Jasper County Democrat, Volume 3, Number 25, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 29 September 1900 — DEMOCRACY’S ONLY DANGER. [ARTICLE]

DEMOCRACY’S ONLY DANGER.

Party Leaders Caution the Voters Against Overconfidence. Headquarters National Democratic Committee. Chicago. “Over-confidence,” that, according to wise political leaders, is the only danger that Democracy has to fear in the coining campaign. The most conservative men in the party have all along anticipated a .hard, up-hill flglit in a large number of the Eastern States. It was feared that In that region converts would be hard-to get. It was conceded early in the campaign that the leaders of what has been termed the “Gold Democracy” would, with one accord, support McKinley. However, during the hist week the political situation in tlie East has assumed an entirely new aspect. David Bennett Hill's dictum, “I am a Democrat,” seems to have been the slogan adopted by nearly all of the leaders of the Palmer-Buekner movement of 1896. Being Democrats, and 'oeiug men with live consciences and a keen sense of honor and patriotism, they could not do otherwise than rally to the support of those fundamental principles of Democracy upon which are grounded not only the Democratic party but the fabric of our government as well. Whatever the fancied dangers of free silver might be, they fade into insignificance when compared to the unutterable loss of free government. Imperialism and militarism have been termed “bogies,” “shadow Issues,” “phantasies of light-headed politicians,” but within the last few days it has become evident that they are regarded as of such vital importance that the men who have been lauded by the Republican press as the soundest and ablest leaders of Democracy are willing upon those two issues alone to cast their fortunes and unite their efforts with the forces supporting the nominee of the Democratic party. While the landslide in the East was expected, it was not expected so soon, aud only the most sanguine entertained hopes that the landslide would ever assume the proportions of au avalanche, hut nevertheless the movement has been started in the East that bids fair to sweep away the dearest hopes of Republican leaders. Richard Gluey, in an open letter, lias publicly announced his intention of supporting the candidacy of Mr. Bryan. Who is Mr. Olney? Every seliool boy could answer the question; he was Mr. Cleveland’s Secretary of State, lie was moreover a man concerning whose abilities, discernment, sound common sense and patriotism the Republican press in 1890 wrote volumes. lie was pointed to witli pride as a leader who “repudiated Bryanism.” It will be interesting to notice the changed attitude that the Republican press will assume. Mr. Olney will undoubtedly be termed a cheap politician, a rattle brained fanatic; some may even go so far as to term him a traitor, but let them say what they will, the announcement of Mr. Olney, together with the declaration of William L. Wilson tlint he, too, means to support the Democratiflc ticket will have a tremendous effect not only upon the campaign in the East but upon the campaign in the whole United States. It Is confidently expected that the next two weeks will see the whole “Gold Democracy,” headed by Mr. Cleveland, in line for Bryan, -n The coming out of Mr. Olney Is one of the moHt recent links In the long chain of prominent men who have renounced McKinley and the Interests jvhleh he has officially subserved; he Is, however, the link which united the hitherto diverging branches of Democracy. Among other recent converts inay be named Thomas Wentworth Uigglnson, Bourke Cochran Wfbster

Davis, Senator Wellington, Patrick Egan, Henry U. Joliuson, John J. Valentine, Patrick Collins, the friend and adviser of Tilden and Cleveland. The administration is evidently sparring for wind in the little affair eonmining the cession of American territory in Alaska to Great Britain. Secretary of State Hay has just announced to the miners in the district in question that while it is true that the United States has given not only them but their lands to Great Britain, tbat the cession is only temporary. It was not for nothing, that; the administration has been engaged in negotiations with Spanish diplomats for the last four years. Hay can now inject the convenient term "to-morrow” into all the affairs of state with a grace equal to that of a Castilian Don. It will be remembered that the Spaniards were always going to grant the demands made by their Cuban subjects “tomorrow.” Likewise they were going to graut the liberty demanded by the Filipinos “tomorrow.” Bound to carry out the traditions of the worst government that existed in Europe during the last years of the nineteenth century, it will be remembered that the occupation of Cuba by American forces was to be only “temporary.” We were going to retire “to morrow.” The occupation of Porto Rico was at first a temporary matter. We were going to retire from there “tomorrow.” And concerning our occupation of the Philippine Islands, we were assured vociferously and in detail by the administration ..that we were only there for a short period of time and would certainly retire “to-morrow.” Can the poor Alaskan miners hope to fare any better than the Cubans, the Porto Ricans and the Filipinos? By deliberate act of the Republican administration, the British government has been, placed in possession of American territory, and can those who are acquainted with the acquisitive characteristics of John Bull or of the subservient attitude adopted by our President and his advisers towards the British government, hope that the English will voluntarily return territory that they have gained without paying even a price, or that refusiag to return the territory voluntarily, it will ever be demanded by William McKinley and Ids cabinet coterie of Anglo-maniacs? Why They Are for Bryan. The general argument against imperialism appeals to the citizen in proportion to his patriotism and his knowledge of the fundamental principles of free government. The working people have a selfish reason in addition to the patriotic one. They perceive that Imperialism hacked by militarism and aided by trusts threatens .their very means of subsistence. The men who labor for daily wages will vote for Bryan regardless of previous party affiliations because the danger is one that threatens them regardless of party. It was this big industrial vote .which was lacking in 1890. It was cowed Into voting for McKinley. Coercion will lx? tried again, but the conditions nre different. The trust Issue Is next in Importance to the Industrial masses. They are the people who have to pay trust prices for practically everything they eat, drink aud wear. Thej* are the people who have suffered when trusts closed down factories. They are the people who know that no matter how many million* profit the trust makes hi a year, It does not advance wages unless Its employes are organised In otder to forte the payment of living wages. . The education along these lines appeals directly to the Interest* Of the workingmen- In aucb a case they

would probably vote for any party which voiced their protest. The Democratic party does in the most unmistakable manner. That’s why Bryan will get the votes of the working people. Timely anil Troublesome Questions. If some loud-voiced, firm-jawed, ironclad Republican worries you by clatter; and if you find that you cau’t shout as loud as he can or keep him still long enough to squeeze in a Word; or if you find that in noisy debate or argument you are unable to keep up you* end—and remember that Jefferson and poor GoldsuiTOT Were such—wliy, just go where it Is quiet, where you can think, and write out some pertinent questions for your stormy friend to answer.

Pin him down with these: Do you believe that an income tax is a good tax? (If he has the brains of a gnat he will say yes.) Why does the Republican party fail to support the income tax? Why does the Republican party refuse to take the high protective tariff off goods controlled by trusts? Why .does the Republican party {lermit great railroads to discriminate in freight rates in favor of a few trusts? Why does the Republican party fail to pry into the affairs of trusts, with its Interstate Commerce Commission as a pryer? Why does the Republican party preseut to England a large chunk of American land? Why does the Republican party refuse to permit goods from Porto Rico to enter our country free? Why does the Republican party refuse to promise the Filipinos ultimate freedom if they will lay down their arms? Why does the Republican party want to have the nation carry a large and costly army? (These two latter questions are relative. If he says the large army is necessary because of the Fllinino war, don’t let him squirm and get away from answering question No. 8. If freedom was promised the Filipinos, no Filipino war would be on.) Why do the trusts, and why does the corporate wealth of the country, the monopolies, and other wage-lowering and priceraising concerns, support McKinley?

Press him to answer. But he won't. He will try to dodge. Let him gulp and swallow and hem and haw and sputter and swear, but he will not answer. He will quibble and fly to chicanery. The Voter Hon on Kasy Choice. The voter knows what Mr. Bryan’s policy with reference to the Philippines is. It may be open to objection from mnny, but jt Is explicit. The administration lias no particular policy. It Is drifting.- The President will do as pleases him until Congress acts and Congress will act when It Is ready. What Congress will do about It nobody knows. What the President thinks Congress ought to do about It no one can tell, probably not the President himself.—Louisville Courier-Journal. Pnt Kagan on the Rtnmp. Since ex-Becretnry Alger lias consented to make a few speeches for McKinley, why not call In Gen. Eagan from the Sandwich Islands, or wherever he is enjoying his five years’ vacation for blackguarding Gen. Miles, and get him to do a little talking? Ills pay is going on all the time, so he might do It quite cheap.—Philadelphia Tlmaa..