Jasper County Democrat, Volume 3, Number 16, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 28 July 1900 — WASHINGTON LETTER [ARTICLE]

WASHINGTON LETTER

Washington corrwpendence; President McKinley has reluctantly concluded that campaigning from his front porch In Canton is not the proper way of earning his salary as the highest official of the land. This change of plan is announced since the Republican leaders, who have their ears to the ground, have realized that the Democratic Convention at Kansas City produced a profound and favorable Impression upon all classes of citizens. The Democratic platform took high ground and stated the issues on the basis of constitutional principle. The patriotic response to this appeal comes from all sections of the country. So the administration regrets to state that it will be very much upon its good behavior for the next few months, and McKinley returns to Washington, finding an excuse in the Chinese situation to cover bis change of plan. When the Republicans themselves created a scandal about the weak and evasive character of their platform, the White House apologists hastened to assure the country that McKinley’s reply to the formal notification of his nomination would constitute the real platform. Well, the notification has been given, and incidentally it may be remarked that the factories about Canton were closed down and the wageworkers herded up to the front porch and exhibited in their working clothes as a part of the farce. How glad it must have-made these “independent and prosperous” workingmen to know that their employers generously let their wages go on for the few hours while they were turned out on parade at the McKinley home. It must be that the Republicans have no real arguments to offer in this campaign, They are literally the party without a platform—except that built of tlieir own mistakes—and they are numerous enough. Dea4» in Platitudes. President McKinley, iu formally accepting a renomination, deals in the same platitudes with which he has wearied the country for the last two years. He ignores the facts and weaves rainbow-tinted cobwebs about the ugly facts which have characterized his aduiluist ration. About the only pertinent remark which he makes in bis reference to his colonial policy is this: “Some tilings have happened -which were not promised, not everrforeseenX’ Quite right he is on that/ point, but when lie talks about the Republican party liberating 10,000,000 of the human family from “the yoke>of imperialism” he insults the intelligence of the voters of the country. The Republican party has simply tried to exchange the blue-blooded imperialism of Spain for that of the cariunbagger of the United States, and no wonder the Fili-.pines-'"object txp'a change of masters when they have a right tq expect independence. McKinley wabbles as usual when he attempts to discuss the Porto Rican matter. He asserts that we have given that island a "beneficent government” and strings out a few vague phrases about Congress legislating with due reference to the fundamental principles of liberty, etc. But not once does lie dare to admit that this Congress attempted to put itself above the Constitution, nor can he affirm that it did not do this.

He is silent about the Cuban postal frauds, the failure to pass the Nicaragua canal bill, the failure to express sympathy for the Boers, the turning down of all labor legislatiou, the armorplate grab and a dozen other live Issues brought up whenever a review of bit administration is made. He seems honestly to believe that nobody knows of his mistakes, and he is evidently trying earnestly to forget them himself. Roosevelt hurried through a very brief and disjointed acceptance of bls nonynation in order to marshal the connnitteeand himself before the group of impatient photographers who infested the porch at Oyster Bay. Roosevelt poses at least ten times a day before the camera, aud it Is apparent that he feels that the dissemination of his various photographs is the one thing needful for a successful campaign. Roosevelt has neither plaform nor convictions in this campaign. He rather sulkily repeats the official formula that he “hopes McKinley will be re-elected," but even in accepting the Vice Presidential nomination lie could not forbear to express his chagrin at being edged out of New York politics. Democrats Confident. The Democratic Congressional headquarters at Washington are the scene of the utmost activity and cheerfulness. Since the close of the Kansas City convention campaign work has begun in good earnest. The platform is so strong and the ticket so satisfactory that the Democrats believe there is no doubt but they will have a majority iu the next House. They are sending out well-selected literature, and the whole campaign has been thoroughly organized with a view to securing the best results in each district. There are a score of districts where a change of from 400 to GOO votes will elect a Democrat. Fortunately these are among tire very districts where the popular Indignation is greatest against imperialism and the Porto Rican outrage. The Republicans admit that they are beginning to discover how thoroughly their party Is tom with dissensions when they get into the Congressional campaign. It was not so difficult to keep up a semblance of harmony In Rtute and national conventions, nor for that matter to secure renomluatlons; but the Republican 'committee is appalled nt the bitterness on one side and the apathy on the other toward their policy. The tried nnd trusted rank and file of their party Is about evenly divided between these two states of feet Ing.

Why Democracy Should Win. Apart from questions of principle, there are reasons connected with practical politics why the Democratic party should win iu the coming election. Short of a national defeat, the Republienu party could have met no greater calamity than the death of the late Vice President Hobart. Mr. Hobart had no superior as a political planner aud manager, aud he was eminently a hartnonizer. His Intellect devised and directed the campaign of 1896, foul New York, where Mr. Hobart presided, was the real Republican headquarters. Both on account of superior abilities »nd the personal associations springing >ut of a relationship by marriage to Mr. Hanna, Mr. Hobart held an extraordinary Influence over the ostensible “boss” of his party, and Hanna was most willing to carry out the plans which Hobart devised. Another Republican weakness Is tpe dislike for Roosevelt among the politicians of his party. The war. feeling which elected Roosevelt iu 1898 lias calmed down, and there Is no unknown quantity for either his Republican enemies or Democratic antagonists to deal with In estimating his chances. In 1898, there Is reason to believe, the Republican management in'New York State expected Roosevelt to be defeated. At least quiet tips to that effect were given to people whft had reason to believe them authentic, aud who lost money in betting on the strength of the Information. Neither McKinley nor Roosevelt kt persona grata with the New York Republican machine. While it is not to be implied <rt' anticipated that there will be any treachery, the defeat of the ticket would probably not convert Mr. Platt or Mr. Odell Into a Nlotie. and past experience has shown •lint a Governor can lie safely elected And his national associates brought very near to disaster. Ex-Secretary Bliss is a disappoint oil man, and this fact Is the more worthy of weight for the reason that Mr. Bliss In must prominent and influential in that wing of the Republican party which has supported, or rather toler-

ated, Roosevelt. Of course Mr. Bliss will betrue to the McKinley ticket, but when it is remembered that Roosevelt’s protestations that he would not take the Vice Presidential nomination led Mr. Bliss to step forth front his aristocratic exclusiveness and say that he would himself be willing to accept it. it is easy to suppose that Mr. Bliss is not pining with anxiety to see the man who cause him such mortification presiding over the Senate. The money issue bus not the power to conjure votes which it possevsed In 1896, It is practically as comatose as that of States’ rights. Tho living and aggressive forces of polities are on the side of Democracy, while the Repub llcan party is on the defensive, like a gorged anaconda, seeking to digest the enormous plunder which it has taken away from the people.—New York Newa. Mark Hanna Approves. Mark Hanna thoroughly believe* in one plank of the Democratic platform which Is even more tersely embodied in Mr. Bryan’s epigrammatic assertion that “whenever man and the dollar come In conflict the Republican party stands Jm - the dollar first; the Democratic party stands for the man.’’ It 1s on tlris basic principle that Mark Hanna has organized the Repul>'ican party and dictated Its platform and its candidates.—Pit taiburg Post. Renn It Nerd Not Re Doubtful. If all the elements in op;>oeltlou to trust ollgarehlsm. imperialism and Hannalem can be fully (tolled iu November the result need not be considered doubtful. It remains only for tite managers of the Democratic ticket to get out the vote. Upon tlieir ability and success in that matter will bang the decision.—Washington Times. Not Sure They Are Sure. The Republicans said they were sure of winning before tite Kansas City convention, but now they say it Is the Kansas City convention that makes them sure. Bometlmee we are not sure that the Republicans are sure they arc •ure.—Albany Argus.

Protected Trusts. Here is a list of a few protected trusts witli their capitalization, and the protection they enjoy under McKinleyistn: Federal Steel Company, 200 million dollars; $6.72 per ton aud upwards. American Steel and Wire Company, •JU millions; U, 4 to 2 cents a pound. American Sugar Relining Company, 73 millions; 1.95 cents per pound. American Tobacco Company, 72 millions; $4.50 per pound and 25 per cent. Continental Tobacco Company (plu), 98 millions; 55 cents per pound. Carnegie Steel Company, 25 millions (really 250 millions), $6.72 per ton and upward. Colorado Fuel and Iron Company, 38 millions; 40 anti 67 cents per ton. Lake Superior Consolidated Iron Mines, 29 millions; 40 cents per tun. National Biscuit Company. t>o millions; 2.5 per cent. Monongahela Consolidated Coal and Coke Company, 40 millions; 67 cents per ton. National Steel Company. 62 millions; $<1.72 per ton and upwards. National Tulm> Company, 80 millions; 3.5 per cent, or 2 cents per pound. | Pittsburg Coal Company. 62 millions; 67 cents per ton. United States Leather Company, 130 millions; 20 per cent. I’nlted States Rubber Company, 52 millions; 30 per cefff? United States Worsted Company, 36 millions; 44 cents per pound and 60 per cent. Beef Trust, 100 millions; 2 cents per pound. Roapmakers’ Combination, 50 millions; 1% to 15 cents per pound. Print Cloth Pool, 50 millions; 2 to & cents per yard or 40 per cent. Good Advice to Follow. - “Vote as you would vote if you knew that your vote would determine this election," said Mr. Bryan in the first speech of the campaign at Lincoln, Neb. If every voter would always follow that advice the country, as a whole, would always vote right,—Boston Globe.