Jasper County Democrat, Volume 1, Number 30, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 5 November 1898 — Page 7

THE SELVER PROBLEM

Borne of the Results of gs Demonetization In the Interest of Bondholders. Wealth Hm Been Concentrated In the Hand* of Four Per Cent of Oar Citl•one—Women and Children Forced Into Faotoriec to Aalit In Supporting the Laborer** Family. V The conspiracy entered into by men in the United States and in Europe to demonetize silver and establish the gold standard, means more and far more than the degradation of silver. It means the absolute control of the money of the republic by virtue of which those in the control of the money will eventually control the business of the country, control congress, legislatures and the courts, and there is not in the land an intelligent patriot, one capable of comprehending cause and effect, who does not utter notes of warning. It is not expected that events which cast their dark shadows in advance will come as cyclones come, but will do their work as Jefferson affirmed would be done by the iucroachments of the supreme court, which he pronounced “a subtle corps of sappers and miners working underground,” and ‘‘like gravity * • * gaining a little today and a little tomorrow,” until their purpose is accomplished. The mariner in midocean, with a clear sky above, without a cloud from Horizon to zenith, is not satisfied that he is to have continuous fair weather. He consults his barometer, and if that gives no indication of a storm, he flings out more canvas and sails on. Not so, however, if the barometer tells him a storm is brewing, in which case vigilance is the watchword and the ship’s crew stands ready to take in sail and reef topsails that the ship may escape disaster. The demonetization of silver came upon the nation like a clap of thunder from a clear sky. It was as adroit an act of treason to the nation as was ever conceived—and worse, a thousand times more infamous than the treason of Arnold—and has been fruitful of incalculable ruin. “Bimetallism,” says Hon. John E. Osborn of Wyoming in congress, “has been thoroughly tried and has never failed to keep this body politic sound in wind and limb. * * * * We are told, however, that the republic has more wealth today than it had in 1878. True; but who today owns the wealth of this nation? Under your systen of confiscation a large portion of the earnings of the masses has been misappropriated by the few. Four per cent of our people have been permitted under this system to absorb more than 80 per cent of the nation’s entire wealth. In the states of New York and Massachusetts, where the greatest wealth is concentrated, we find existing the greatest proportion of poverty. In these states, arouDd which an insurmountable wall of protective tariff has been erected, one-third of the support of families fr.lls upon helpless women and children, who ought to be at home by the fireside. They have been driven into the factory and sweat shops, because husbands, fathers and brothers cannot earn enough to provide food and raiment for those dependent upon them.” The wealth of the country has passed into a few hands, because of vicious legislation on the money question, and the trend continues in that direction. “Before the resumption of speoie payments,” says Mr. Osburn: “When we had neither gold nor silver in circulation, we had no trouble in settling our trade balances with foreign countries and in retaining their confidence. During that time our growth in wealth, in population, and in commercial importance was without a parallel in history. Just think of it. This great nation, with its industrious and enterprising people, a nation whose productive capacity of all the world needs is only limited by what the world demands of us, a nation whioh Gladstone tells us has the foundation for the greatest continuous empire ever established by man, a nation whioh, we were told by General Grant, could support 600,000,000 of people, and yet today, with but 70,000,* UOO of people, 10,000,000 of them are suffering for the actual necessities of life.” One of the vicious reasons assigned for the war upon silver is that to remonetize it and aooord it the rights at the mints given to gold would benefit the silver mine owners. Referring to this objection, Mr. Osborn says: The privilege of prospecting and mining in the western country is not monop olised by a close corporation, as case with some of the leading industries lh tho east. But do you know, sirs, that in tho state of Colorado, our greatest silver producing state, and our greatest gold producing state, too. by the way—l say do you know that in the state of Colorado the value of her farm products is double and the value of her faotory products is more than quadruple the value of her entire silver output? While if silver had never beeD demonetised the mine owners would have realised during the last 85 years something like $870,000,000 more than they have realized, during the same time the ootton planters would have realized not less than $8,000,000,000 more 1 and the wheat grower not less Chan $8,600,000,000 more than they have reafized. Without itemizing the greatly increased which would have accrued on other product* of the farm, I feel justified in stating, after a careful study of the most reliable statistics to be obtained on this subject that the loss sustained on v farm products alone during the last 85 years, while the price of the dollar has been steadily appreciating and the price of all commodities steedily depreciating, reaches the enormous sum of $35,000,000,000. One billion dollars a year has been lost by this system of Contraction. One billion dollars a yeer means about $8,000,000 a day. That is more than it cost on both sides to conduct the late civil war. Just think of itl A greater continuous drain on the American farmer, day after

day. year after year, decade after decade, than that occasioned daring the five years of that dreadful civil war. Why, this loss is more than double your satire tariff revenue receipts, your internal revenue receipts and your miscellaneous treasury receipts combined. Yet we are told that other questions are more Important, that we must leave this British financial legislation upon our statute books until haughty England and a few poor deluded American ant lomanlcs kindly condescend to let free Americans legislate for themselves. The cause of this incomprehensible loss is finally attributed to our friends on the other side to overproduction of commodities. And yet statistics prove that from 1853 to 1873 the world’s annual increase In the production of all commodities was 8.8 per cent, and yet prices advanced during that period 20 per cent. From 1873 to 1893, the succeeding period of 80 years after the demonetization of silver, the world’s annual increase in the production of all commodities was but 1.6 per cont, and yet prices fell during the latter period 38 per cent, and are now, as we all know to our sorrow, with but one or two abnormal exceptions, lower than ever boforo since the discovery of this continent. No, Mr. Chairman, it is not overproduction of commodities; it is underproduction of money which prevents a proper distribution, and hence a normal consumption of the commodities we are pioducinir. Thore can be no overproduction of breadstuff's or wearing apparel while tho masses are cold and hungry. In 1873 the American people were consuming about six bushels of wheat per capita, and they wore paying $1.30 a bushel for ! wheat. In 1895 they were consuming but i a little more than three bushels of wheat | per capita, and yet wheat had fallen to 67 j cents a bushel. Now, it is fair to presume | that our people needed as much bread in | 1895 as they did in 1871. but they could ! not earn the money to buy the bread they ; actually needed. Thus it happens, from whatever point i of View the subject is discussed, we find j only rapine and ruin following fast, and , following faster, until tne sum total defies exaggeration. In 1896 there were more than 6,500,000 of American patriots who voted to emancipate the nation bug and gold standard domination, they will vote the same way in 1898 and in 1900, and on through the 20th century. There is something in a name, and, to the American people, “patriot” is better than “pirate.”

FARM PRODUCTS

; How the Demonetization of Silver Affected Them, i The Democratic campaign book for 1898 is a mine of information for all people who desire facts regarding the influence of demonetization upon the welfare of the country, gnd especially are the facts valuable to farmers, who | perhaps have suffered more than any other class of our fellow citizens. In a number of tables showing the | depreciation of value in farm products, | since 1873, when the demonetization of the sliver dollar occurred, omitting fractions, the value of pure silver in a silver dollar was in 1873, $1.02. then a bushel of wheat was worth $1.15 and a pound of cotton 20 cents. In the month of September, 1898. a bushel of wheat was worth 62.3 cents a bushel, and a pound of cotton 55 6 cents. Silver in 27 years had declined from $1.62 to 47 cents, or 55 cents. Wheat had declined to 52.5 per bnshel and cotton 14 44 cents a pound. The price of corn declined from 1873, when it was 48 cents a bnshel, to 21 cents a bnshel in 1896, a decrease of 27 cents a bnshel. Oats declined from 37 cents a bnshel in 1873 to 18 oents a bushel in 1896, a loss of 19 oents a bushel. Rye declined from 76 a bushel in 1874 to 40 cents a bushel in 1896, a loss of 36 cents a bnshel. Barley declined from 91 cents a bushel in 1873 to 32 cents a bnshel in 1896, a loss of 69 cents a bushel. Hay declined from $13.55 a ton in 1873 to $6.62 in 1896, • loss of $6.93 per ton. Potatoes from 70 cents a bnshel in 1873 to 40 cents a bnshel in 1896, a loss of 80 oents a bnshel. Bat there is another way to look at this gloomy piotnre of the depreciation of farm products, consequent upon the demonetization of silver, not from the unit standpoint, but upon the sum total of production, and the sam total of value, which ought to convince farmers, as Mr. Hatch of Missouri reported from the oommittee on agrioultnre in 1895, that “class legislation of the worst oharaoter encumbers the statute books, and has been carried on to the detriment of agrioultnre and its dependent industries for 80 years, culminating in the crime of the age—the demonetization of silver in 1873.” In 1878 the wheat product of the country amounted to 281,264,700 bushels, its total value at $1.15 per bushel was $323,504,805. In 1896 the wheat produot was 437,684,846 bnshels, and its value at 50.9 oents a bushel was SBIO,602,580. In this, the crashing faot stands out in bold relief, that, though the wheat produot in 1896 exceeded that of 1878 by 146,419,646 bushels, its value was less than that of 1878 by $13,905,375, and this robbery of farmers was brought about ohiefly by the demonetization of silver. But a still more deplorable oondition of things appears in the disastrous decline in the valne of corn, the prodnot of whioh in 1873 was 933,374,000 bush- ' els, whioh at 48 cents a bushel was valued at $447,183,020. In 1896 the corn product reached 3,383,875,165 bushels, an excess over the prodnot of 1878 of 1,851,601,166. whioh valued at 31.5 cents a bushel, amounted co $491,006,967, an exoess of value over the product of 1873 of $43,823,967. If, however, the value per bushel—4B oents—in 1878 had been maintained, the produot of 1896 would have brought the farmers $1,176,261,080, or an exoess of $685,193,813 over what they did receive for their corn. If the farmers desire to know ths chief cause of the hard times whioh has visited them with greater rigor than has fallen to the lot of others, it is found in the demonetization of silver, which, said Mr. Hatoh in his report, “was a bold stroke in the interest of capital that has reduced the value of every produot in the world. This is

conclusively proven by the faot that jnst as silver has depreciated, in like proportion have all other values fallen Is the scale.” In other products, rye, oats, barley, potatoes, etc., the sum total of loss for the entire product, comparing product and prioes in 1873 with product and prices in 1896, is equally startling, a loss so 'great, though demonstrated by official figures, as to challenge credulity. If farmers want still more of Republican financiering, they can have it by voting the Republican ticket in November, 1898.

FREE COINAGE AN ISSUE

Democracy Will Battle For. That Issue Until It Wins at the Polls. * notwithstanding Republicans Declare That Democrats Are Anxious to Abandon the Fight—Free and Unlimited Coinage of Silver at a Ratio of 16 to 1 an American Declaration. In the political parlance of the campaign in Indiana, and growing warmer las the days come and go, the free and unlimited coinage of silver is an issne, made so by the Democratic platform adopted by the state Democratic convention, which said: “We reaffirm and emphasize the platform adopted by the national Democratic convention of 1896 at Chicago. We are in favor of the free and unlimj ited coinage of both gold and silver at I the existing ratio of 16 to 1, without the aid or consent of any other nation. “We are unalterably opposed to the single gold standard, and we specially protest against the declared purpose of i the present Republican secretary of the treasury of applying that policy more | thoroughly. We believe that the prac- ! tice of the treasury in paying treasury notes in gold only, in violation of law. and in surrendering the option of the government, reserved by the statute, to pay in gold or silver, is chiefly responsible for the great money depression now, and for so long a period, existing in this country, is destructive of busiuess enterprise, dangerous to the public credit and the prosperity of the people, and a serious menace to the national honor.” It will be observed that the Democratic state convention not only “reaffirmed,” but “emphasized” the Chicago platform of 1896 in its declarations relating to the “tree and unlimited coinI age of both gold and silver at the existing ratio of 16 to 1.” In calling the attention of Indiana j Democrats to the isspe, it might be said j with exultant pride, as Daniel Webster j once referred to Massachusetts, “There she is, behold her and judge for yourselves." There stands the silver issue, behold it and judge for yourselves. What is there connected with the silver issue that should make its friends hesitate to extol and defend it? What is there about the free and unlimited coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1 that is not in consonance with sonnd finance ? The Republican press of the state and Republican stamp campaigners intimate, or broadly declare, that Democrats are anxious to abandon the free coinage issue and fight the battles of the campaign upon some other issue. The wish is father to the thought. If the Democratic party would abandon the freo silver issue, it would be a godsend to the Indiana Republicans. The Republican party has, in convention, time and again declared for bimetallism —the free coinage of gold and silver at the ratio of 16 to 1. The party has declared that “from tradition ana interest” that “both gold and silver should be used as standard money.” Bat while making snch patriotic professions it has treacherously abandoned the American people and gone into European camps to solicit foreign aid to establish an American financial, policy, knowing full well that European nations, while disdaining any interference of the United States with their financial policy, would never lend a helping hand to establish bimetallism in the United States. And the advocacy of an “international agreement with the leading commercial nation of the world,” which oonld not be accomplished, was designed to hold on to a class of free silver Republicans, who, like Democrats, believed the American people, as oertainly as Englishmen, Frenohmen, Germans, Italians aud Spaniards, could, and of right ought, to shape their own financial policy without consulting any foreign nation whatsoever. But neither the treachery nor the sneers of Republicans, press or speakers, high or low, rich or poor, blaek or, white, lords or vassals, plutocrats or their menials, can intimidate or stampede the Democratic party in its advocacy of a measure, whioh Republicans have said “from tradition and interest” is demanded by the American people. The free and unlimited coinage of gold and silver at the ratio of lfi to I, is as Amerioan as the declaration of independence, as American as the constitution, which was “ordained” by “we, the people.” The gold standard is British, as much so as the house of lords or the British throne. The gold sta> 1ard is autocratic, plutocratio and aristocratic. It is not Democratic. It was never “ordained” by “we, the people.”It never regarded the interests, the welfare or the liberties of ”we, the people” —as Bryan and Linooln would say, “the plain people. ” The gold standard in Europe is the standard of kings and the liokspittals of kings, the parasites of kings—the vermine who live in the hair of kingly dogs—who are. not like Americans, sovereigns in their own right; and to “the manner bom.” The Democratic party stands unswervingly by the tree and unlimited coinage of silver, because it is an Amerioan issue, because it is in the interest of

the rank and file of the people, because behind it. are all the glorions traditions of the government from its foundation, because its bistory is free from spot or blemish, because neither individuals, communities, municipalities, states nor the nation was ever harmed by the free and unlimited coinage of gold and silver at the ratio of 16 to 1. This cannot be said of the gold standard infamy. It has wrought incalculable disasters wherever it has been tried. It has placed the money and the wealth of nations in the hands of tbe few, and has made the many the degraded vassals of the rich, and this is what it is doing in the United States of America. The Democratic party is pledged to fight the gold standard iniquity. It does not ask to be discharged from the free silver army. It does not ask to be “mustered out” of the service. It is enlisted for the war. It bivouacs on the battlefield. It makes no compromise. Defeat may come as it did to the minute men at Banker Hill, bat the revolution will proceed, though, via Valley Forge, until Yorktown is reached and the goldbug British surrender. The sneers of such Republican sheets as the Indianapolis Journal aud the Indianapolis News will not deter the Democrats from battling for free coinage till the sun sets Nov. 8, IS9B.

THE MONEY POWER.

Its First Exhibition Was Through United States Banks, Which Jackson Throttled. Dangers of This Power Pointed Oat to tbe People by the Man Who Had the Courage to Veto Its Measures When It Sought to Control the Government In 1832 The term “money power” is regarded in some quarters as a vague term, indeed, so ambiguous and indefinite as to amount to a vagary. It is flippantly admitted that money has power which, under prudent control and exerted for ligitimate purposes, promotes the generai welfare, advances civilization and confers innumerable blessings upon individuals and nations. Snch commendations are exceedingly trite, they are like repeating the old aphorism that “fire is a good servant, but a bad master.” It is folly to assume that the term ‘•money power” in political affairs is of recent coinage. Such is not the case. It has been known to exist since time was young, but it is not the purpose of this writing to trace its operations beyond and outside of the boundaries of the United States. It is donbtless true that the first exhibitions of the money power in the United States were through the operations of the United States bank which President Andrew Jackson throttled finally by his veto. July 10, 1832. In that message President Jackson said: “Their power,” (referring to the stockholders of the bank) “would be great whenever they might choose to exert it * * * they might pot fourth their strength to influence elections or control the affairs of the nation.” Again, in his veto message, Jackson said: “It is to be regretted that the rich and powerful too often bend the acts of government to their selfish purposes. * * * Many of our rich men have not been oontent with equal protection and equal benefits, bat have besought ns to make them rloher by acts of congress.” Such expressions from such high authority bring to view the designs of the money power 60 to 70 years ago, when the “money power,” operating through the United States bank, sought to control the government. In his sixth annual message, Deo. 8, 1834, President Jackson called the attention of congress and the country to the corrupting practices of this organised money power in saying: "Circumstances make it my duty to call the attention of congress to the bank of the United States. Created for the convenience of the government, that institution has beoome the scourge of the people. Its interference to postpone the payment of a portion of the national debt, that it might retain the publio money appropriated for that purpose to strengthen it in a political contest; the extraordinary extension contraction of its accommodations to the community; its corrupt and partisan loans.” All pointed to the dangers which in the days of Jaokaon threatened the government itself by the operations of the money power. And still further. President Jackson warned his countrymen against establishing or giving aid and comfort to a “money power” and in his -message said: “Events have satisfied my mind, and I think the minds of the Amerioan people, that the mischiefs and dangers which flow from a national bank far overbalances all its advantages. The bold efforts the present bank has made to oontrol the government, the distresses it has wantonly produoed, the violence of which it has been the occasion in one of our cities famed for its observance of law and order, are bat premonitions of the fate which awaits tho American people, should they be deluded into a perpetuation of this institution or the establishment of another like it.” But in his farewell message to the people, President Jackson, referring to the operations of the money power through the United States bank says: “We are not left to oonjecture how the moneyed power, thus organized and with snch a weapon in its hands, would be likely to use it. The distress and alarm whioh pervaded and agitated the whole cocntry when the bank of the United States waged war upon the people in order to compel them to submit to its demands cannot yet be forgotten. The ruthless and unsparing temper with whioh whole cities and communities were oppressed, individuals impoverished and rained, and a scene of oheerful prosperity suddenly changed

to one of gloom and despondency ought to be indelibly impressed on the memory of the people of the United States.” It will be observed that the term money power or “moneyed power” is not of recent ooinage, bat dates back to the time when the first bank of the United States was chartered with a capital of $7,000,000, and that its power, which was intended should be a benediction to the country and the people, was exerted in an opposite direction and became a colossal corse to the extent that it threatened the overthrow of the government itself, for, says President Jackson, “if the people had not conquered in the straggle the government would have passed from the hands of the many to the hands of the few, and this organized money power, from its recent conclave, would have dictated the choice of yonr highest officers and compelled yon to make peace or war, as best suited their own wishes.” The money power, instead of one bank of the United States with a capital of $35,000,000, has created nearly 4,000 national banks with a capital of $650,000,«00 banded together in what is known as the “American Bankers’ association.” and which it is now the purpose of the “money power,” acting through the Republican party, to confer upon them by legislation snch additional power as will enable them to control, not only the monetary affairs of the country, but its legislation also, indeed, as President Jackson says, “Dictate the choice of our highest officers.” Aud this is jnst what was accomplished in the election of William McKinley as president. The “American Bankers’ association” has a standing committee known as the “committee on education,” which, in its report at the Denver meeting of the association held last August, expressed a desire that more naorous efforts should be made to bring the people into greater harmouy with the operation of the banks, because opposition to the policy of the banks would operate disastrously upon the people by the “CURTAILMEXT OF LOANS, HIGHER RATES OF INTEREST, GENERAL DEPRESSION OF BUSINESS AND CAUSE GREAT LOSSES TO ALL CLASSES.” These are some of the calamities which the national banks, as their educational committee points ont could be visited upon the country by the American Bankers’ association, and this power for mischief is to be indefinitely increased if tbe bill prepared by the Indianapolis monetary convention, or any similar bill, becomes a law, because the bill proposes to put the entire paper circulation in the hauds of the national banks and thereby constitute them a money power, compared with which the old bank of the United States, that Andrew Jackson throttled and killed, was conspicuously a pygmean menace to the business of the people and the government.

GOLD AND SILVER.

One of the arguments made by the advocates of the free and unlimited coinage of silver is based upon statistics relating to the fact that the amount of gold and silver ooin in tbe world is approximately and practically equal. Secretary Gage of the United States treasury department estimates tbe gold and silver coin in the world as follows: Gold coin $4,359,600,000 ! Silver coin 4,206,300,000 ! Total $8,567,900,000 I The current estimate of the world’s population is 1,500,000,000. Accepting the estimate and it is seen that the gold coin in the world is equal to $2.90 per capita, and that the .silver coin is equal to $2.80 per capita, or that the total coins of the two metals is equal to $6.70 per capita. But it is replied that such estimates are of little oonsequenoe because the population of the world includes savages and barbarians in all of the zones. That is true, and to meet the objection, 600,000,000 of the estimate is omitted, reducing the total to $1,000,000,000. This would give the civilized population of the world $4.35 per capita in gold and $4.20 per capita in silver, or in both coins $8.65 per capita. It should be remembered that this •lose equality of the two mewls as money is not of recent date, but as Mr. Sha froth says, has been the case “at almost all stages of the world’s history.” That such conditions should have existed is not neoessarily miraculous, but it is, nevertheless, most extraordinary, and would seem to have been brought about by providential oversight, as much so as that, by some oocult design, the sexes have been maintained through all ages as about equal. At any rate this equality in amount or value of gold and silver seems to be the order of nature and of wise design. The gold advocates propose to strike down silver as primary money, to redace it to subsidnary money, to redeemable money in the interest of gold standard advpoatcs abroad and in the United States, and this outrage upon the great mass of the people is proposed without a scintilla of proof that either individuals, communities, municipalities, states or nations have ever suffered by bimetallism, the use of gold and diver at such ratios as have been established by law or custom as standard money. And if a motive is sought for placing gold on the throne with a orown on its head, and silver on the roaffold with a halter around its neck, one, and only one, will be found, and that motive will be to enable the rich man effeotaally to plunder the poor.

Say what wp may, the men who control the money of the nation will control its destiny, unless the mewses properly estimate the dangers which environ them, and swear, as did Jackson, “by the eternal” money shall not role and shape the destiny of the American republic. ' It is a notable fact that Del. ■ • > his diplomatic head for telling iu« «■ ... 1

REPUBLICAN CURRENCY REFORM.

In my last two letters I have tried to briefly but oorrectly explain the working and effect of house bill No. 10,289, whioh the house commltte on banking and currency favor, and which will donbtless become a law if tbe party in power have a majority in the next oongress. The bill is so repulsive to tbe common people, providing, as It does, for the demonetization of our present silver dollars and the surrender to ths banks of the currency of the country, that the Republican leaders naturally try to shirk responsibility for it. But the evidence which connects them with this measure and identifies it with their proposed “comprehensive monetary legislation” is so complete and clear that the same evidence in a criminal oourt would convict a man of murder. The very phrase used in their state platform was coined by the Indianapolis monetary convention which inaugurated this currency reform scheme. That convention was composed of men who had supported McKinley in 1896, and its Work received bis especial commendation in his message to the last congress; the leading factor in the Indianapolis monetary convention, Hugh H Hanna, is a prominent candidate for the senate should the Republicans control our legislature; the convention’s bill was i introduced in the house by Overstreet of Indiana, who is once more their candidate for congress and whose renomination was urged at the time by the Republican management on the ground that he stood for this currency legislation; the bill slightly amended has been favorably reported by the house committee who recommend its passage; this reported bill is kuown as H. R. No. 10,289, and the action of the house committee in reporting it for passage estops the party from disclaiming it now; their action was manifestly the result of a caucus and almost every Republican member signed a petition asking for its report. Besides, Mr. Huum declares in a public letter that a careful poll of the house shows that me friends of “sound money” will support the measure. This currency reform was conceived by a convention of "business men,” it remains now for the common people to pass judgment on it. It will not do to stand idly by and await the action of the next congress. If that congress is Republican we know what currency reform they will give us. It means that our silver dollars shall cease to be standard money, but, by being made redeemable in sink to the level of mere toked coin; It means that tha volume of pur stamjMrd money shall bo contracted,Shaking gold tbe sole money of reuetnptiou. It means making onr public debt, now payable in coin, a debt payable in gold alone. It mean* tbe destruction of our government curi rency and the substitution of a national i bank currency to take its place—a currency whose volume can be absolutely controlled, that can be expanded or contracted at will, leading to speculation or panic, inflation or baukrnptcy of tha masses at the pleasnre and profit of the few. A Republican congress means the passage of this legislation, and then in I any attempt to ohange it or repeal it, i we will be met with tbe old argument i of “vested rights,” with whioh tha | money power has defended all of its i usurpations. The time to speak out is now; and : upon the ißsue impending in this election, we may confidently appeal to men jof all parties. Yon may be a “middle ! of the road” Populist and disinclined to j accept bimetallism as the best solution or the end of the financial question. In this campaign we are both fighting toe our lives, fighting to the end that, in 1900, we may be able to renew oar straggles for onr respective ideas. Tha final trinmph of gold redemption, tha demonetisation of the coined silver than is left us, and the establishment of ns* ! tioual bank ourrenev which will be | achieved in their proposed “currency | reform,” will make both our efforts nhildiah and vain. Let ns stand together. Let us not lose a vote. Let us not waste a shot in .defending ourselves against the farther encroachments of the banking power. Are yon a Republican? Well, you may not be prepared to aocept bimetallism, and perhaps the free coinage of silver oonld not be restored nnder this administration even thongh we carried the coming elections. But you surely do not want onr volume of standard money contracted still more; you surely do not want to see the money function taken away from the silver dollars already ooined by making them a mere subsidiary coin, redeemable in gold; you surely do not want to see our national debt, most of whieh was created on a greenback basis and all of which is now on a coin basis and payable in either our ooined silver or gold, made payable in gold alone; yon surely do not want to see our government retire its paper money simply that the national banka may issue their currency to taka its place. Upon these issues we may certainly agree, and these are the living issues of this campaign. These and not matters of party pride or coloniaff expansion or the glorious reminiscences of a war, go to determine the success of your Use and the prosperity of your basin oss. Tha present mission of the Democratic party, the object to be attained by Democratic success in tbe coming polls, is. above ail things, to prevent a further contraction of our standard money. To preserve the oontraotnal Stion of paying our ooined bonds in her gold or silver; to maintain tha sovereign and constitutional right of the government to issue all money; and to prevent the grant to national banks of the power to issue and oontrol the volume of our currency. The culmination of a gigantio straggle is at hand, and above all other qnee-, turns rises ths interrogatory “who shall! rale ia this republio, humanity or wealth? Who shall itsue and oontrol! our money, the national banks or thei people speaking through their oongrassi as the constitution provides?” Whan will your answer be? Hxnby Warruk. j