; It shows that the government which made the treaty really had absolute control over the situation, but did not choose to exercise this control. The dispatch further calls on us to restore order and secure Colombian supremacy In the Isthmus from which the Colombian Government has just by Its action decided to bar us by preventing the construction of the canal. i ontrol of Great Importance, The control. In the Interest of the commerce and trutttc of the whole civilised world, of the means of undisturbed transit • across the Isthmus of Panama has become of transcendent importance to the United States. We have rppeatedly exercised this control by Intervening In the course of domestic dissension, and by protecting the territory from foreign Invasion. In 1853 Mr. Everett assured the Peruvian minister that we ahould not hesitate to maintain the neutrality of tpe Isthmus In the case of war between Peru and Colombia. In 1864 Colombia, which has always been vigilant to avail Itself of Us privileges conferred .by the treaty, expressed Its expectation that In the event of war between Peru and Spain the United States would carry into effect the guaranty of nentrallty. There have been few administrations . of the State Department in which this treaty has not, either by the one side or the other, been nsed as a basts of more or less Important demands. It was said by Mr. Fish In 1871 that the Department of State had reason to believe that an attack npon Colombian sovereignty on the Isthmus had, on several occasions, been averted by warning from this government. In 1886, when Colombia was under the menace of hostilities from Italy In the Cerruti case, Mr. Bayard expressed the serious concern that the United States could not but feel that a European power should resort to force against a sister republic of this hemisphere, as to tha sovereign and uninterrupted use of a part of whose territory we are guarantors under the solemn faith of a treaty. „ . The above recital of facts establishes beyond question: First, that the United States has for over half a century patiently and in good faith carried out Its obligations under the treaty of 1846; second, that whenjfor the first time It became possible for Colombia to do anything In requital of the services thus repeatedly rendered to It for fifty-seven years by the United States, the Colombian Government peremptorily and offensively refused thus to do Its part, even though to do so would hnve been to Its advantage and Immeasurably to the advantage of the State of Panama. at that time under Its Jurisdiction; third, that throughout this period revolutions, riots and factional disturbances of every kind have occurred one after the other In almost uninterrupted succession, some of them lasting for months and even for years, while the central government was unable to put them down or to make Seace with the rebqls: fourth, thnt these Isturbanees Instead of showing any sign of abating hnve tended to grow more numerous and more serious In the Immediate past; fifth, that the control of Colombia over the Isthmus of Panama could not be maintained without the armed Intervention and assistance of the United States. In other words, the Government of Columbia, though wholly unable to maintain order on the Isthmus, has nevertheless declined to ratify n treaty the conclusion of which opened "the pnly chance to secure Its own stability and' to guarantee permanent peace on, and the construction of a canal across, the Isthmus. Under such circumstances the Government of the United States would have been guilty of folly and weakness, amounting In their sum to a crime against the nation.- had It acted otherwise than It did when the revolution of Nov. 3 last took place In Panama. This great enterprise of building the lnteroceanlc canal cannot be held up to gratify the whims, or out of respect to the governmental Impotence, or to the even more sinister and evil political peculiarities, of people who, though they dwell afar off, against the wish of the actual dwellers on the Isthmus, assert an unreal supremacy over the territory. The possession of a territory fraught with such peculiar capacities as the Isthmus In question carries with It obligations to mankind. The course of events has shown that this canal cannot be built by private enterprise, or by any other nation than onr own; therefore It must be built by the United States. Hail Now Deal with Panama. Every effort has been made by the Government of the United States to persuade Colombia to follow a course which was essentially not onlv to our Interests and to the world, but to the Interests of Colombia Itself. These efforts have failed; and Colombia, by her persistence In repulsing the advances that have been made, has forced us, for the sake of our own honor, and of the Interest apd well-being, not merely of our own people, but or tne people of the Isthmus of Panama and the people of the civilized countries of the world, to take decisive steps to brirtg to an end a condition of affairs which had become Intolerable. The new Republic of Panamn Immediately offered to negotiate a treaty with us. This treaty I herewith submit. By It our Interest* are better safeguarded than In the treaty with Colombia which was ratified by the Senate at its last session. It Is better tn Its terms than the treaties offered to us >y tne Republics of Nicaragua and Cost* Rica. At last the right to begin this great undertaking Is made available. Panama has done her pari. All that remains Is for the American Congress to do Its part and forthwith this Republic will enter upon the execution of a project colossal In Its slse and of well-nlgn incalculable possibilities for the good of this country and the nations of mankind. By the provisions of the treaty the United States guarantees and will maintain the Independence of the Republic of Panama. There Is granted to the United States In perpetuity the use. occupation, nud control of a strip ten miles wide and extending three nautical miles Into the sea at either terminal, with all lands lylug outside of the zone necessary for the construction of the canal or for Its auxiliary works, and with the Islands In the Bay of Panama. The cities of Panama and Colon are not embraced In the canal zone, bnt the United States assumes their sanitation and, In case of need, the maintenance of order therein: the United States enjoys within the granted limits all the rights, power, and authority which It would possess were It the sovereign of the territory to the exclusion of the exercise of sovereign rights by the Republic. All railway and canal property rights belonging to Pnnama and needed far the canal pass to the United States. Including any property of the respective companies In the cities of Panama aßd Colon: the works, property,, and personnel of the canal and railways are exempted from taxation as weH In tne cities of Panama and Colon as In the csbol zone and its dependencies Free Immigration of the personnel and Importation of supplies for tne construction and operation of the canal are granted. Provision Is made for the use of military force and the bonding of fortifications by the United States for the protection of tne transit. In other details, particularly as to the acquisition of the Interests of the New Panama Canal Company and the Panama Railway by tbs United States and the condemnation of private property for the uses of the canal, the treafy^arc thß pboriitloß. nw

THEODORE-BOOSVELT.