Jasper County Democrat, Volume 3, Number 2, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 21 April 1900 — TRACK IS NOT CLEAR. [ARTICLE+ILLUSTRATION]

TRACK IS NOT CLEAR.

THERE WILL BE REPUBLICAN OPPOSIHON TO M* KINLEY. The Load of Hi* Failures and Blunder* Has Become So Heavy as to Scare Many Prominent Leaders of the Republican Party. »• Washington correspondence: There will be Republican opposition to McKinley’s renomlnation. The load of bls failures and blunders has become so heavy as to scare many of the prominent leaders of the party Into a belief that his renomlnation would lead to an Inevitable and overwhelming defeat next November. The Democrats hope and pray for McKinley's renomination. They want the campaign to be fought squarely upon the issues which McKinley has made. They may be briefly summarized as follows: Subserviency to trusts and corporations; the establishment of the single gold standard and the perpetuation of the national debt in the interest of the national banks; imperialism and militarism, as typified in the attempt at seizure of the Philippine Islands and the placing of the military above the civil authority in Idaho; the continuation of the war taxes In order to furnish funds for gross extravagance and reckless expenditure; bad faith and broken national honor in dealing with Porto Rico; an extreme pro-Brltish attitude not only ds against the Boers, but also in connection with the Nicaraguan Canal treaty, the Alaskan boundary question, and every other issue between Great Britain and the United States. The revolt against McKinley has not

yet crystallized, but the initial steps are being handled with great shrewdness. It looks as though an attempt will be made to bring enough “favorite sons” into the convention to prevent McKinley’s nomination on the first ballot and then to hold him down until a union can be effected upon some strong candidate. This is a favorite scheme of Republican national politics. It defeated'Seward in 1860, Blaine in 1876, Grant in 1880, and Sherman in 1888. The names which are to be brought forward are those of Governor Roosevetl of New York and ex-President Harrison of Indiana. The dark horses are to be ex-Speaker Reed, now a resident of New York; Senator Allison, of Iowa; and Senator Davis, of Minnesota. Senator Proctor, in alliance with the old Reed strength of New England, Is relied upon to control the delegates of that section. Roosevelt and Platt can control New York, Quay still holds Pennsylvania, and is bitter at McKinley for the latter’s evident desire to keep him out of the Senate. Harrison’s friends can easily control Indiana, ABlson lowa, Davis Minnesota, while local Interests and Influences can be relied upon to make a fight in several other States.

In Texas and Tennessee headway has already been made against McKinley. The severest blow so far visible to the public eye conies in the resignation of Assistant Secretary Davis, of the Interior Department, who has Just returned from South Africa and resigned his office in order to make a campaign of sympathy in behalf of the Boer republics. The administration’s notorious pro-Britlsh attitude compelled him to this course. Mr. Davis Is one of the most notable orators in the Republican party. He and his friends expect to be able to control the Missouri delegation in behalf of his candidacy for the Republican Vice Presidential nomination. It Is obvious that Mr. Davis, with his pro-Boer sentiments, does not expect to be on a ticket headed by Mr. McKinley, with his strong pro-Brltlsh sentiments.

Republicans in • Hole. The chances are at present against McKinley's overthrow. Hanna has too powerful a grip on the party machinery* and is in command of too large a corruption fund to permit the better element of the Republican party to have a voice in the convention. But there will be a bitter fight and feelings will be aroused which the ensuing campaign will not be able to allay. It makes no difference who is at the head of the Republican ticket, the country will hold the party responsible for the administration's blunders. The passage by the Senate of the Foraker Porto Rican bill, with substantially the-Jfbuse tariff proposition attached as a rider, has caused several difficult questions to be put to the Republican majority. They are asked first .and foremost, What has become

of the President’s declaration that , it was our “plain duty” to give Porto Rico free trade with th® United States. Senator Foraker said that the trusts would be the principal beneficiaries of free trade. Putting aside the obvious inference that McKinley is declared by his own party leader to be in favor of trusts, why then, should Senator Foraker have provided for free trade at the end of two years? The Republicans advanced the argument that the necessities of the starving inhabitants of Porto Rico made the passage of the bill necessary. Yet Senator Davis pertinently asked how it was thAt taxing both the products and food supplies of these .starving inhabitants relieved their starvation. r Perhaps the most difficult question for the Republicans to answer is why Secretary Root, who was conspicuosly an advocate of free trade with Porto Rico and who ordered his law clerk. Judge Magoon, to prepare an elaborate opinion to prove that the Constitution extended of its own strength over Porto Rico, should suddenly order the suppression of that lengthy opinion and order him to prepare another one taking the diametrically opposite view. Both opinions are now public, although strenuous efforts were made to suppress the former, which is undeniably the abler argument. The Republicans had great difficulty in putting the Porto Rican tariff bill through the House a few weeks ago. That difficulty promises to be greatly increased over the Foraker bill. The House Republicans have been hearing from their constituents in an unpleasant way, and some fifty of them have felt impelled thereby to go home and attempt to fix up their fences. Aside from the increasing reluctance of many more Republicans to support the tariff

a second time, it is going to be very hard work to bring enough of them back to Washington to vote even If a majority can be commanded for this thoroughly unpopular measure.

Squandering the People’s Money. The books of the treasury show that there has been-received during the past forty years from bonds and other evidences of indebtedness, aside from the cost of issuing the same, the sum of 117,343,641,793.78. We have expended upon these bonds more than we have received from the bonds, the sum of $951,064,661.10. We have practically I>aid none of the Indebtedness, although we have paid out $1,000,000,000 more than, we have received. It would cost us to-day as much money to redeem our indebtedness as it would have cost us in 1866, when our indebtedness was at Its highest point. We owe as much as we did then, when the cost of redeeming the bonds is considered, and yet we have already paid 50 per cent, more than the entire debt It is very difficult to determine the cost of issuing bonds and other evidences of indebtedness, but this was made the subject of an extended investigation by Secretary of the Treasury Lyman J. Gage, who states In his last report that the cost from the start has averaged 1 per cent If this Is correct and there is no reason to doubt it, there has been charged up to the ordinary expenses of government $85,935,002, which should have been charged to the expenses of the public debt. This must be added to the $951,000,000 named above. This shows by the fade of the treasury books that the excess of payments and the face of the indebtedness now outstanding is $3,025,594,099.02 more than we ever received from our bonded or other evidences of indebtedness. The books of the Treasury Department show that $2,117,744,876 of bonds were sold for greenbacks which were worth at that time $1,612,908,202 and were subsequently redeemed In gold. This reduces the amount actually received for the bonds by the sum of $504,830,673. This must lie added to the cost of the loans, which makes the net loss up to date over and above the amount received from the bonds and otherevidences of indebtedness amount to $3,530,430,772.02. Congressman Maddox of Georgia.

How to Get Rid of the Rurplue. There are just two ways to get rid of tbe surplus that is so rapidly piling up in tbe national treasury. One Is by repealing some of the war taxes. The other is by authorizing the deepening of tbe sacks of the campaign contributor! that now have access to the treasury and by licensing a few more contributors and a few ntore extra-large sacks, Mr. McKinley’s great hAtt beats Earthly for the first plan. It is therefore not unlikely that his perverse hand will push on tlie second plan.— New York World.

Flatt —Beware of a d-a-r-r-k horse wi th large teeth!—St. Louis Republic.