Jasper County Democrat, Volume 3, Number 24, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 22 September 1900 — IS ALL BRYAN'S WAY. [ARTICLE]

IS ALL BRYAN'S WAY.

EVIDENCE OF A LANDSLIDE TO DEMOCRACY'S CANDIDATE. seven Party Managen Are Surprised at the Bryan Enthusiasm Mani* seated—Small Percentage of Gain in Each Precinct Will Do the Work. ,Washington correspondence: It Is a campaign coincidence worthy of note that on the day when the Republicans inaugurate their campaign in Indiana, Senator Fairbanks, speaking for the administration, devoted fuuch of his time to the farming element of the voters and attempted to show what great things had been done for them by the Republican administration, while Mr. Bryan, addressing an agricultural and mining community in West Virginia, proved conclusively that the Republican party had done nothing for the farmers except to foster combines that put up the price of everything the farmer had to buy. Both these speeches were printed, side by side, in the metropolitan press. . Mr. Bryan's attention was directed to the farmer at some leiigth because of the attempt of a New York newspaper to make' it appear that Mr. Bryan was making a large profit out of the proceeds of his “farm.” In showing that he did not own the large farm alleged and In elaborating his text by showing that the farmer was not the beneficiary of the benefits claimed by the Republicans, Mr. Bryan innocently and inadvertently replied to the very speech delivered on the same day in Indiana by Senator Fairbanks, who made the farmer his chief Kditor and who pledged the Republican party to curb trusts and combines and repress everything that sought to restrain legitimate trade. The condition of affairs in Indiana and West Virginia, troth of which States went for McKinley four years ago, have filled the Republican managers with alarm. The reception that greeted Bryan in the Hoosier State a few days ago was a revelation even to the managers, who a few days before the arrival of the distinguished candidate were compelled to admit that the party poll indicated a landslide to the ■Democratic ticket. The order went out for the immediate opening up of the campaign, and Indianapolis, where Bryan spoke, was selected as the place, and Fairbanks, the President’s mouthpiece in the Senate, as the spokesman of the administration in the State. Meanwhile Bryan, hastening across the President’s State, hau set Maryland and West Virginia on fire and started a wave of enthusiasm that the Republicans have endeavored in vain to repress. Mr. Bryan has asked ids hearers to name one thing that has been done by the Republicans to raise the price of farm products. Proving that the Republicans have no policy that will raise the value of the farmer’s products, Mr. Bryan has shown elaborately and conclusively that it does promote the trusts and through them raises the price of everything controlled by the trust that the farmer has to buy, from the twine with which he binds his grain to the article on his table and the material used by his good housewife in every branch of the household economy. And yet Senator Fairbanks, pushing the history of his State behind him and Ignoring the record which was an open book, indulged in glittering platitudes Intended to catch the unwary and appeal to Republicans that might be wavering in their allegiance to the party of trusts and combines. Mr. Fairbanks attributes the gain in the value of farm products and live stock, which he says have gained in value, not to the law of supply and demand, which usually control prices, but to the Republican administration. He declares that the ranks of the employed have been increased by hundreds of thousands and, iu the shape of an axiom, says: “Those who toil should not be defrauded of the fruits of their labors.” It is the literal fulfillment of this truism that the Democratic party demands. Those who toil, in Indiana, have been defrauded of the fruits of their labor. It is one of the trust-rid-den States of the 'West, and yet nowhere are the trusts more loudly inveighed against by the Republican politicians than in Indiana. A recent canvass of the State shows that the glass trust, the pottery trust, the iron and steel trust, the wire nail trust and the bicycle trust have throw® out of employment upward of 35,000 men who, through no fault of their own, have been compelled to stop work and suffer for the absolute necessities of life. This stoppage was not due to the condition of the market It was in defiance of the demands for the products of the labor of these men. They were turned out and the works closed down simply because the capitalists behind the establishments wanted to lessen the output, create an artificial demand for the goods and. by reason of the shortage push up the prices. That was all there was to IL and to accomplish this condition the Indiana laborer was required to suffer. The loss of something like five thousand votes in the Republican majority In Vermont this year was accounted for by Senator Proctor of that State at the White House when be said that the loss was due to fl>e return of the gold Democrats to their regular party. Senator Proctor is noted for Ms blunt frankness, and he doubtless believes that this is the real cause of the big Republican loss. His statement has Set Republican politicians to thinking. If the same change Is seen in other States, where the McKinley majority four years ago was small and due entirely to a Democratic disaffection, what may the result be this year when the party io united and harmonious? Ths Ver-

mont election indicates that the drift is toward Bryan, that the tide is turning and that the Republican party must fight and fight harder for a further lease of life. Compared with four years ago, the Republican loss in Vermont Is about 10 per cent and the Democratic gain about 16 per cent In 1896, if Bryan had received forty-eight more electoral votes he would have been elected. Suppose the Vermont percentage of losses and gains is maintained elsewhere, what will be the result? Indiana has fifteen electoral votes, West Virginia six, Kentucky twelve, Delaware three. If the Republicans were to lose 10 per cent and the Democrats to gain 16 per cent in Indiana, the Republican vote this year would be 291,379 and the Democratic vote, 354,573, a Democratic plurality of 63,083, whereas in 1896 the Republicans carried the State by about 18,000. Similar changes in the other States would give the Democrats Delaware by 447, Kentucky by 56,398, Ohio by 80,501, West Virginia by 13,822 and North Dakota by 283. These make sixty-two electoral votes that Bryan did not get in 1896. California and Oregon were both closer than any of these States, and in this conjecture no account is taken of Maryland, which is certain to re-enter the Democratic column. It is easily seen, therefore, that a very small percentage of gain in each precinct will do the work at the coming election, and it is this silent vote that the Republicans fear. It is the vote that cannot be cajoled, bulldozed nor bought. If the gold Democrats are returning to the fold, as Senator Proctor says, the Republican hope in several of these States is doomed to disappointment. Bryan’s Eastern trip has roused the enthusiasm of the Democrats to the highest pitch. It has been accompanied with incidents of the most dramatic character. Senator Wellington, of Maryland, elected to the Senate as a Republican, did not furnish the only sensational feature of this trip in his advocacy of the election of Mr. Bryan. In West Virginia former Senator Davis, father-in-law of Senator Elkins, the Republican leader and co-worker of Hanna, and one of the trust representatives in the Senate, presided at the Bryan meeting and predicted victory in West Virginia. Many prominent Democrats who bolted four years ago sat with Mr. Bryan on the various platforms and urged his election. Former chairman of the ways and means committee and Cleveland’s Postmaster General, for a time, Hon. William L. Wilson, addressed a letter to the people of his State pleading his ill health as an excuse for his absence and urging them to support Bryan, and lasL but not the least importanL Hon. Richard Olney, of Massachusetts, Cleveland's Attorney General and Secretary of State, in a long letter gave reasons why he could not remain neutral, but felt it to be the duty of all liberty-loving citizens to support the Democratic ticket as against the dangerous policies advocated by McKinley and those for whom he stands. The party managers were surprised at the enthusiasm manifested at the visit of Mr. Bryan. When he again returns to the enemies’ country he will find it ready to capitulate. The signs of the times point unmistakably to a trend of public sentiment that must end in the complete overthrow of imperialism, militarism and all that the present administration represents. Imperialism. The American people have at last been aroused to a sense of their duty—the great question whether we are to establish an empire or are we going to protect this great country of ours as advocated by Thomas Jefferson. We are Americans and believe in an American form of government—no kings or queens for us. The policy of this administration has been to crush out weaker and struggling governments; the principles as advocated by Monroe have been grossly violated In every particular; the colored races in Cuba and the Philippines should have liberty, the right to govern themselves; we promised it to them, and if that grand American statesman, William Jennings Bryan, is elected. King William McKinley and his empire of the East will be a thing of the past. Our republic must be maintained, our institutions protected and our homes surrounded with pure American influences.—Colored Citizen. Bryan Not So Easily Trapped. The correspondent of a leading New York paper bounded in upon Mr. Bryan in Lincoln the other evening and pumped ten questions at him, most of which were direct inquiries as to what he would do concerning the finances of the government in case he were chosen President. To each question Mr. Bryan suavely replied: “I will discuss public questions In my own way and in my own time." And that was all the satisfaction the visitor extracted from Mr. Bryan. The purpose of such tactics is apparent. By entrapping Mr. Bryan into a detailed discussion of financial questions the hope was to push the silver issue to the front again. The incident shows bow deaperate the Republicans are in their efforts to ignore the issue of Imperialism and keep the attention of the country upon an old Issue In which the people have lost their interest.—Springfield (Mass.) Republican. McKinley an 1 ths Hamilton Idee. As he Is Speaker of the House of Representatives, whatever Mr. Henderson says of American politics may as well be noted. Mr. Henderson wants to elect to the Presidency a man who “not •nly preaches the doctrines of Alexander Hamilton, but, like McKinley, acts them.” As Hamilton declared the British gevernment the best model the world h«s ever produced, the American voter may easily Judge for himself sa to what to the paramount Issue now.

M'KIN LEY'S 20 COMMISSIONS. Enormous Sums Spent to Provide Favorites with Patronage. First Philippine Commission (after battle of Manila), $210,000. Second Philippine Commission (Denny, Worchester and Sciiurman), $117,600. Peace Commission, $222,931. W. J. Calhoun, Special Commissioner, $7,000. Bimetadlc Commission, $75,000. Alger Army Commission, $150,000. Samoan Commission, $50,000. Queen’? Jubilee Commission, $60,000. Special Paris Exposition Commission, $94(5,000. Reciprocity Commission, $30,000. Joint High Commission with Canada, $210,000. Cuba and Porto Rico Evacuation Commission, $50,000. Hague Peace Commission, $35,000. Hawaiian Commission, $30,000. Isthmian Canal Commission, $1,000,000. Insular Commission, $50,000. Industrial Commission (labor) per year, $150,000. Charles Hamlin, Special Commissioner to Japan, $15,000. John W. Foster, Special Commissioner, $30,000. Robert P. Porter, Special Commissioner to Porto Rico and Cuba, $30,000. Statistics which show the enormous amounts of money expended bn commissions of various kinds since the inauguration of President McKinley. The above is a partial list and does not include the new Philippine commission known as the Taft commission. The postal commission and California debris commission are also omitted, likewise the Mississippi River and the District of Columbia commissions, as they are under continuing statutes. It is impossible to give the exact expenses of these commissions, except as to the Paris commission and the second Philippine commission. They are charged up on the books of the Treasury Department to “National Defense and Emergency.” In the receipts and disbursements for the year 1899 appear the following: Under the bead of national defense in the War Department, charged to miscellany, is an item of $8,889,291. Under the head of emergency, in miscellany, is charged $3,006,000. Navy miscellaneous, under the item of national defense, $8,197,701. Under the head of emergency in the Navy Department, $3,856,263. These items are put in a lump and the purpose of such expenditures Is not named. The books themselves show these expenditures to be unusual and extraordinary, and they are the only large expenditures which are not itemized.

In these items are contained the expenses of the various commissions, and it seems Impossible to learn of what these lump sums consist. All of the expenses given are estimated, except those of the peace commission and the second Philippine commission. Applying the rate of cost known to exist as to these two commissions. It will be seen that the estimates of the other commissions, while based only upon estimates, are probably too low rather than too high. Why? Every partisan of the British In Britain’s warfare against the Boers is a supporter of the administration. Why? Every man who makes excuse for the treaty recognizing slavery in the Sulu Islands is a supporter of the administration. Why? Every man who declares that this republic should not extend its sympathies to other republics struggling for life and to other people struggling for libertjr is supporting the administration. Why? Every man who advocates the policy of allowing the national banks to control the currency of the country is supporting the administration. Why? Every trust magnate is supporting the administration. Why? Every man who denies that people living under the American flag are entitled to all the rights, privileges and Immunities guaranteed by the Constitution Is supporting the administration. Why? An hundred hands fling up reply— An hundred voices answer, “Pie!” Brief Comment. Mark Hanna is entirely frank as to his proposed method of keeping the trusts in control in the United States. It takes money to do It—Kalamazoo Gazette. About this time look out for the discovery of some hair-raising plots in the Philippines. The exigencies of the campaign demand them and the Republican literary bureau Is apt to be equal to the occasion.—Rochester (N. Y.) Herald. Hanna professes to be confident of President McKinley’s re-election, but he is provoked that the Republican party should feel the same confidence, because it Interferes with the collection at the campaign assessments.—Peoria Herald-Transcript. The Republican party is now calling Itself a party of expansion, and therefore claims to be following the policy of Jefferson. Jefferson never believed In crossing 6,000 miles of salt water for the purpose of annexing a nest of hornets.—Quincy Herald. The charge has been made that politics Is behind the threatened strike of the anthracite coal miners. The body of grievances presented by the miners more than justifies dissatisfaction. They did not need political prompting to make them cry ouL—Philadelphia Record.