Indiana State Sentinel, Indianapolis, Marion County, 25 July 1894 — Page 4

4 t INDIANA STATE SENTINEL. BY THE INDIANAPOLIS SENTINEL CO. S. E. MORSS, BEN A. EATON, President, Vios Prratdaok b. McCarthy. Secretary and Treasurer.

CCntered at the I'otlofSee at Indianapolis mm (trond class matter.) TEnMs per year i Sinjcle rupr tin Advance) fl OO We ask democrat to bear In mind and select their own state paper then they come o take s abcrljlnns nnd make up clubs. Agenta maklnit up eiaba aend for any information desired. Address THE INDIANAPOLIS SENTINEL, Indianapolis, Ind. TWELVE PAGES. WEDNESDAY, JILY 2JJ, 104. No favors to trusts. Now that the strike is over, arbitration ought to be given a fair stow. The democrats of the house are the hope of their party throughout the land. Better no tariff bill at all than one which does not live up to democratic principles. A law that la good enough to punish combinations of labor ought to le good enough to punish lawless combinations of capital. President Grover Cleveland. at least, has not forgotten that the democratic partyla pledged to give the country free raw materials. Whatever else may be Bald of President Cleveland's letter, it Founds the deathknell to all future political aspirations of Senators Gorman and Brice. The fact that both capitalists and labor agitators object to compulsory arbitration Is no reason why the people who suffer from their conflicts should not contend for It. Chairman Wilson and his house conferees should not forgot that no bill is better than the Gorman-Brice bill. Itochester Union and Advertiser. Aye, aye, comrade! Nor should they forget that no bill could be much worse than the Gorman-Brice bill. Grover Cleveland can always be relied upon to act when action, is needed. In case of necessity he would pull oft his coat and go to work while ordinary politicians were discussing1 tha propriety of appearing in public In their shirt sleeves. It Is the duty of the house in the present emrgenry to stand on the democratic national platform of 1S92. I5y so doing it can make no mistake. Any other course Is fraught with the most serious danger both to the party and to the country. If the tariff bill should fail the blame must rest with the republican senators and a few of their democratic fellow conspirators. The democratic representatives and the democratic president have done their utmost to carry out the pledges of their party platform. If a senator may Ignore his party's pledges, why may not a presidential elector do the same thing? There Is no less moral obliquity In the one proceeding than in tha other. But the elector who would go over to the opposition could net live In this country. The letter of President Cleveland to Chairman Wilson proved so eminently fitting ar,3 timely as to command the commendation of Senator Hill. And when anything that Grover Cleveland writes cr-mm? n-s respectful attention of David L Hill it must be fit and timely indeed. Xow the republican papers which have been denouncing the president for falling to bring about promised reform of the tariff are virtuously indignant at hie attempt to "dictate to congress." Altogether it seems a pretty difficult task for a democratic president to please the republican papers. That Kansas boy who made him e bullet-proof coat on the plan of Herr Powe, and died from the result of the first test, probahly didn't fully understand the difference between the 2'uropean pistoi land the Kansas variety. It is a safe assertion that nothing short If the mo?t approved armor-plate would stand against the howitzers which Kansas men pack. The senate has perpetrated another outrage in its appropriation of $1,000,000 to exterminate the ILussian thistle in the northwest. The Itussian thistle Is ho greater impediment to agriculture lhan white-top, or Canada thistle, or rag weed or dog-fennel, or any other weed that farmers in other part3 of the country are heir to. It is reported from the Russian thistle district that the tanners have refrained from destroying It in exxectation that the government 70uld pay them for cutting the weeds from their own farms. The appropriation 13 as vile a swindle as the concession to the sugar and whisky trusts. It seems ithat Madison county has become the scene of more swindling exploits on the part of swindlers -who seek out farm 3r3 as theiT victims than any other part of Indiana. Within the last two weeks two more swindles have been exposed by Sentinel correspondents. One was the Frencth coach horss villainy, 'which teemed to be quite euccessful for awhile. The operator would inrrply buy a hors for J100, more or less- In one township, and after docking his mane end tali and trimming up In as stylish a manner as the animal would bear he would take him to another township, find a gullible farmer, tell hkn the horse was recently Imported from France, had a fine record for peed, etc, and sell him Car $500. This trick was carried In du

merous ways, and, strange to say, it almost always succeeded. Another now swindle that developed recently In Madison county was the introduction of a new variety of wheat. The operator always carried samples and talked the farmers into the belief that the yield would be fifteen to twenty bushels more on the acre than that of ordinary wheat. The Sentinel correspondent at Anderson quotes William Kirk, a wealthy farmer of Monroe township, as saying: "It is a pretty fair scheme to gull gudeons with, but If anybxiy wants seed wheat and will come to my neighborhood I will guarantee that he can buy 5,000 bushels of the same kind of wheat. I have examined It and I know exactly what I am talking about. It is simply a fraud, and the farmer who bites at it will get ca ugh t." THE F'W'TS AHOI'T ITLLM W. Ever since the outbreak of the present strike a great deal has been said by that portion of the press which can never see any justice In the cause of a worklngman, about the philanthropy of George M. Pullman and the philanthropic plan upon which the town of Pullman is conducted. Some days ago The Sentinel, in reply to some of these remarks, called attention to the exact facts In regard to this philanthropic (?), socialistic scheme. It said then that Mr. Pullman had built his town not for the purpose of philanthropy but for the purpose of profit, and it called attrition to some of the main facts which substantiated lta assertion. It may be set down as a fact that there is no place on earth, or at least very few of them, where workIngmpn are as much in absolute silvery to their employers as in the city of Pullman, and it may also be stated as a fact that there is no place where the expense of living Is so high for the worklngmen as in this same town of Pullman. This whole subject of the exact situation at Fullman has been very much beclouded by Pullman himself and by the railway managers who took up his fight as soon as It was on. It is really 1 leasing to secure some unprejudiced testimony on the subject, and thi3 testimony is given by the Rev. William Cawardine, pastor of the Pullman methodist episcopal church, in a letter dated the 13th Inst, to the Rev. J. M. Driver of Marlon, Ind. In this letter Mr. Cawardine discusses, not only the situation at Pullman itself, but some of the subsequent events which have grown out of it. In his Introductory Mr. Cawardine is careful to set forth his position, which is this: "I deplore and deprecate the strike. I also deprecate the boycott. Hut let us see if there do ii"t exist certain causes which drove these strikers to their position. Lot us b just to th-. laborers. God knows they have need of our sympathy, not our condemnation. 1 have pleaded for arbitration." Then the reverend gentleman goes on to say that the average maximum wage at Pullman has been $1.00 per day, and this statement he bases on his personal knwledg; of the workings if the shops, g.iined in several years as pastor of the church at Pullman. Mr. Cawardine enters, into a discussion of the manner of payment adopted at Pullman and shows that each payment of wages must first undergo a deduction for rent and other incidentals due the Pullman company. For instance: The men are paid only in checks at the bank. Two checks are made out to every employe, one for his two weeks' wages and the other for his wages over and above rent. When he assigns to the Pullman company the check for his wages in full, he receives the other check, from which his rent has been deducted. This matter of rents i3 then dwelt upon at considerable length and a great deal of light is thrown on the subject. Mr. Cawardine says: All the houses are built of brick. In rows of about fifty to a block, two cottages and then two flats, alternately. On the buck streets are a se-ore of large tenement blocks, holding S00 to 1,000 people, lettered from A to J, and four stories high. Cottages on the square with three rms, $35 per moiKh besides the .water tax; in the rows, five-room cottages, with no 'biLh-room, $18.50, and 71 cents for water, $13.-1; eevenwoom cottages, $25. and 71 cents for water, $25.71; fiats of four and five roams, four flats to each house, $14.50. and 71 cents for water, J13.21 each; same on back street, $14, and 60 tents for water; some f aur-room flats at $12. and 50 cents for water. Now in the blocks (tenements), fourth story, back side, two rooms, $G.50, und CO cents for water, $7.10; fourth story, front, four rooms, $8.50. and GO cents for water, $9.10. On third floors three rooms the same. The same rates prevail through all the blocks. Tney are crowded together like herds of cattle. They are mostly Germans and Swedes, with some few Poles aT.d Bohemians. No decent American or English mechanic wants to live here. At the brickyards (a part of the great concern) six rows of miserable, dirty little wooden shanties are rereted. They cost about fifty dollars e-ah, contain three rooms, and rent for $8 per month. They are a disgrace to any institution. Gas is manufactured in Pullman and supplied to every house. You can use it or not as you please. In the city you get it for $1 to $1.25 per thousand feet; In Pullman you pay f2.2T. The gas Is exorbitant as well as the rent. Up to six months ago, before Mayor Hopkins investigated the matter und changed It. Pullman received water from the city for 4 cents per thousand gallons and let it to his tenants at 10 cents, making a nice profit on it. It will be seen from these statements that Mr. Pullman has been making a most magnificent profit out of his philanthropy ami skinning his empoyea in the most artistic fashion known to monopolists. In regard to the wage reduction, which brought about the present strike, the Rev. Mr. Cawardine gives some very Interesting details as follows: Bear in mind that the men are all paid at the bank every two weeks. Two dhecks are made out to every employe one for his two weeks, the other for -his wages over and above remt. The greatest dissatisfaction arose over the manner In which the company demanded the' rent, leaving the men so little to live on. ' The average cut on wages all through the ehop was 33Vi per cent.; many cases 40 per cent., ejid a oh era 50 per . cenu None of the officials, monthly hands, heads of departments, foremen and under foremen ("straw "bosses") were cut; only the men of the rank and file. Also, while all the men were cut, there are three known jases of men wbo, after rent was deducted, received a check for 2 cents! There is in one of the dally papers of t&ls tnomXng a, io simile picture

THE INDIANA STATE SENTINEL,

of a psy check for 8 cents. I know of hundreds of men who, after heavy rents were deducted, received onlv from $1 to $5 for two weeks' pay. A goodly number Hid much better than that, but all were more or less cut in wages as above indicated. The rents were not reduced at all.' They are the same today as they have been for three or four years past. This created a terrible feeling among the men. "If you cut our wages, why not reduce our rent?" was the common expression all through the winter. Bear in mind also that many heads of departments almost rebelled against the cutting, not having the heart to reduce the scale as demanded at headquarters. And yet the officials seem i to exercise no mercy, and the foremen and under bosses (in order to keep in favor with the local management) unmercifully ground the men down to the last notch. The continual changing of the scale of prices on piece work and day work, looking toward reduction, resulted in many petty abuses, and above all in the nor-eoustlization of wages. Wages were not adjusted and equalized. For instance: a man was told to do a piece of work (cut square hobs in a piece of iron and trim it. He was a first-class mechanic and used to earn $2 and $3 a day. It took him one hour to do the work ho received 41; cents. He appealed to Mr. Doran (head of the iron department and a good man). That gentleman saw the injustice and changed the scale to 20 cents an hour even yet small for a good mechanic. Hundreds m the some condition in other departments suffered proportionately in the same way, but got no relief. Again: A first-class mechanic (a member of my church and respected by all) told me that he worked two weeks, ten hours a dav, and got just Jft.'JO. Think of it! A man. too, who had always easily earned good waces. Again: A gang of trimmers in woodwork would have to take a car and trim it completely. They would be expected to tiike it on contract. They were compelled to take the contract at such a low figure that they were known to work five and ten days to finish the car after the contract price had been worked out. And for tho five to ten days they did not receive one cent. They could not shirk the work. Inspectors, or "straw bosses" were set over them to see that the work was done right. it is barely possible that meaner methods have been sometimes employed in the United States to drain the purses of working men in the interest of their employes, but we have no evidence at hand that there have been. It would stem, from the foregoing statement, tnat every effort Äas been made to prevent any of the Pullman money going out of Pullman except such as was taken out in dividends by the man whose name the town bears. The "pluek-me" stores of Clay county were never more industriously employed to get the money of a company's employes and keep those employes under subjection to their masters. The Rev. Mr. Cawardine's letter contains many other interesting detailä of the system on which the town of Pullman is operated, but these will suffice to show that it is far from being a philanthropic scheme. The loiter quoted asserts most positively tint Mr. Pul'.man has always refused to arbitrate, and that his refusal has not only been imperative. but always hnpuler.t. AT. tlu rating Wiii eh followed the beginning of this sii ike, Mr. Ca warding s.iys, was Undoubtedly by h odiums fr mi the Ptoojc yards, and not by the strikers themselves. a:i I ho states this fact, having been with the crowds at the scene of the riots while they were iti progress. The gentleman says tint incidentally he greatly admired Mr. Debs, and after years of acquaintance greatly despises Mr. Pullman, but this may bo laid aside as matters of personal opinion having no bearing on the- suoj ct at issue. One other pi int that lie brings out. partiaily in connection with the rents and partii'dy in connection with the claim that Mr. Pullman is a Christian philanthropist, is this: The Y. M. C. A. and churches all pay exorbitant rents. There is only one church building in Pullman, called the Greenstone, which Pullman rents for $100 per month. Gas. water, heat, etc., are not included in the $100 per month. The parsonage rents for $73 per month besides water, gas, etc The minister has never been able to live in it, and so it is occupied by one of the city officials. The methodists have a large room In the Casino building. We rent it. unfurnished, at a cost of about five hundred dollars .per annum, including gas, heating, etc. It all goes to Pullman. Our Y. M. C. A. is now closed up. It always had a precarious existence, without one cent of help from Pul'.man. The library Is $25 per month, or $300 per year, and so It goes. I have now answered in a very hurried, and I fear not very satisfactory manner, your questions. Excuse the haste indicated in my letter. But you may get some data out of It. After this statement, which did not need the attestation of a clergyman for its substantiation, because the figures quoted upheld every charge advanced. It would seem that 'the talk of Mr. Pullman's philanthropy should cease at once. "The democracy of the land plead most earnestly for the speedy completion of the tariff legislation which representatives have undertaken ; but they demand not less earnestly that no stress of necessity shall tempt those they trust to the abandonment of democratic principle. . GROVER CLEVELAND." THE SlUAH TAX. The question of the sugar tariff divides naturally into two distinct parts, (1) the taxation of raw sugar, and (2) the taxation of refined sugar. As to the first there ought to be no great difficulty in securing an agreement in congress If It were not for complications with the second. For more than half a century the democratic party has maintained that raw sugar was an especially appropriate product for tariff taxation, as the tax was paid into the treasury and not into the pockets of protection beneficiaries. The protection from-the tax was and would still be purely incidental, and the amount of sugar produced in the country is so small in comparison with the amount consumed that no tariff reformer could select a more suitable object for revenue tariff purposes. On theory, therefore, a tariff should be placed on raw sugar if on anything. On the other hand, the argument is made that sugar has cheapened because the republicans put raw sugar on the free list, and the people have become accustomed to it, in consequence of which they would consider an Increased duty and an Increased price a direct Increase of taxation. This is an argument of expediency. It is based largely on the theory that the people do not understand

WEDNESDAY MORNING, JULY 25, 1894 -TW ELTE PAGES.

the tariff, and that they would blindly resent the change. This theory Is without foundation in fact. The American people understand the tariff question so well that they cannot be Imposed on by any shallow pretense of protection In. a tax on raw sugar. Moreover It must be remembered that under the existing law the tax on refined sugar is six-tenths of 1 cent per pound, and as the people use refined sugar and not raw sugar, and as the sole effect of this tax on refined sugar is to increase the price of sugar to this extent, a tax of six-tenths of 1 cent per pound on all sugar- would make no difference at all in the price of the sugar used, and a tax of 1 cent ir puir-.d would make at the most an increase of only fourtenths cf 1 cent per p"uni in the price. We believe . that tha people would be entirely satisfied with an uniform rate of 1 cent per pound on all sugar. The question of a differential tax on refined sugar, or an uniform ad valorem tax on all sugar, is very different, f r either involves direct protection to the manufacturer of sugar, and the only manufacturer of sugar in the country is the sugar trust. It is evident that most of the censure, which has fallen on the senate in connection with its treatment of the tariff question, has now centered on the sugar schedule. The stock speculation scandal, the shameless testimony of the trust managers in the investigation, the commonly known control by the trust of all wholesale dealers, the fact that the trust was driven from New York by prosecution under the state laws, the presence of the sugar lobby In New York. the belief (hat certain senators are in its pay. either directly or indirectly, all combine to make this trust especially obnoxious to the penp'e, and It is not too much to say that any concession to the trust, either in the form of a differential tax or an uniform ad valorem tax, will be regarded as a compromise with venality and corruption. We think It would be extremely dangerous to the party tomak any concession of either kind. This is the more important because it is demonstrated that the entire labor cost of refining sugar is less than one-ninth of 1 cent per pound, and it is known that no country can refine sugar cheaper than this. The fol-de-rol about protection to American labor can. therefore, not be urged In this connection, and the party will be confronted by the necessity of defending a toriff tax that inures wholly to the benefit of the sugar trust. If. in fact, there were any call for protection of the refiners from foreign competition the trust has forfeited all right to it by its lawless and corrupt course, and the party would have the onerous burden of defending a donation to a detected, convicted and confessed criminal, involving a direct tax on the people. Such action under su-h circumstances would be gave error, and we trust that the house, under no circumstances, will yield on the sugar question any further than to consent to an uniform specific duty on all sugars not exceeding 1 cent per pound. "It is quite apparent that this question of free raw materials deies not admit of adjustment on any middle ground, since their subjection to any rate of tariff taxation, great or small, is alike violative of democratic principles and democratic good faith. "GROVER CLEVELAND." THE DANGER OP IT. There is a grave public danger in the present attitude of the treacherous democratic senators graver even than that of a failure to relieve the burden of tariff taxation now imposed upon the people. It is a danger which threatens the very stability of the republic. Legally, according to rule, there is no obligation upon a member of congress to carry out the wishes of the constituents who elected him. Hal there been such a legal requirement a tariff bill far more radical than even the measure presented by Chairman Wilson would have been enacted. Into law and in full force and effect befiire the beginning of the present calendar year. Our form of government was devised by patriots; violent partisans they were, too. But, they thought it impossible that a man who could be chosen to the legislative branch of the government could ever forget the moral obligation to his constituents to so shape his course as to comport with their views and carry out their wishes. Acting on this supposition the people of the United States have gone on choosing legislators and presidental electors on faith. Many years later this moral obligation of legislators received a more formal recognition by the adoption of the prevailing system of nominations and the promulgation of party platforms. Till the senate began its work on the tariff bill this year the binding character of this moral obligation had never been questioned. Parties have gene on nominating their candidates and pledging them to certain lines of governmental policy. And the people have been electing these candidates to public office firm in the belief that these pledges would be fulfilled. So in the election of president. Parties have met in convention and named their standard bearers; in the various states they have named their presidential electors, who, when they met, were expected to vote for the candidates chosen by their party. And be it said to the credit of American politics that the expectation has never yet failed of realization. No man has ever yet been chosen a presidential elector who was so lost to all sense of honor as to forget the moral obligation imposed upon him to vote for the choice of his party. But if the course of the treacherous democratic senators be permitted to go unre.buked, how long will It be before their example la emulated? They are under the same moral obligation to fulfill the pledges of the democratic platform of 1892 that the democratic electors of that year were to vote for Grover Cleveland and Adlal E. Stevenson for president and vice-president, respectively. Their treachery in assisting to retain all the obnox

ious' features of thrj McKinley tariff is of no less serious degree than would have been that of electors chosen on the democratic ticket had they voted to retain Benjamin Harrison as president, and to make Whitelaw Reid vice-president. Gorman, Brice, Smith all the senators who have conspired to prevent the fulfillment of the pledges made In the Chicago platform of 1S92. gave hearty support to the platform and to the candidates nominated uporv it. Th people believed that it expressed their sentiments and the sentiments of the democratic party. And the people placed the democratic party in power because they thought the representatives of the democratic party had sufficient moral honor to faithfully carry out the party's promises. In this, we regret to s.ay, there are evidences, at least a.s to some of those representatives, that they were to le mistaken. But where is this all to end? If. in 191. democratic senators may ignore their party's pledges as to legislation, why may not democratic electors, in 19. Ignore the party's pledges as to candidates? If the senators may give the country undreamed of legislation, why may not the electors give unheard of presidents and vice-presidents? And if the senate legislation may be bought for the coal and whisky trust, why may not the electoral college be purchased for Carnegie and Havemeyer? The precedent which the senate is setting is in every particular a most dangerous one. Once let public sensibility be dulled to the moral obliquity of the thing; once let it be understood that public servants may at will ignore the wishes of the people they represent, and thore is an end to popular government. The semblance may be maintained, but the substance will le gone. The presidency will be bought and sold, legislation will be even more openly bartered than in the past ar.d the liberties of the people will be sacrificed. Tha opening wedga has been driven. Mil. CONN'S DECLINATION. Mr. Conn certainly has the right to decline to )e a candidate for congress if he so desires, but as a man who has accepted office from the democratic party he has no right to decline renomination on the grounds on which he says he declines. Certainly no principle he claims to advocate is inconsistent with democratic doctrine, and though some of his ideas have not been adopted by the party there is nothing to prevent the party from adopting any of them if it shall see fit to do so after proper consideration. It would therefore seem much more sensible for Mr. Conn to remain with his party and make his fight for the few principles he advocates which the party does not now advocate than to throw away his opportunities and weak:-n the probabilities of .success of most of his principles by leaving the only party through which they can be attained. Let us look at his principles in detail. He says: I am unalterably opp sed to the further extension of corporate power, ekher by tariff legislation or through the ordinary process of direct laws, and favor any reasonable method of destroying trust, railroad or other oppressive combines. That Is democratic doctrine. The only break from it has been by the senate, and the senate's action has been roundly denounced by the democratic press and by democratic conventions everywhere. There is not the slightest reason to doubt that the democratic party will stand firmly for that principle. I favcr a new monetary system that shall have both gold and silver as its basic value, and that shall put an end to opportunity for speculating in gold reserves. That is democratic doctrine. The only controversy is as to how bimetallism may be attained. The leading bimetallism of the country believe that President Cleveland Is on the right track. It is at least fair to give his policy a trial after . the disastrous failure of fifteen years of ( silverite and gold-bug legislation. I am opposed to the use of federal soldiers to subdue labor strikes until every means for a peaceful settlement shall have been exhausted, and only then after the local authorities have demanded federal interference. Every democrat will indorse that. Ne-ither the federal government nor the local governments have any right to use troops "to subdue labor strikes" under any circumstances, and none have been used. But It is legitimate to use troops to enforce the orders of courts and to suppress rioting and destruction of property. And United States troops may be sent anywhere to enforce the authority of United States courts. The civil war settled that question, and it will remain settled for all time to come. I believe in religious, political and social liberty, in unrertrieted individual rights and in the supremacy of state and local governments. Every democrat believes that, except, of course, as to the powers delegated to the United States, and Mr. Conn certainly makes that exception or he would not be in congress helping to make laws which states can not make, and as to which there can be no state supremacy. He also expressly recognizes it in his final statements as follows: I favor the election of United States senators by popular vote, the referring of all important changes in public policy to the people and the prohibition now and henceforth of congressional legislation on such measures as are not clearly defined by the federal constitution. This is essentially democratic doctrine, except as to the referendum principle, and that is something as to which every democrat is free to believe as he likes. The popular election of senators is certain to be a declared democratic doctrine in the next democratic national convention. It is already a declared doctrine of the democrats of Indiana and of several other states. In conclusion Mr. Conn says: It is my deliberate Judgment that the perpetuity and prosperity of this government depends upon a strict adherence to the principles Involved in the above declaration, and acting under that Judgment I cannot consistently accept nomination without being permitted to make the campaign In accordance with my convictions. This Is the deliberate Judgment of The Sentinel also, excepting only the referen

dum question, which we hold in abeyance. There is not the slightest reason why Mr. Ccnn should not accept a democratic nomination holding these principles, and there is every reason why he s?hou!1 accept it if he wants these principles to succeed. He has no right to inSinuate that they are not democratic princl- 'es PRESIDENT CLEVELAND'S LETTER. President Cleveland has. in a letter to Chairman Wilson, made a powerful plea for the redemption of democratic pledges with regard to the i-'orm of the tariff. In effect, he says, that It is the duty of congress to stand by the Wilson bill and repudiate the monstrosity prepare. 1 in the senate uiid-r th auspices of the Gorman-Rriee-Hill clique. His letter is in Mr. Cleveland's usual vigorous, clearcut style, going directly to the meat f the question. The letter is at once a plea for genuine tariff reform and a warning to the democratic party leaders of what th-y may expect in the ev-nt that they do not give the country that reform which has so long been promised. It Is the utterance of an earnest, honest advocate of a principle who sees that principle endangered; It is the utterance of an earnest iarty man who dislikes to see his party going wrong or failing in its duty; it is a timely and patriotic deliverance which ought to bring the democratic b-aders to their senses. The Sentinel cannot agree with the president iir urging a differential duty on sugar, but it can heartily approve his insistence "that r.o tariff measure can accord with democratic principles and promises or bear a genuine democratic bulge that does not provide for free raw materials. In these circumstances it may well excite our wonder that democrats are willing to depart from this, the most democratic of all tariff principles, and that the inconsistent absurdity of such a proposed departure should be emphasized by the suggestion that the wool of the farmer be put on the free list, and the protection of tariff taxation be placed around the iron ore and coal of corporations an 3 capitalists." That is sound democratic logic and time-honored democratic principle. It must, as the president says, be lived up to if there is to be any future for the democratic party. t.OHM AN DEIIS. A few days ago the corporation press was hysterical over the sight of a man calling on his fellow-laborers to strike in aid of the struggling slaves of Pullman. He was denounced as a dictator, a traitor, an anarchist, a murderer. He is arrested and consigned to jail in default of bail, which is clearly excessive, and therefore unconstitutional. Today a nan stands in the senate of the United SUates an l says that the country shall have the tariff bill he made, with all its atrocities, or keep the McKinley bill with its greater atrocities. Ho was elected to represent a party which is solemnly pledged to redress the very wrongs which he continues. His party colleagues desire to redress thiose wrongs. He knows that the vast majority of the people are opposed to thoe wrongs. He stands there as the representative of con cent rated capital and says: "I rule you. Take what I give or nothing. There is nothing to arbitrate. My will is supreme. Retain the right to rob the people to the sugar trust, the whisky trust, the iron and coal combines, and she rest, or leave that right with all the trusts as McKinley fixed it." Which one of the two Is more dangerous to the country, Gorman or Debs? Which is the more dangerous to the liberties of the people, the organized capital which stands behind Gorman or the organized labor that stands behind Debs? Which is striking the more deadly blow at popular government? Which is the more defiant toward the will of the people? Which is worse, the power that makes bad laws or the power that attempts to protect itself in the absence of any lawful remedy? And be it remembered also that the very trusts which Mr. Gorman represents are violators of the same law that Debs is charged with violating. Their lawlessness is notorious. but the judicial power has not found it convenient to prosecute them. These law-breakers, by their senate representatives, hold the country by the throat and demand its pocketbook, while Debs goes to jail. And the democratic party the party of the wage-earners is asked to submit to this dictator and indorse his infamous concessions to lawlers corporations. We cannot believe it will do so. We cannot believe that the representatives of the people will ever accept such degradation for themselves and their party. We cannot believe that the party will ever consent to such dictatorship. Steamer rates to Europe were never so low. A Chicago paper said last week that now it is possible to go from New York to Liverpool, Queenstown or London for $10 on two great lines. This, of course. Is a- steerage rate, there being no cut in first-class cabin rates. One line offers to deposit the passenger in Paris for $18, and the other line will do the same for $17.25. Alien custom Is bid for from New York to Turin at $2.1, and the railroads are offering through tickets from Chicago to Turin, Italy, for $39. Never before have rates been so low, and it is small wonder that the thrifty foreigner flocks to take advantage of the conditions of the present time. It is predicted that the collapse of strikes will precipitate a rush abroad of men who have gone out and can not get back. The New York Sun disposes of compulsory arbitration by asserting that It is unconstitutional That objection Is made to every beneficial reform proposed In this country, but S'omehow or other when the reform and the constitution get together they appear to move along very harmoniously. And, by the way, the Sun might point out the sections of the constitution which It desires to have amended. We have great veneration for It as an authority on some subjects, hju

not on constitutional law. Its ideas cf treason, and protection, and some other5 subject?, are entirely to.- tiose to justify any applause or confidence. Give U3 A bill of particulars, if vou please. : et cr.rLKA. - Cincinnati wi',1 shortly compel th? use of air brakes on trolley .ars to prevent accidents. Applicant "T o yva ne-1 ai cook?" Mis tress "Yes. If I di 1 r.ot I wouldn't keep one." Truth. The earliest book on whioh copper plate engravings were used as an a lurnment was Issued in MT't. In ol ten ti-ns whenever a new dynasty bean to ru!e in China the name of that country was changed. A re-ii-b nt nf Gard.: r. Me., rev r saW an elephant until this umm. r. He says ha is now r. . iy to die baj ; . The lar.-M New E:.! ,nl pi- factory 1 located in an old oh arch buikMns. Its pred ict is p.. s a day. A Cincinnati paper recently demanded! that the law i ssT-e s. i Chicago t'tj "stamp-I out by t!;e ; tr.,t g arm of th 1.4 w." 4 A Xtw York restaurateur e ays there has be-, n a rr.arke-d lncnie of ia:e years in the ameaou of f.-h eonsutnev in that city at the midday meal. "Heard about Spotty, the butcher's dog? Ha feil n:to the sausage mjeuine." "Gracious! Just imagine tij U elir.ss'.'' "Yea, II? was terribly cu. up:" Life. Teacher "Tr.e race is not always to ths swj;t. I"o yoa unierst.nl the inner meanin; of that?" i'.riat Boy- 'Sometimes tha heel feller's tire gets puncture 1." Good Ni-ivj. In London ther? i.-j nn association of "Gospe. Cyclists." They .v-p.-nd the Saturday half lioiiday in exe.ir.-i' i.s to towns near the city, v. acre they h id open air goapel m-e:i;,-s. Mr. Sculptor "is tha: last bust of your husixtni rii.;ph.--i yet?" Mr. Ja--K "Well, I hope so. I found hi-; hat oa the gas jet,,' sh oe in the brush tray, an 1 htm unier th fo!I!:ig bid." Chicav:-., Inter Ocean. A man rniy cruise a! nj the coast, Ar.-l on the lan-i have lots of fun; But the time he needs vacation mst Is uhe.i h-:'s just returned from cne. N. Y. Journal. I He spont h.s life in digging bait -A!as! th, hopeless s'ii".er T citch a fish that c.mie too late And snnli, to moke a dinner! Atlanta C institution.

THE STItI l E. t The nr--f oi-tune of orderly strikers !s tht thvy t'oit. shvo with the o'ilpablo the disgrace of lawlessness, and their cause iiiu; suff -r b r on of thq deviltry of th enemies cf society ani auth orriy. Lafayette Juitnal. The Ann-rioan peiple w,;nt justice In, industrial arranee-m.-nts fr - tpitalista and workmen alike. Tr first step toward securing it is to J'.r.l out tha causes of injustice, and for that a commission -f searching iti-'iiiiv is necessary. N. Y. World (dem ). There is no danger ef r-.-olutim in the? principles, plaits and cohesive iwer of organized labor. Matty mischievous ar.d reckless men are members of the unions, and th "Lib-.!- 1 a tiers 'arc psually men of limited int- llig. n e. and of purposes and ni"ib'ds not above criticism. They an unsafe guides. I,ut th ntassi s of the uiii.. ns an- men of ..-a . and order. Though they have a h dwink-.-d faith in b ad ts who do pot de: ervo it. they &XQ n.t in favor of süik- s f . -r lawless enels and for the destruction .if property. There is n il.mger of iioii:ti.n fr-m tha uni 'lis. Chicago Hi raid dem.. He (the president) shoal 1 appoint 4 commission. As we sail. 1c- can not dj b. tur than place the Hon. Joseph Me.liU id its head. He should bring lies commission jp. ( rapport with himself, and give it the benefit of bis own stora of coiieeied kr.owK-dg and reflect i an. for he must have P-arned much ami thutrht much on he subject. He should make its work the piece de resistance of his administration policy. If. in the end. he should evolve a system putting a stop to strikes and Ivkouts. socuringcapital its due protection find labor ias fair share of the joint vin,Vi-ts of capital and labor, h will prove himself a benfaopor of his time and his country! and will go out of office, r.o matter what polite-al mi.-oh;; nee m.ay b'-tide. a president who ho.s made his mark upon thj century. Louisville Courhr - Journal dom.). lud not Mr. Blaine and Lord Salisbury pile up volumes of diplemnti - correspond en:e in the Bering s-a dispute, each con t ording that lie was cleat iy right and the other clearly wrong, and hence that there was "nothing to arbitrate?" Ye-t on sober reflection boh consented to rbi; ration, which proved a happy anl satisfactory solution of the problem. While insisting that he has been wholly in tho right, Mr. Pullman seems to assume that the result of arbitration would have teen against him. He says he couldn't pay tha wages asked and run his works without a les3. Hut if that is true is it a reason fe.r refusing t arbitrate? Would any fair-minded or honest arbitrator expect ny em ployer to do what is u'ljust. unreasonable and impossible? It was not Mr. Pullman's refusal to accede to the der: mand of his men for better vv;:;;es that led to so much trouble, but his arr.ijant stand th:.t there was "nothing to arbitrate" and refusal to listen to any propo-f sition for ajnicable settb. men'.. X. Y. ' Herald (inl ). THE SENATK AM THE TAUIIT. Nothing short of the Wilson tariff cor a lower one can or will be tolerated for a moment. The original hnuse rat-.-- contained far too much "protection" for favored manufacturers. Hut the senate's rates are glaringly unjust anl injurious to the whole people, giving, for example, to pet manufacturers of wo .i and clothir.g and other necessaries per cent, more "protection" than is given to other manufacturers, and 2') p r cent, mora than the;-e 'infa:it industries" g :t in the Walker toriff of is Pi, under which they prospered as tlie-y have n-ver sine," done under a higher tariff. Let the party quickly redeem iis thensan J-.md-one pledges t give the country "a tariff for revenue only'." X. Y. li raid ind.). The senate till was the outcome of a bargain male by the su-tor trust with certain senators of v h ni b-th parties ought to be ashamed. T.ie mgar schedule, on whi h rst ail the tnrgains that taint the bill, was prr-care 1 by selfconfessed bribe-givers and lobbyists. It is in behalf of this corruption that the Gormunites threaten to ".-land firm." If they dare to carry nit their threat, they dare to defend corruption and to confess themselves the champi. ns of bribery in the face of an aroused public indignation, of a thor-ughly informed and awakened public conscience. If they do this the house conferees shouli let thera take the consequences ef th-ir turpituia and the responsibility for defeating the ! attempt to reform the tariff in accordance with the pledges of the demo ratic party, N. World (d?m.). The senite bill is packed with duties that are practically iniquitous favors soli to various monopolies in return for tha votes of senators controlled by thesa monopolies. It will be impossible to detect, expose, and defeat all these corrupt bargains. Hut that with the sugar trust is at onoe the most shameful and typical, and Is thoroughly understood by the public. It would be a criminal blunder for the house conferees to propose to ratify It or any part of it without giving the house a clear explanation of the matter and a chance to vote on it separately. Let there be no drag-net report. Let there be no yielding without a fight. Let the fight be a clean one on each important schedule, and especially on sugar. The democracy has been betrayed by certain senators. Let them be driven into the open, where they can be seen, so that the people will know who they are. N. Y. Times (dem.). Dr. Price's Cream Baking Powder World's Fair Highest Award.