Jasper County Democrat, Volume 4, Number 24, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 21 September 1901 — POLITICS OF THE DAY [ARTICLE+ILLUSTRATION]

POLITICS OF THE DAY

la the Conatitntion «i Fictiou? One of the essential demands of a Lemocracy is that the different departments of government shall be subject to the limitations of a written Constitution. The theory of a Democracy upon this point is very simple. It is presumed that the right of sovereignty resides in the people; that they delegate certain powers to government and that all powers not so delegated continue to reside in the people, and that the delegated powers are explicitly enumerated in a written Constitution. In so far as no generation can be wise enough for all'posterity provision is made whereby the fundamental law may be so altered as to meet any contingency that may arise. The object is to protect the people from the arbitrary ambition or caprice of unwise or unscrupulous rulers. The Constitution draws a line of dcmarkation about each officer and "declares, “Thus far shalt thou go and no further,” Thus the victims of despotic government have always looked upon Hie adoption of a written Constitution as a blow at absolutism and a step toward political liberty. That such was the conception of our '•evolutionary sires is universally admitted. The different departments of government were carefully kept independent of each other. And it was considered of especial Importance that the Supreme Court should be absolutely indc,pendent of the executive department and all other transient political influences. This was made decidedly clear in the early decisions of John Marshall, which came frequently in collision with the expressed wishes of the administration. It was considered proper then that the Constitution should be interpreted rather than that an administration should lie vindicated. Nor was the Supreme Court the tool of Congress. As early as 1800 John Marshall, in tlie case of Marbury vs. .Madison, held that any law of Congress coming into opposition with the Constitution was void. And every law that came before him for his consideration was tested impartially and courageously In the tight of the Constitution and accepted or rejected in accordance with that light.

Hut times have changed. The court lias seemingly degenerated into a political machine and by its action justified the query of the jurist: "Is the court abdicating its judicial character and assuming an anomalous political function?” It would certainly seem so, and if the constitution is to be so construed as to coincide with the policy of tbe executive department then it has lost its.character and become a fiction, and If the Supreme Court Is to Invariably echo the verdict of an election it can no longer pretend to be tbe conservative ballast whereby the people are preserved from the irrational enthusiasms of the hour. If the people intelligently desire that which the constitution forbids they have recourse to a constitutional amendment, and during Ihe deliberate process of the change they are given an opportunity to weigh well the meaning of the change. The isissihlilty of the structure of government Iteing altered by one popular election where minor considerations and local causes play an important part is dangerous. As things now stand the constitution is a Action.—lndianapolis Sentinel.

Republican Revolt in Wisconsin. The movement lu progress Junkie the Republican party of Wisconsin has uo precedent In any other States. A majority of the Republican members in both houses of the Legislature have Issued an address to the people, and especially to Republicans, denouncing the interference and dictation of the Governor iu the passage of bills pending before the legislative bodies. This action is inspired by indignation against Governor La Toilette for his attempts to coerce the Legislature into the passage of his pet primary bill at tiie late session. His method adopted for that purpose excited the resentment of members of the Legislature and widespread opposition iu the Republican party. The authors of the nddress and their Republican sympathizers have formed a permanent organization, with headquarters In Milwaukee. Officers of the organization are in constant attendance and a press agent lias been appointed. The address is a strong document. It starts out by quoting the constitution of Wisconsin, which says: “The legislative power shall lie vested In a senate and assembly.” As representatives of the people the signers of the address “view with alarm the persistent efforts to strengthen the executive at the expense of the legislative department of the State.” They charge that “many uuwnrrnntalde Interferences with the exclusive powers of the Legislature and attempts to coerce acquiescence in unreasonable nets and unwise experiments” occurred at the late session. Of course the charge rests agnlnst Governor La Toilette, and his policy Is said to be contrary to the welfare of the people,of Wisconsin, while creating "bitter factional differences In the Republican party.” The primary bill which Governor La Toilette tried to force through tha Wisconsin Legislature was revolutionary and set aside all previous usages in party politics. Town, city, county, district and State conventions were absolutely abolished. The delegate or rep^

resentative system was superseded. All nominations were to be made by a direct vote of the people at the primaries. The primaries of both parties were to be held at the same time and place under rules for umpiring the contest in each party. But the scheme was far deeper than that. Precinct committees were to be chosen at encii primary. With from two to five primaries in a town or ward, the chairmen of the precinct committees were to form the town, ward or city committees. The chairmen of the town and city committees were to form the county committees. The chairmen of all the county committees were to form the State committee. There never was such elaborate provision to build up an all-powerful party machine. The plan applied to both parties. it Is notorious that Governor La Follette lias been at work for several years organizing In each precinct a little force of politicians devoted to his interests. It was his personal machine and in perfect working order. If his bill had passed the most formidable political organization that ever existed in the State would have been established and it would have been under his supreme personal control.—Chicago Chronicle.

Fres Tend - w Trmt Goo is. —— Representative Grosvenor, of Ohio, lias just returned from a trip to Europe, tilled with fierce indignation at the “false impression’' which has lieen” created on the other side of the Atlantic by Representative Babcock's bill to put articles manufactured or controlled by trusts on the free list. Mr. Grosveuor is a protectionist of the most orthodox and narrow type. lie doesn’t believe in giving the foreigner an opportunity to sell anything In the United States. Incidentally, as an influential Republican member of Congress, what bo says about Mr. Babcock's bill is significant as an expression of the views of the extreme protectionist clement in his party. “I told Mr. Wilson, a Member of Parliament,” says Mr. Grosvenor, “that Mr. Babcock's hill, if it ever materialized, would in all probability never be considered by the Ways and Means Committee of the House; that Mr. Babcock was not regarded in any sense as a leader on the tariff question, and that I knew personally that President McKinley does not approve the bill.”

It seems, according to Mr. Grosvenor, that if articles manufactured and controlled by trusts were deprived of protection, “the tide of prosperity would lie cheeked,” the business of the country would be distuned and tbe “march of enterprise” would he halted. If any concessions at all were made in the matter of the tariff those terrible freetraders would be encouraged to begin another campaign against protection, and then the country would surely go to the dogs. Mr. Babcock is a good Republican, but these awful forebodings which Mr. Grosvenor’s fertile imagination lias conjured up have never occurred to the Wisconsin Congressman He belongs to the elementary school of statesmen who believe that when American industrial enterprise has driven the foreigner almost out of business in his own market it no longer requires protection by a paternal government. Mr. Grosvenor has difficulty In finding words to express his contempt for such crude statesmanship. The central fact In Mr. Grosvenor's denunciation of the Babcock bill is that he and Ids party are resolutely opposed to any legislation which will protect the American consumer from the trusts. A bill which might prove beneficial to the interests of the people who buy trust products will, according to the Ohio statesman, “never be considered, probably, by the Ways and Menus Committee.” Mr. Babcock might ns well begin to prepare now for the snubbing which the lenders of his party have in store for him. They have no Intention of letting id m pose as n tariff reformer In the Republican party. He must swallow the whole program, trusts, protection and everything else, if lie hopes to escape expulsion from the loyal fold. It now remains to be seen whether Mr. Babcock can he ns easily squelched ns Mr. Grosvenor thinks, or whether he is a man of grit and determination.—Baltimore Sun.