Jasper County Democrat, Volume 3, Number 18, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 11 August 1900 — Page 7

William J. Bryan’s Indianapolis Speech.

cry? ON. WILLIAM J. BRYAN, adJMI dressing the members of the Notification Committee at Indianapolis, said that at an early day and in a more formal manner he would accept the nomination which they tendered. At that time he promises t» fully discuss the various questions covered by the Democratic platform, limiting his remarks before the • committee to a few observations upon the general character of the contest, and upon the question which is declared to be of paramount importance in this campaign. Mr. Bryan spoke substantially as follows: When I say that the contest of 1900 is a contest between democracy on the one hand and plutocracy on the other, I do not mean to say that all our opponents have deliberately chosen to give to organized wealth a predominating influence in the affairs of the government, but I do assert that on the important issues of the day the Republican party is dominated by those influences which Constantly tend to elevate pecuniary considerations and ignore human rights. The Democratic party is not making war upon the honest acquisition of wealth; it has no desire to discourage industry, economy and thrift. On the contrary, it gives to every citizen the greatest possible stimulus to honest toil, when it promises him protection in the enjoyment of the proceeds of his labor. Property rights are most secure when human rights are respected. Democracy strives for a civilization in which every member of society will share according to his merits. Against us are arrayed a comparatively small, but politically and financially powerful,. number who really profit by Republican policies; but with them are associated a large number who, because of their attachment to their party name, are giving their support to doctrines antagonistic to the former teachings of their own party. Republicans who used to advocate bimetallism, now try to convince themselves that the gold standard is good; Republicans who were formerly attached to the greenback are now seeking an excuse for giving national banks control of the nation’s paper money; Republicans who used to boast that the Republican party was paying off the national debt, are now seeking for reasons to support a perpetual and increasing debt; Republicans who formerly abhorred a trust, now beguile themselves with the delusion that there are good trusts and bad trusts, while, in their minds, the line between the two is becoming more and more obscure; Republicans who, in times past, congratulated the country upon the small expense of our standing army, are now making light of the objections which are urged against a large increase in the permanent military establishment; Republicans who gloried in our independence when the nation was less powerful, now look with favor upon a foreign alliance; Republicans who three years ago condemned “forcible annexation” as an immoral and even criminal, are now sure that it is both immoral and criminal to oppose forcible annexation. That partisanship has already blinded many to present dangers id certain; how large a portion of the Republican party can be drawn over to the new policies remains to be seen. Abandon Early Ideals. In attempting to press economic questions upon the country to the exclusion of those which involve the very structure of our government, the Republican leaders give new evidence of their abandonment of the earlier ideals of the party and of their complete subserviency to pecuniary considerations. But they shall not be j>ermitted to evade the stupendous and far reaching issue which they have deliberately brought into the arena of politics. When the President, supported by a practically unanimous vote of the House and Senate, entered upon a war with Spain for the purpose of aiding the struggling patriots of Cuba, the country, without reSird to party, applauded. Although the emocrats recognized that the administration would necessarily gain a political advantage from the conduct of a war which, in the very nature of the case, must soon end in a complete victory, they vied with the Republicans in the support which they gave to the President. When the war was over and the Republican leaders began to suggest the propriety of a colonial policy, opposition at once manifested itself. When the President finally laid before the Senate a treaty which recognized the independence of Cuba, but provided for the cession of the Philippine Islands to the United States, the menace of imperialism became so apparent that many preferred to reject the treaty nnd risk ’the ills that might follow rather than take the chance of correcting the errors of the treaty by the independent action of this country. I was among the number of those who believed it better to ratify the treaty and end the war, release the volunteers, re-1 move the excuse for wnr expenditures, and then give to the Filipinos the independence which might be forced from Spain by a new treaty. I thought it safer to trust the American people to give independence to the Filipinos than to trust the accomplishment of that purpose to diplomacy with an unfriendly nation. The title of Spain being extinguished, we were at liberty to deal with the Filipinos according th American principles. The Bacou resolution, introduced a month before hostilities broke out at Manila, promised independence to the Filipinos on the same terms that it was promised to the Cubans. I supported this resolution nnd believe that its adoption prior to the breaking out of hostilities would have prevented bloodshed, and that its adoption at any subsequent time would have ended hostilities. If the treaty hnd been rejected, considerable time would have necessarily elapsed before a new treaty could have been agreed upon and ratified and during that time the question would have been agitating the public mind. If the Bacon resolution had been adopted by the Senate and carried out by the President, either at the time of the ratification of the treatv or at any time afterwards, it would have taken the question of imperialism out of politics and left the American people free to deal with their domestic problems. But the resolution was defeated by the vote of the Republican Vice President, and from that time to this a Republican Congress has refused to take any action whatever in the matter. Cowardly Evasion. When hostilities broke out at Manila Republican speakers nnd Republican editors at once sought to lay the blame upon those who bad delayed the ratification of the treaty, and, during the progress of th* war, the same Republicans have accused the opponents of imperiallbm of giving encouragement to the Filipinos. This is a cowardly evasion of responsibility. If It right for the United States to hold the Philippine Islands permanently and imitate European empires in the gov-

HON WILLIAM JENNINGS BRYAN.

eminent of colonies, the Republican party ought to state its position and defend it. hut it must expect the subject races to protest against such a policy and to resist to the extent of their ability. The Filipinos do not need any encouragement from Americans now living. Our whole history has been an encouragement. Those who would have this nation enter upon a career of empire must consider not only the effect of imperialism on the Filipinos, but they must also calculate its effect upon our own nation. We cannot repudiate the principle of self-govern-ment in the Philippines without weakening that principle here, 3-: ■ — Imperialism Not Expansion. Our opponents, conscious of the weakness of their cause, seek to confuse imperialism with exininsion, and'have even dared to claim Jefferson as a supporter of their policy. Jefferson spoke so freely and used language with such precision that no one can be ignorant of his views. On one occasion he declared: “If there be one principle more deeply rooted than any other in the mind of every American, it is- that we should have nothing to do with conquest.” And again lie said: “Conquest is not in our principles; it is inconsistent with our government.’ The forcible annexation of territory to be governed by arbitrary power, differs as much from the acquisition of territory to be built up into states as a monarchy differs from a democracy. The Democratic party does not oppose expansion, when expansion enlarges the area of the republic and incorporates land which can be settled by American citizens, or adds to our population people who are willing to become citizens and are capable of discharging their duties as such. The acquisition of the Louisiana territory, Florida, Texas and other tracts which have been secured from time to time, enlarged the republic, and the constitution followed the flag into the new territory. It is now proposed to seize upon distant territory already more densely populated than our own country, and to force upon the people a government, for which there is no warrant in our constitution or our laws. Even the argument that this earth belongs to those who desire to cultivate it and have the physical power to acquire it cannot be invoked to justify the appropriation of the Philippine Islands by the United States, for if the islands were uninhabited American citizens would not be willing to go there and till the soil. The white race will not live so near the equator. A colonial policy means that we shall send to the Philippines a few traders, a few task masters and a few office-hold-ers, and an army large enough to support the authority of a small fraction of the people while they rule the natives. If we have,an imperial policy we must have a large standing army as its natural and necessary complement. The spirit which will justify the forcible annexation of the Philippine Islands will justify the seizure of other islands nnd the domination of other people, and wars .of conquest we can expect a certain, if not rapid growth of our military establishment. That a large permanent increase in our regular army is intended by the Republican leaders is not a mere matter of conjecture, but a matter of fact. Menace of a Big Army. A large standing army is not only a pecuniary burden to the people and, if accompanied by compulsory service, a constant source of irritation, but it is ever a menace to a Republican form of government. A small standing armv and a well-equipped and well-disciplined Mtate militia are sufficient in ordinary times, and in any emergency the nation should in the future as in the past place its'dependence upon the volunteers who come from all occupations at their country’s call and return to productive labor when their services are no longer required—men who fight when the country needs fighters nnd work when the country needs workers. .. The Republican platform assumes that the Philippine Islands will be retained under American sovereignty, and we have a right to demand of the Republican lead- *•» “ of lhe future status of the Filipino. Is he to be u citizen or a subject? Are we to bring into the body [Militic eight or ten million Asiatics, so different from us in race nnd history that amalgamation is impossible? Are they to share with us in making the laws and shaping the destiny of this nation? No Republican of prominence has been bold enough to advocate such a proposition. The Democratic platform describes the situation when it says that the Filipinos cannot be citizens without endangering our civilization. Who will dispute it? And what is the alternative? If the Filipino is not to be a ctitlzen, shall we make him a subject? On that question the Democratic platform speaks with emphasis. Lt deciares that the Filipino cannot be a subject without endangering our form of government. A republic can have no subjects. The whole difference between a mon-, areny and a republic may be summed up in one sentence. In a monarchy the king gives to the peoplo wbst he believes to be

a good government; in a republic the people secure for themselves what'they believe to be a good government. The Republican party has accepted the European idea and planted itself upon the ground taken by George IL. and by every ruler who distrusts the capacity of the people for self-government or denies them a voice in their own affairs. Republicans Fear to Legislate. The Republican platform promises that some measure of self-government is to be given to the Filipinos by law; but, even this pledge is not fulfilled. Nearly sixteen months elapsed after the ratification of the treaty before the adjournment of Congress last June, and yet no law was passed dealing with the Philippine situation. The will of the President has been the only law in the Philippine Islands wherever the American authority extends. Why does the Republican part’v hesitate to legislate upon the Philippine question? Because a law would disclose the radical departure .from history and precedent contemplated by those who control the Republican party. The storm of protest which greeted the Porto Rican bill was an indication of what may be expected when the American people' are brought face to face with legislation upon this subject. If the Porto Ricans, who welcome annexation, are to be denied the guarantees of our constitution, what is to be the lot of the Filipinos, who resisted our authority? If secret influences could compel a disregard of outplain duty toward friendly people, living near our shores, what treatment will those same iufluem-es provide for unfriendly people 7,000 miles away? If, i n this country, where the people have the right to vote, Republican leaders dare not take the side of the people against the great monopolies which have grown up within the last few years, how can they be trusted to protect the Filipinos from the corporations which are waiting to despoil the islands? Our Duty in the Philippines. Some say that it is our duty to hold the Philippine Islands. But duty is not an argument; it is a conclusion. To ascertain what our duty is, in any emergency, we must apply well-settled and generally accepted principles. It is our duty to avoid stealing, no matter whether the thing to be stolen is of great or little value. It is our duty to avoid killing a human being, no matter where the human being lives or to what race or class he belongs. Everyone recognizes the obligation imposed upon individuals to observe both the human and '>■ *. ,>ut ' . some deny the application of those laws to nations, It may not be out of place to quote the opinions of others. Jefferson, than whom there >» no higher political authority, said: I know of but one code of morality for men. whether acting singly or collectively." Franklin, whose learning, wisdom and virtue are a part of the priceless legacy bequeathed to us from the ICevolutlonary days, expressed the same Idea In .ven Strenger language when he said: Justice is as strictly due between neigh•or ““Rons as between neighbor citlxens. A highwayman Is as much a robber when he plunders In a gang as when slugiy; ami the nation that makes an unjust war Is oulv ft great gang.” Men may dare to do In crowds whet they would not dare to do as Individuals, but the moral character of an net Is not determined by the number of those who Join In It. Force can defend a right, but force has never yet created a right. If It was true, as declared in the resolutions of Intervention, that the Cubans "are and of right ought to be free and Independent," (language taken from the Declaration of Independence I It is equally true that the Filipinos "a re and of right ought to be free and ludependuni.” It in argued by Feme that the Filipino# are Incapable of self government, and that therefore we owe It to the world to take control of them. Admiral Dewey. In ait offi elal report to the navy department, declared the rlllplnoa more capable of self government than the Cubans, and said that he based bls opinion upon a knowledge of both races. But 1 will not rest the caiw upon the relative advancement of the Filipinos. Henry Clay, In defending the rights of the people of South America to self-government, said: “It Is the doctrine of thrones that man is too Ignorant to govern himself. Their partisans assert his Incapacity In reference to all nations; if they cannot command universal assent to the proposition, It la then remanded to particular nations; and our pride and our presumption too often make con vert# of ua. 1 contend that It la to arraign the disposition of Providence Himself, to suppose that He has created beings Incapable of governing themselves, nnd to be trampled on by kings. Self-government In the natural government of man." , •nru* that American rule In the Philippine Islands will result In the better education of the Filipinos. Be not deceived. If we expect to maintain a colonial policy, we shall not find It to our advantage to educate the people. The educated Filipinos are now In revolt against us, nnd the most Ignorant ones have made the least resistance to our domination. If we nre to govern them without their consent and give them no Voice In determining the tarns which they must pay, we dare not educate them, lest they learn to read the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution of the United States and mock us for our Inconsistency. The principal arguments, however, advanced by those who enter upon a defense of Imperialism are: Flret -That we must Improve the present opportunity to become a world power and enter Into International politics.,

Second—That our commercial Interests In the Philippine Islands and In the Orient make it necessary for us to hold the islands permanently. Third—That the spread of the Christian religion will be facilitated by a colonial polFmirlh —That there Is no honorable retreat front the position which the nation has taken. The first argument is addressed to the nation’s pride and the second to the nation's pocketbook. The third Is intended for the church member and the fourth for the partisan. It is a sufficient answer to the first argument to say that for more than a century this nation has been a world power. For ten decades It has been the most potent Influence In the world. Not only has it been a world power, but it has done more to affect the politics of the human race than all the other nations of the world combined. The growth of the principle of self-government, planted on American soil, has been the over shadowing political fact of the nineteenth century. It has made this nation conspicuous among the nations and given It a place In history such as uo other nation has ever enjoyed. The Commercial Argument. The permanent chairman of the last Republican national convention presented the pecuniary argument In all Its baldness, when he said: "We make no hypocritical pretense of being Interested In the Philippines solely on account of others. While we regard the welfare of these people as a sacred trust, we regard the welfare of the American people first. We see our duty to ourselves as well ns to others. We believe In trade expansion. By every legitimate means within the province of government and constitution, .we mean to stimulate the expansion of our trade and open new markets.” This is the commercial argument. It Is based upon the theory that war can be right- . ly waged for pecuniary advantage, and that It is profitable to purchase trade by force and violence. The Democratic party La in favor of the expansion of trade. It would extend our trade by every legitimate and peaceful means; but it is not willing to make merchandise of human blood. But a war of conquest Is as unwise as It Is unrighteous. A harbor and coaling station In the I’hllipplfies would answer every trade and military necessity, and such a concession could have been secured at any time without dllriculty. The pecuniary argument, though more effective with certain classes, is not likely to be used so often or presented with so much emphasis as the religious argument. If what has been termed the ' gun-powder gospel” were urged against the Filipinos only It would be a sufficient answer to say that a majority of the Filipinos are now members of one branch of the Christian church: but the principle Involved Is one of much wider application and challenges serious consideration. The religious argument varies in positivettess from a passive belief that Providence delivered the Filipinos int<" our hands, for their good and our glory, to the exultation of the minister who said that we ought to "thrash the natives (Filipinos) until they understand who we are,” and that “every bullet sent, every cannon shot and every flag waved moans righteousness. We cannot approve of this doctrine in one place unless we are willing <to apply it everywhere. Love, not force, was ’ the weapon of the Nazarene; sacrifice for others, not the exploitation of them, was His method of reaching the human heart. Let It be known ...that. our missicnarles are —seeking souls instead of sovereignty; let it be known that instead of being the advance guard of conquering armies, they are going forth to help and to uplift, having their loins girt about with truth and their feet shod with the preparation of the gospel of peace, wearing the breastplate of righteousness, and carrying the sword of the Spirit; let it be known that they are the citizens of a nation which respects the rights of the citizens of other nations as carefully as It protects the rights of its own citizens, and the welcome given to our missionaries will be more cor- • dial than the welcome extended to the missionaries of any other nation. The argument, made by some, that it was unfortunate for the nation that It had any thing to do with the Philippine Islands, but that the naval victory at Manila made the permanent acquisition of those Islands necessary. Is also unsound. We won a naval victory at Santiago, but that did not compel us to hold Cuba. The shedding of American blood in the Philippine Islands does not make it Imperative that we should retain possession forever: American blood was shed at San Juan Hill and El Caney, and yet the President has promised the Cubans Independence. The fact that the American flag floats ever Manila does not compel us to exerel.se perpetual sovereignty over the Islands; that flag waves over Havana to-day, but the President has promised to* haul it down when the flag of the Cuban republic is ready to rise In Its place. Better a thousand times that our flag in the Orient give way to a flag representing the Idea of self-govern-ment than that the flag of this republic should lieeomv the flag of an empire. Solution of the Question. There Is an easy, honest, honorable soln-, tlou of the Philippine question. It Is set forth lu the Democratic platform and It Is submitted with confidence to the American people. This plan I unreservedly indorse. If elected. I shall convene Congress In extraordinary session as soon as I am Inaugurated, and recommend nn Iminedlaie declaration of the nation's purpose; first, to establist a stabiejform of government In the Philippine Islands, just as we are now establishing a stable form of government In the Island of Cuba: second, to give Independence to the Filipinos, just as we hare promised to give Independence to the Cubans; third, to protect the Filipinos from outside Interference while they work out their destiny. Ju«t ns we have protected the republics of Central and South America, and are. by the Monroe doctrine, pledged to protect Cuba. An European protectorate often results in the exploitation of the ward by the guard ian. An American protectorate gives to the •nntlot. protected the advantage of our strength, without making It the victim of our greed. Mr. Chairman nnd Gentlemen of the Committee: I can never fully discharge the debt of geatltnAe which 1 owe to my conn trymen for the honors which they have so generously bestowed upon me; but. sirs, whether It be tny lot to occupy the high office for which the convention has named me, or to spend the remainder of my days In private life. It shall be my constant ambition and my controlling purpose to aid In realizing the high Ideals of those whose wisdom and courage and sacrifices brought this republic into existence. 1 can conceive of n national destiny surpassing the glories of the present and the past-a destiny which meets the responsibilities of the today and measures up to the possibilities of the future. Behold a republic, resting securely upon the fonndn tion atones quarried by revolutionary patriots from the mountain of eternal truth a republic applying In practice nnd proclaim Ing to the world the self-evident proposition "That all men are created equal; that they are endowed with Inalienable rights; that governments are Instituted among men to secure these rights; that governments de rive their Just powers from the consent of the governed." Behold a republic In which civil and religious liberty stimulate all to earnest endeavor and In which the law restrains every hand uplifted for a neighbor's injury—a republic In which every citlsou is a sovereign but In which no one cares to wear a crown. Behold a republic standing erect while empires all around nre bowed beneath the weight of their own armaments-a republic whose flag is loved while other tings nre only feared. Behold a republic Increasing in population. In wealth/ in strength and In Influence, solving the problems of civilisation and hastening the coming of an universal brotherhoods republic which shakes thrones and dissolves aristocracies by its silent example and gives light and Inspiration to those who alt In darkneas. Behold a republic gradually but surely becoming tbe supreme moral factor In the world’s progrest and the accepted arbiter of tbe world's disputes a republic whose history, like the path of the Just, “Is ns tbe shining light that sblneth more and mors unto the perfect day.”

SPEECH OF MR. STEVENSON

Accept! ns the democratic Nomination ior Vice President. Hon. Adlai E. Stevenson, in his speech at Indianapolis accepting the Democratic nomination for Vice President, said iu part: 1 am profoundly grateful for the honor conferred upon me by my selection by the national Democratic convention as its candidate for the high office of Vice President of the United States. For the complimentary manner iu which such action has been officially made known to me I express to you, Mr. Chairman, ,and to your honored associates of the committee, my sincere thanks. Deeply impressed with a sense of the responsibility assumed by sueh candidacy, I’ accept the nomination so generously tendered me. Should the action of the convention meet the approval of the people in November, jt will be my earnest endeavor to discharge with fidelity the duties of the great office. It is wisely provided in the constitution that at stated times political power shall return to the hands of the people. The struggle for political supremacy, upon which we are uow entering, is one of deep moment to the American tteople. Its su-

HON. ADLAI E. STEVENSON.

preme importance to all conditions of our countrymen cannot be jneasured by words. The ills resulting from unjust legislation and from unwise administration of the government must find their remedy in the ail-potent ballot. To it we now make our solemn appeal. Lhe chief purpose of tbe great convention whose representatives are before me was redress for existing wrongs and security against perils yet . greater which menace popu’ar government. Your convention, in language clear and unmistakable, has presented the' vital issues upon which the pending contest is to be determined, Ivr its-platform- 1 give mv earnest assent. After referringj.o the platform declarations on trusts, tariffs. Congressional extravagance, etc.. Mr. Stevenson says: A question is yet to be discussed, to which all of these are of secondary importance. It is solemnly ' declared by our platform to be the paramount issue. Questions of domestic policy, however important, may be, but questions of the hour—that of imperialism— J* for time. In the presence, of this stupendous issue. others seem but ns the dust In the balance. In no sense paltering with words. It is the supreme question of republic or empire. Upon every phase of cur foreign policy. The language of the Democratic platform Is too dear io admit of misconstruction. It favors trade expansion bv all peaceful and lawful means. We believe that liberty, as well as tbe Constitution, follows the flag. Democrats In common wirti many Republicans, oppose the Porto Rican law as a violation of tbe Constitution, and a flagrant breath of good faith toward a dep fident people. It is Imposing government without (he consent of the governed. It Is In conflict with that provision of the Constitution which declares that "Duties, Imports and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States.” Deplores Spirit of Empire. The Democratic platform condemns the policy pursued by the present administration toward the Philippine Islands. This policy inspired by the greqdy spirit of commercialism—has eubrolled niir government in an unnecessary war. sacrificed valuable lives, and placed tile American republic in deadly antagonism io our farmer aides In their efforts to secure their liberties. For the first time In our history we are boldly confronted with the question of "Imperialism—the spirit of empire." This Is? indeed, the supreme question to which all others are of secondary Importance. The Democratic party has ever been the advocate of wise territorial expansion, it was In control of the government during forty years of the first half of the present century. During that period new States were admitted Into the Federal Union, and bur Western border extended beyond the Mississippi. Out of the Louisiana country—acquired under the first Democratic administration—have been carved fourteen magnificent States. Under a later Democratic administration-ami as the result of the treaty which terminated our war with Mexico—we acquired California and nelghlmring States and Territories, thus bringing under our flag, to remain forever, the vast expanse stretching to tbe Pacific. The policy of aggressive eipatislon—of subjugation of distant Islands pursued bv the f (resent administration, finds no precedent n the peaceable cession of tbe Louisiana country by Napoleon, that of Florida by Spain, nor Hint yet Inter, of the vast Western area bj Mexico. The territory acquired under Democratic administrations was, with favorable climatic conditions, the fit abode for men of our own race. At the time of annexation 't passed under the rule of the Anglo-Saxon, who carried with him our language and our laws, it was territory contiguous to our own, and acquired with the declared Intention—when conditions and population would Justify—of carving it Into states. The result: Millions of American homes, our national wealth Increased beyond the dream of avarice, and the United States chief among the nations of Mie earth. Can it be that the new policy t>f forcible annexation of distant islands finds precedent In the historic events 1 have mentioned? The answer Is found In the bare statement of facts. The territory acquired under Democratic administrations Is contiguous the Philippine Inlands s.txk) .miles distant. The acquisition of territory upon our own continent added little to the national expense—to maintain permanent sovereignty over the distant Islands necessitates Immense expenditures upon our army and navy. More than that. It contemplates methods of administration that pertain, not to the republic, but to the empire. Cun It be doubled that the attempt to stifle lhe spirit of illserty abroad will imperil popular government at home? We stand 100 years from the hour when the political force* were gathering which were to result in the election of the first Democratic President. The anniversary of the masterful day In our history was wisely chosen for the assembling In convention of the representatives of tbe historic party whose founder was Jefferson—and whose platform Is the Declaration of Independence. An the great straggle now upon us we Invoke the co-operation of nil who revere the memory of our fathers, and to whom this declaration la not unmeaning parchment—but the enduring chart of our liberties. Upon tha supreme Issue now In the forefront-and to the end that republican government he perpetuated—we appeal to the sober Judgment und patriotism of tbe American people.

After the Combat.

“While I was abroad I witnessed a duel In France.” “Anybody hurt?” “Yes; one of the principals had a rib broken embracing the other after combat was over.”

INDIANA INCIDENTS.

RECORD OF EVENTS OF THE PAST WEEK. Rocky Road to Matrimony—Boy Shoots Himself Rather than Reveal Marriage to His Fathei —Arrested for a Crime Thirty Years Old. John \V. Clemmons eloped at 2 a. to. with Miss Florence Jackson of Bridgeport, Ind. Muddy Fork creek, which the couple hail to ford to reach the home of Magistrate Coombs, was bank full from rains, and when Clemmons waded in he was swept away, and had to swim for his life. He finally gained the bank and found Miss Jackson, who could not see him for the darkness. Putting her on his shoulders, he carried her across the creek, although they were both in danger of drowning at any moment. Magistrate Coombs married the couple, and, with their still went_to_ the home of a farmer friend of Clemmons to borrow dry clothing. The farmer suspected burglars and fired on Clemmons, but missed him. Mrs. Clemmons screamed, and the farmer recognized his callers. He gave them dry apparel, and just as the sun. rose served them a wedding breakfast. Afraid to Tell His Father. Otto Cottom, of Terre Haute, 17 years old. fatally shot himself because he could not summon courage to tell his father he had been forced to marry a woman 27 years old. He had been from home twenty-four hours, when his sister heard a pistol shot und saw her brother stagger into the house and fall on a bed. During occasional periods of consciousness Cottom told a story that a woman named Lou Chandler of National City, near Peoria, indueetl him to marry her on July. Several lettm-s purporting to be written by the Chandler woman’s father to Cottom were found, in which he threatened the youth with arrest unless he lived with his wife. Wife Beater Fatally Hurt. John Dowd was stabbed six times at Muncie, and probably will die. He was whipping his wife when Mrs. Larey Carey nnd her daughter interfered. Thereupon he struck them. Mr. Carey appeared and -Attacked Dowd with a knife, stabbing him six times in the face and three times on the body, one under his heart. Arrested for an Old Crime. Thirty years ago in a tight at Needmore. William Fleener killed John Cullon and escaped. A man named McClurg, who was mixed up in the brawl, served three years in prison. Recently Lase Percifield, formerly a Columbus constable, but now living in Oklahoma, arrested Fleenor on the Texas line. State News in Brief. New coal field will be optmed at Riley. Broom corn crop short; brooms will cost more. Cigarette smoking prohibited in Winona park. Miss Sarah Martin. 90, is deiyl in New Albany. Whitestown is overflowing with counterfeit silver dollars. Miss Laura Munsell, GO, New Albany, killed by suburban train. Miss Florence Willing Gormly, Lafay■tte. will go on the stage. Alois Kruk. 7, South Bend, beheaded while attempting to jump on cars. Fred Todtenbier, 10, Connersville, killed by a pile of lumber falling on him. Smith Duncan. Eureka. Ky., with sl,000 mysteriously disappeared from Evansville. Mrs. Samuel Whetstone, aged 27. living near Elkhart, was found dead in her dooryard. Elmer Colgan. Hartford City, is insane and thinks a mob is trying to steal his Bible. Albert Spencer has gathered 1,300 gallons of blackberries from a farm near Portland mills.

An explosion of paints and oils started a fire that destroyed Welling's carriage factory, Sullivan. Enos Phillips. Muncie, has gone to Cincinnati. to undergo an op<«ration because he is double jointed. Tillie Coyle, 20, Elwood, tried to kill herself with chloroform. Family tron- '••*. Physicians saved her. >e Witt Simpson, Wabash, saved Richid Oswalt ami Thomas Jones from drowning in the Wnbash river. Rev. E. F. Hasty. Muncie, is trying to raise SIOO,OOO for infirm ministers and ministers’ widows and orphans. At Anderson Alex. Rogers, a lineman, took hold of a live wire while at the top of a pole and was electrocuted. Fire gutted Simon J. Carroll’s building nt Logansport. Loss $12,000. Adjoining buildings were damaged $3,000 Studebaker company, South Bend, has built twelve ammunition and ambulance wagons, to go with troops to China. The horribly mutilated body of an unknown man wns found on the Lake Shore Railway six miles west of South Bend. The body was cut in two. It is believed the man's name was Johnson and that recently he came from London. England. The indications nre that he had been robbed Numerous melon growers in the famous Indiana melon districts report that there will be no crop this year. Many declare that they .will not be able to realize sufficient to compensate them for the seed. Numerous producers claim that there are already symptoms of the dreaded rust, which is so detrimental to melons, and hut if it spreads, as it invariably doe*, here will lx* absolutely no crop, as the ■dons will dry up before the arrival of vest time. A mass meeting at Logansport demanded that the Council grant no franchise tu the Central Union Telephone Company that doe* not protect the people’s rights. Miss Lnura Munsell, GO years old, was struck by a Pennsylvania suburban train directly in front of her residence in New Albany, and received injuries which caused her death an hour later. The body of Carrie Holdscraper. German. 20 years old, was found in a shallow pond near Somerville. The body hadtb* appearance of having been in the water about twenty-four hours. She left her home to pick blackberries.