Jasper County Democrat, Volume 4, Number 38, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 28 December 1901 — POLITICS OF THE DAY [ARTICLE]

POLITICS OF THE DAY

No Hope for Tariff Reform. President Roosevelt’s first annual message has been read by all thinking men, regardless of party affiliation, with probably more interest than has any Presidential message In recent years. There has been a general expectancy that this man’s first declarations of public policy would be strenuous, at least in spots, and that he would tackle some new ideas and handle them In an original way. The message is a well written document, which everybody who knows the Rooseveltlan literary style expected, and which all will commend. Otherwise it is merely interesting as a tale that has been told in the regular dally history of our times by the up-to-date newspapers of the country. The President takes strong ground in the matter of anarchy in the United States, but suggests no more effective remedy than the suppression of anarchistic meetings and the deportation of anarchists to the country from whence they sailed to America. Indeed it would puzzle anybody to suggest anything further that would be ; practical along that line. Under most heads the message treats questions fairly from a Republican standpoint, but there Is a notable exception in the case of the trust subject The President will be accused of dishonesty in the way he handles the trusts and their causes. He makes the assertion that “The creation of these great corporate fortunes has not been due to the tariff nor to any other governmental action, but to natural causes in the business world, operating in other countries as they operate in our own.” Will the President have the—well, we will call it “strenuosity,” to maintain before any American audience that he is honest in this assertion? If the tar-1 iff has not created these corporate for-, tunes, such as the steel trust, what was ; the tariff placed on steel products for? If the tariff on steal was not for the express purpose of giving the American steel manufacturers an advantage over the foreign manufacturers, what was the tariff made for? Will the operation of the American tariff on steel b£Tp the English and German steel manufacturer the same as it helps the American steel manufacturer? Great Scott! President Roosevelt, can you expect us to believe this? Do you expect us to believe that you actually think that the tariff has not assisted the American Knit Goods Trust in piling up Its millions of wealth? It is a pity that President Roosevelt would mar an otherwise fairly consistent Republican document by toadying so unreasonably to the extreme tariff faction of his party. The thoughtful, independent men of both parties have up to this time looked to Roosevelt for frank and honest expression on the issues that ace now occupying public attention, and we have looked forward to his first message to see a fair discussion of the tariff, in which he would at least take a position abreast of the advanced statesmen of his own party who have bejfUn to see glimmerings of the new dawn of industrial and commercial freedom. If a man like Roosevelt must fawn before the tariff barons of America with the obviously false and foolish assertion that the creation of the great corporate fortunes of the tariff protected industries ‘ has not been due to the tariff,” then what may we expect of other men, who are ordinary and common, and who make no pretence of Independence or “strenuosity?” Alack and alas'. Poor Roosevelt! Wichita, Kan., Democrat. A Clash in Cuba. While in his arguments for reciprocity President Roosevelt has taken a position not altogether in accord with the views of aggressive high tariff members of his party, the Cuban paragraph of his message is a bold defiance and challenge .to immediate combat. The general reciprocity suggestions are cautious, the conclusions of the discussion being that “the natural line of development for a policy of reciprocity will be in connection with those of our productions which no longer require all of the support once needed to establish them upon a sound basis, and with those others where either because of natural or of economic causes we are beyond the reach of successful competition." That might be construed as an Indorsement of the Babcock bill and the principle underlying it, but it is not inconsistent with the proposition now finding favor with the party managers of postponing action by the device of a commission, to Investigate and report what productions no longer require the support of high tariff duties. But there is no ambiguity in the Cuban paragraph. Reminding Congress of his preceding arguments In favor of reciprocity as a general policy the President says that in the case of Cuba “there are weighty reasons of morality and natural interest why the policy should be held to have a peculiar application," and he “most earnestly" asks the attention of Congress to “the wisdom, indeed to the vital need, of providing for a substantial reduction In the tariff duties on-'Cuban imports Into the United States. Cuba has, he says, “in her constitution affirmed what we desired, that she should stand, in International matters, lili closer and more friendly relations with us than with any other power; and we are bound by every consideration of honor and expediency to

pass commercial measures In the interest of her material well being." That is plain and unmistakable language. A “substantial reduction in the tariff duties” on its sugar and tobacco Imports Into the United States is what Cuba asks. A powerful interest in the President’s party in Congress has determined there shall be no reduction at all. The President says that “weighty reasons of morality and national interest” require a “substantial reduction” and that it is a “vital need.” The position already taken inside his own party is that It may be a “vital need” for Cuba, but it is a “vital need” of our own sugar and tobacco interests that as much of the Cuban product as possible shall be kept out,“and Cuba may die of a surfeit of its own sugar for all they care. Herejs a clash at the very beginning. But what can the President do should Congress not heed his urgent plea? If Congress were to pass a bill obnoxious to his sense of “morality and national interests” he might veto It, but when Congress simply refuses to pass the measure he desires, the President is powerless in the ctse.—Cleveland Plain Dealer. ’ Must Face the Issue. There is little reason to doubt that the protected Interests of this country will favor such action by Congress on the reciprocity question as shall seem to contain a promise of tariff reduction without offering a genuine menace to the great monopolies, says the St. Louis Republic.

The trick would be well worth turning if the American people could be kept in Ignorance of the bunko nature of such action. Following Congressional legislation as thus directed by the trusts the Republican party would doubtless proclaim to the voters of this country that the Republicans themselves were removing the tariff burden from the shoulders of taxpayers. In this manner, the shrewd representatives of monopoly Interests believe the issue of tariff revision can be kept out of the next national campaign. There is no longer a possibility of entirely ignoring this issue and refusing point blank to abandon the principle of the high protective tariff. The people are too fully aroused to the iniquities of the present tariff to be longer fooled by the argument that protection benefits the consumer. They know that protected interests which sell their manufactured product cheaper in Europe than at home constitute a heavy burden upon the home consumer and are unfairly enriched at his expense. The only expedient now left to avert tariff revision is found tn the crafty movement for reciprocity treaties with certain foreign nations. Luckily, however, there is little doubt that the American people already see through the flimsy game being attempted by the Republican party. The Congressional debates on the question of reciprocity and tariff revision promise to be of peculiar significance. One of the certainties of the situation is that they will make the issue of the tariff revision the most vital issue of the Presidential campaign of 190*. On that issue the Democratic party can appeal to the country with confident hope of victory based on the party’s faithfulness to the people in opposing the evil principle of the trust-creating tariff. Expect* Roonerelt to “Make Break.” Senator Fairbanks believes that before the end of his term President Roosevelt >lll make some bad political break that will forever kill his chances for the nomination tn 1904. Acting on that belled, the Senator will introduce and push the Chinese exclusion bill and such others as will benefit him In different sections of the country in the hope of getting that nomination after Mr. Roosevelt has been eliminated from the list of candidates. Both Mr. Mondell and Senator Fairbanks hope to have one of their bills enacted into law before the Christmas holidays. Labor organizations all over flie country have adopted resolutions favoring the re-enactment of the present exclusion law and the people of the Pacific coast and Rocky mountain States insist that the Mongolian shall be kept out of tiie country.—Sault Ste. Marie, Mich., News-Record. The Poor Sheep. (Black Hills, 8. Dak., Press.) When your Republican friend attempts to twit you about Republican high prices for stock ask him why the rule that makes hogs and cattle higher does not apply to sheep as well. The poor sheep, so amply protected by the Republican tariff, seems to be in a bad way. The man who doesn’t know that supply and demand controls the price of a commodity should be made to go away back and sit down.—Black Hill*, 8. Dak., Press. Taxed Too Much. We are taxed too much by our national government, and these excessive tales are said to have brought in $130,OOO.OJXI more of revenue than the nation needed during the past year. And yet the most oppressive taxes will not be reduced, because If dutfes on imports were cut down the combines couldn't make such big profits. ' Admiration is the daughter of ignorance.—Franklin.