Jasper County Democrat, Volume 3, Number 13, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 7 July 1900 — BOSSES ARE VERY SAD [ARTICLE]

BOSSES ARE VERY SAD

ROOSEVELT NOT IN FAVOR WITH ADMINISTRATION FORCES McKinley Obliged to Ran with the Man i.Who Derided Him—“ Teddy” Likewise Is Sore Because He Can Already See Hie Political Finish. Washington correspondence: Tbs administration forces came back to Washington, looking very, very sad, not to say disgusted. They all deserted their posts and went over to the Philadelphia Republican convention with a notion that it was to be an administration circus from start to finish. Of course, some of them did not quite know who Mark Hanna had picked for Vice-President, but nobody objected to a little mystery. It helped to give the affair some semblance of life and interest. McKinley nnd Roosevelt. Even now they can hardly realize it. A row of the party bosses, aud Hanna forced to accept the man he hates. McKinley obliged to run on a ticket with the man who derisively speaks of the President’s “chocolate eclalre backbone.” And to cap the climax, Roosevelt Is angry and sore at the fate which finishes him politically by putting him on the Vice-Presidential ticket. Gone are Roosevelt's roseate dreams of being the Republican Presidential candidate In 1004. Shattered are his aspirations to wreck the Piatt machine by having himself re-elected governor of New York State. It was a queer political comedy. Everybody—except Platt and Quayare disappointed. These two gentlemen evened up some private and personal scores and taught the bnmptuous Mr. Hanna that there are a few finer and more astute bosses than he. Platt, as the instrument of the trusts, did not want Roosevelt for governor of New. York another term. Neither did he propose to be pestered with that erratic gentleman's Presidential aspirations for 1904. To unload Roosevelt on Hanna as McKinley's running mate was a temptation too strong to be resisted. Quay helped the deal, because he was sore at Hanna’s vote to deny him a seat in the Senate. Incidentally, a good many of the delegates came to Philadelphia favoring Roosevelt, but if Haflna had only the delegates to handle he would have shown them In short order that their choice didn’t make any difference in his decision as to the Vice-Presidential candidate. But Platt, of New York, was too wily for the administration and for Roosevelt. Probably no mfin could have been selected who is more distasteful to McKinley and Hanna aad the trust interests than Roosevelt. It Is not that Roosevelt is such a "pure and spiritual minded person,” as Kipling would say. but that he is erratic ‘’'bstinate and'badly balanced.

Roosevelt Is like the bucking broncho /of the plains, while McKinley Is well broken to the harness, and can be depended upon to do in a refined and dignified manner whatever bis masters desire. The administration followers on their return to Washington hardly tried to conceal their distaste for Roosevelt. The campaign begins with dissension and soreness among the Republican leaders. Hanna is not only sore because he has received an unpalatable lesson in the art of political bossshlp, but he knows that the nomination of Roosevelt will make it very difficult for him to collect his campaign fund. There is some faint and halfhearted attempt to make It appear that Hanna and McKinley acquiesce “In the will of the majority of the convention,” but It is a very sorry bit of acting, and the delegates themselves have gone home Impressed profoundly with the conviction that even those who wanted to nominate Roosevelt would not been permitted to have their way only that that happened to be the outcome of the war between the bosses. Roosevelt, after four days of vacillation, accepted the nomination for VicePresident with very bad grace. He Is not a good actor. He didn't want to die politically just yet and he showed his grief plainly. Still when the bosses wished It, he had to assist at hfs own political funeral, even to the extent of seconding the nomination of McKinley. As soon as Hanna and the administration leaders recover from their dismay they will begin to shout loudly that'Hanna was for Roosevelt all the time, and that he only appeared to quarrel with Platt and Quay In order to amuse the public. Naturally thia must be done In order to preserve even a semblance of harmony, but Roosevelt Is a bitter pill for the administration. Democrat* Arc 't'he Democrats have every reason to be satisfied with the Republican nominations. McKinley was a foregone conclusion, but the Democrats will be able to put up a strong campaign against the man who has to shoulder the burden of four years of blundering while he asks for a second term. A new candidate on the Republican side would have been able to gloss over McKinley’s shortcomings and promise better things If a change of Presidents were made without n change of parties. Roosevelt for Vice-President emphasizes militarism to the last degree. He Is never happy except when relating some alleged act of heroic warfare, and be will not have discretion or tact enough to keep militarism and Imperialism In the background as will the astute McKinley. The Republican national convention was a moot tame and spiritless affair. It was impossible to fill ttte convention hall. Vast spaces of empty seats gave tiM convention ball a most dreary and

dismal appearance. There was no entbuataam. While the platform was being read the delegatee went out to lunch. The name of McKinley when placed In nomination evoked a carefully elaborated and prepared burst of applause lasting about three minutes. Roosevelt got applause enough in an indiscriminate way, but it was recognized at all times that he was the storm center and the applause for him was of the fighting order. Senator Wolcott’s opening speech and the elaborate address of Senator Lodge were received with marked indifference. They were notable because they had been carefully proof-read by President McKinley before they were delivered and they were Intended to s6und the keynote of the campaign. They dealt in platitudes and promises. If they failed to stir the partisans who camel there to approve, it is not to be expected that similar sentiments will rouse enthusiasm among voters who remember what this Congress failed to do in the way of restraining trusts and how greatly It encouraged imperialism. The platform was noticeably weak In its evasion of the trust issue and in Its in-ntnient of the Philippine question. It indorsed the ship subsidy bill and ■ promised to do all sorts of things which the last Congress might have accomplished had the Republicans been sincere.

McKinley and i mperialism. Those who desire to maintain the government of the United States in the form which has given freedom to its citizens and opportunity to all its people should fight the Republican party with unfailing persistency and courage. McKinley has shown by his acts’that he is opposed to the principles upon which this government was founded, and that he favors imperialism, a thing which Is a greater menace to this country than was the doctrine of secession. And that the Republican party proposes to support McKinley and his Imperialistic ambitions Ts shown by the platform adopted by the Republican national convention at Philadelphia. In all the turgid rhetoric of that document there can be found no reference to the declaration of independence nor the constitution. Both of these immortal documents are opposed to imperialism and, therefore, neither of them could be referred to by the makers of the Republican platform, intent on establishing Imperialism in the Utaited States. All the Issues which are opposed by the freedom loving people of this country are indorsed. Imperialism, militarism. the trusts and the tariff, to say nothing of the single gold standard, are defended in set terms or approved by implication. Assuming to denounce trusts, yet approving commercial combines In the introduction of this resolu-/ tlon, the platform stands as a weak tradiction to the facts. During M UJulov’s. a.im.uistration nearly a thousand monopolies have been created with a combined capita! of five thousand millions of dollars, and not one step has been taken by the Republican attorney general or the Republican congress to curb this creation of trusts. Hanna represents the combines, and Hanna contracted the con- ' ventiou. de hired the p'atform and nominated the candidates. The Issue is made up. Do the people want Hanua. McKinley and imperialism, or Bryan and a free government?—Chicago Democrat.

Working the Government The Republicans ha ve made a new departure in having their campaign text books for this fall prepared in a government office and at government expense. Mr. O. P. Austin, chief of the bureau of statistics, has immediate charge of the work, and is devoting time to the preparation of the figures and to the writing of other matter. Mr. Austin s salary as chief of bureau is a very lucrative one, and the bureau is supposed to be devoted to the preparation of impartial and non-partisan statistics. The campaign text book, on the other hand, is well understood to present information of a decidedly prejudiced characcater. While the statements printed therein purport to be and are generally more or less correct, they are ex parte, and do not show the other side of the argument. The Republican text book contains some 400 or 500 pages, and it Is not fully made up and printed till some time after the national conventions. It is the guide of the thousands of speakers and spell binders who work for the success of the Republican ticket. Within Its covers they find a skeleton for their argumeuts on almost every topic under the sun that can enter Into political discussion on the stump. The Republicans frankly admit that Mr. Austin Is preparing the book and Is using the government clerks to help him compile It, but excuse the fact by saying that his name will appear In connection with it. As usual, the book will be put forth as the production of the national committee. Mr. Austin Is deservedly respected, and It is understood that he Is doing this work only at the behest of his superiors in the treasury department And the White House. But he discloses anew the old Republican game of working the government for all It ls^ worth.—Lawrence (Maes.) News. Ituperialinin in Chinn. Imperialism In China Is merely playing second fiddle to Great Britain to impress on the world that the AngloSaxon Is cut out for an universal boss. We shall be lucky If the matter does not get beyond the dress parade stage. - Kalamazoo News. Too Much for It. The New York World, which in 1896 bitterly opposed Mr. Bryan, will this year support him for the presidency. McKSnleylsm and Its attendant evils are too much for even Its hardened stomach to digest.—Ellicott (Md.) Democrat