Indiana State Sentinel, Indianapolis, Marion County, 11 July 1894 — Page 4

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THE INDIANA STATE SENTINEL, WEDNESDAY MORNING, JULY 11, 189 TWELVE PAGES.

INDIANA STATE SENTINEL BY THE INDIANAPOLIS SENTINEL CO.

B. E. MOBSS, BEN A. EATON, Frttidcat, Vic President. b. McCarthy. Secretary and Tretanrer. (Entered at (lie Postofflee at Indian. poll as lecond class matter.) TERMS PER YEAR i winsle ropr (In AUvanrrl SI OO "We aak democrat to bear In mind And select their oirn state paper ''when they roue to take aabacrlp Dam and make up clubs. Agents making op elaba send for avnjr Information deatred. Addre TUE INDIANAPOLIS SniVTIHEL, Indianapolis, Ind. TWELVE PAGES. IVKDKSnAV, JU.V It, 1SJ4. "' it looks as If we might have a tariff fclll before the snow files and an end put o the Iniquitous taxes now placed on fecores of household articles by the McKinley monstrosity. If dynamite must be used to take life We are heartily In favor of the Cincinnati man's plan of using It on himself. This tnay have its disadvantages, but It is preferable to the more frequently adopted plan of shylnj? the stuff at somebody else. . The chief objection likely to be urged tigainst Congressman Conn, as a presidential candidate. is that his nomination would probably result in putting a horn into th- iii"uth of every democrat In the Jand. No man can stand any more of 'the horn in political campaigns than has 'jlgured therein heretofore. Bloodshed has again marked the A. P. l. movement, this time nt Hutte, Mnnt. The A. P. A. is organized to foment strife, ct set the hand of brother against brother, to bring about civil war with all Its terrors of massacre find rapine. It Is an unrepublican, und.ni. h ratio, unholy thing In Its very Inception a conspiracy agalifst She life and peace of the nation. Under the rsent derision of the United States supreme court, upholding the new lax law, tli" Pennsylvania railroad has )Jtist paid Into the Marlon county treasury B. little over Jl.fi(iO of back taxes and penalties. And this Is the law which the republican Mate platform declares to be 'Infamous." It will strike the average tax-payer that the more of this kind of Jnfumy he pets th" better off he Is. Chicago's strikers are themselves responsible for the killings by the marshals and troop. Had they, as they should have done, repressed the violators of the law, the destroyers of property, the anarchists who have allied themselves with them there would have been no bloodshed and public sympathy would still have been with the strikers. 5btt no one has any sympathy with the law-breakers and when the public begins to condemn these it Is very likely to Include peaceable strikers in Its conti em nation. The New York Sun is lamentably deficient in its knowledge of Illinois pontics. It refers to Franklin MacVeagh, the democratic senatorial candidate, as a nugwymp and adds the additional evidence of its contempt for him by misspelling his name. Mr. MacVeagh has, we believe, been a lifelong democrat. At least he has given the party his cordial fupport for many years, while the Fun V-as been fighting the party. The Sun pught to sufficiently inform itself regarding a man to spell his name correctly before attempting to criticise his attitude In politic.-:! affairs. The strike continues and interferes with various sorts of business but the piano agent, who is roaming through the agricultural districts of Indiana, seems to be getting in his work in great shape, lie usually hails from Chicago and his methods, judging from the various accounts given by the state press, differ very little from those of the three-card Monte sharps, or ihos? of the fellow who comes to buy a farm and ends by swindling the owner of all the savings of a life-time. I5uy your pianos of the reputable dealers of Indiana and when a hark comes to buy your farm let the 3ogj interview him. Ruthless, concieneeless speculators and money corruptly used a;e bane3 to nation prosperity. The suspicion that they have made their way Into our halls of legislation has created a widespread feeling of distrust of the final triumph of the American Idea as a system of govrrnment. The editor of Harper's Weekly, In a recent discussion of this subject, Says: "The senate is tainted as It never was before. The corruption of the Credit Cdobilier scandal invaded the house of representatives, but 1'ie sugar scandal Js the senate's. It 13 apparent that f peculators are at the fountain head of national legislation, and that the popular "will may be defeated whenever the pockrts of senators can be successfully apjealed to." It I stated that the president of the Pennsylvania road recently remarked that railway trains -would never run 100 miles an hour In this day and generation. The president Is probably mistaken. The opinion of a mechanical engineer Is worth more than that of the president of a railway on this point. The mechanical engineer Faid from what he knew of the matter he was satisfied that within eighteen months the train of the Pennsylvania would be running: between Jersey City and Philadelphia 100 miles an hour. He added that not only Is the Pennsylvania expending large sums of money putting down heavier rail than was ever laid before and building: its equipment much more thoroughly than ever before, but also getting; Its tracks e-bove or below the street crossings of towns an cities betweta tbo XfOinU

named, which greatly simplifies the problem of running: trains 100 miles an hour. He stated that one of the new type of engines for fast service recently hauled six cars from Philadelphia to Jersey City, ninety miles in ninety minutes, and without seemingly having reached its speed capacity, STAXD FIRM. The hope of the democratic party i3 now the national house of representatives. On that body now seems to rest the responsibility of redeeming or repudiating the pledge of tariff reform made in the platform adopted In Chicago two years ago. That platform spoke In no uncertain terms. It said, and the language Is plain and simple and easily understood: We denounce republican protection as a fraud, a robbery of the great majority of the American people for the benefit of the few. We declare It to be a fundamental principle of the democratic party that the federal government has no constitutional power to Impose and collect tariff duties, except for the purpose of revenue only, and we demand that the collection of such taxes shall be limited to the necessities of the government when honestly and economically administered. We denounce the McKinley tariff law enacted by the Fifty-first congress as the culminating atrocity of class legislation; we Indorse the efforts made by the democrats of the present congress to modify Its most oppressive feature in the direction of free raw materials and cheaper manufactured goods that enter Into general consumption, and we promise Its repeal as one of the beneficent results that will follow the action of the people In intrusting power to the democratic party. We recognize in the trusts and combinations which are designed to enable capital to secure more than Its Just share of the Joint product of capital and labor, a natural consequence of the prohibitive taxes which prevent the free competition which is the life of honest trade, but believe their worst evils can be abated by law, ud we demand the rigid enforcement of the laws made to prevent and control them, together with such further legislation in restraint of their abuses as experience may show to be necessary. There is in this declaration no possible hint that favors should be shown to the whisky trust or the sugar trust or the coal trust or any other trust. There Is In It no suggestion that any "local Interest" should be looked after. There Is in It no thought of a "protective" duty for the makers of collars and cuffs at Troy. There is no mental reservation In behalf of the lead miners of Joplln. Mo., or the coal barons of Maryland or the sugargrowers of Louisiana or the sap-suckers of Vermont. On the contrary, there Is an express and unequivocal -pledge to repeal the McKinley law because It favors these trusts and helps them to burden the people with unjust cha-ges for the necessaries of life. The tariff hill, as It comes back to the house from the senate. Is not such a bill as Is promised In that section of the Chicago platform heretofore quoted. It does not "modify in its most oppressive features In the direction of free raw materials and cheaper manufactured goods" the McKinley law to any such extent as the platform promised. This bill may not give "republican protection;" In fact, it is a good deal of nn Improvement on the McKinley monstrosity; but it does give democratic protection, and that Is almost as bad. The house has a clear duty to perform, and that is to knock the democratic protection out of the bill. We believe It can do so by standing squarely and firmly on the democratic platform; the would-be traitors to the democracy among the democratic senators are already as badly frightened as a green militiaman in a camp of strikers. Th y dare not carry out their treachery to their party if the house puts them squarely on record and makes a fair issue of breaking or keeping faith. The one Judas Iscariot, whom Fate had hit upon for a contemptible end, has done his despicable work, though he hasn't yet had a sufficient revival of good taste to go out and hang himself. Rut a nice new rope is around his neck in plain view a warning sufficiently potent to deprive him of followers. The senate has, during the last six months, gotten a good idea of the temper of the people; it knows that it is in bad odor; It realizes that there is a widespread sentiment in favor of the utter extinction of the upper house and a still more general demand for its reform. The wouldbe traitors know that in their own states their paty is in revolt against hem. and they are ready, if the house insists, to make an effort to restore themselves in their party's confidence by voting for genuine tariff reform if the question is so put that they cannot evade it. The house must now stand out firm for the redemption of the platform pledges; it must present to the senators the alternative of voting for real tariff reform or taking the responsibility of defeating It upon themselves; and if they do so the party will go into the campaign with a record of every pledge made two years ago redeemed in good faith and in full.

RAILROAD COMPANIES AND TUB LAW. The railroad companies, their attorneys and cringing apologists are suddenly enamored of the majesty of the law. Anathemas are hurled In every direction at those who do not hasten to obey Its mandates, -whether made by the representatives of the people or coined for the occasion, by judges and corporation counsel. This la well. But is It to be -wondered at that men. long In the service of these corporations and thoroughly lndoctrined with the ideas of their masters, should fall into the longpracticed notions and methods of their superiors? What evidence has hitherto been given by the railroad corporations of their regard for law? In Indiana, within the past ten years, the representatives of the people have enacted various laws concerning railroads laws Intended to secure the safety of the citizen and to make railroad property bear Its just share of the public burdens. As soon as the statutes were enacted they were either openly violated, covertly evaded or viciously contested. bne of these provided for signals at road crossings and another for blackboard announcements as to trains. Al

though both were enacted by a practically unanimous vote and received the approval of the governor, these law-abiding corporations treated them with contempt, and, in the case of the latter statute, never complied with it until practically compelled to do so by the enforcement of penalties. The former law is to all Intents and purposes a dead letter. The ordinances of this city, duly passed and ordained, forbid railroad trains to pass through the populous part of the city at a greater rate of speed than six miles per hour. This law was enacted for the protection of human life. And yet. In defiance of its provisions and in reckless disregard of human life, trains on every road are sent thundering across our thoroughfares at the rate of speed thrice that prescribed. The newtax law is In point. It was enacted by th" general assembly of the state, signed by the chief executive and went into force in the spring of 1KDI as to every tax-payer, except the railroad companies. All good citizens bwed to its mandates and obeyed Its provisions. The railroad companies either Ignored or defied it, and now, in 1SIM. are paying taxes that other tax-payers were compelled to pay three yearR ago. Put why multiply instances? Poes anyone know of a slnrrle statute ever enacted by the legislature of Indiana in any way affecting railroad Interests which was not virlatcd openly and flagitiously by the railroad corporations? In their dealings with th people, whw lands they have appropriated and whose stock they have unlawfully killed, their conduct has been so litigious, and dishonest as to make them utterly and entirely obnoxious to those with whom they have dealt. It has been openly charged that in their lawsuits their employes are compelled to lear false witness, If necessary, under penalty of dismissal. It Is notorious nnvongst lawyers, that In a lawsuit Ln which a railroad company Is a party. Its employes dare not give testimony Injuriously affecting it, no matter what the truth may be. Kvcry legislature sees n railroad lobby to prevent, by fair means or foul, the enactment of laws which do not suit them. Tlu-Lr motto; In short, Keetns to be to precut tlw will of the people lx-!.ng carried out in the legislature by m'iiiw of their paid lobby, but If the legislator are proof against them and enact lawn to their detriment then strike down the laws. And yet these corporations, through their organs, are now potdng as great lowr of the law. With what unction do they yield t it their unfaltering allegiance! The people have had too many dealings with them to ! deceived for a moment by their hypocrisy. Chronic lawbreakers are seldom listened t when they essay to preach upon the majesty of the law.

i:THOltniNAItV COM 111 CT Ol' THE J t 1)1(1 Alt V. The performances of the judiciary In connection with the present strike possess at .'east the merit of novelty. The spectacle of a federal Judge, parading up and down the railroad tracks under the ehcort of the corporation otliclals, and scattering about great "hunks" of legal information for their edification and instruction, is truly refreshing. His participation, a little biter, on the same evening, in a caucua of the friends of the burdened corporations, assembled for the purpose of devblng ways for the suppression of the half hundred men who had voluntarily marched to the itursii il's office to bo served with the "omnibus" injunction, was, to say the least, unique. But his remarks, published from day to day, in the nature of bulle' ins. are tili more remarkable, lie informs a patiently listening public that bis extraordinary Injunction, addressed to all the world and served by posting copies on trees and blacksmith-shop doors throughout the country, is based on the anti-trust law of congress. In a burst of t-onfider.ee he says that neither the framers of the law. the legislator- who voted for it, nor the executive who approved it ever dreamed that the law could over be so construed as to Justify nn Injunction against the servants of corporations, lie gleefully declares that congress "bullded better than it knew." The representatives of the people intended the law to be an engine for the prevention of wrong, oppression and extortion by corporations, but the Judt,e recites, with the giaaUtd possible gj.-tO, bow the Will of tbc t pie, as expressed by their represent th -In the passage of this act, has been thwarted and how by a "twist of the Judicial wrist" it has been made to do service in behalf of the very cctporate bodic a which it was aimed. With this Judge It Is evident that tiitlogliiUUve intent has no weight in the construction of a statute. The learned jadrje tl. i drops into a serious strain and descants upon tho solemn character of the right-of-way of a railroad company, and tells his wondering auditors the degree of caution with which a common citizen ought to approach it. In effect, he proclaims: "Draw not nigh thither; put off thy shoes from off thy feet, for the place whereon thou standest is h.oly ground. The sacred character of this ground, now consecrated by the edict of a federal Judge, ought to be thoroughly understood by the people. The information ought to be set out in the posted notices of Injunction, which are Issued to Eugene V. Debs and about sixty-five million others, who are made parties to the suit. Many people have hitherto been impressed with the Idea that the railroad companies, by an exercise of the right of eminent domain, had only acquired a sort of quasi ownership to the property, and the people living on the west side of a railroad might cross it with Impunity In going to their postoffiee or church situated on the east side, while many people, ignorant of law, have for many years walked on railroad tracks, using them as footpaths. Children attending country schools have, in muddy times, walked 00. the railroaAa, Utile

dreaming, poor little dears, that they were law-breakers and were parties to the injunction suit. & notice of which they had seen tacked up in the village shoe-shop. It is unfair to the masses that they should be permitted longer to remain Jn the dark as to the "sacred" character of the domain of the railroad corporations. Judge Raker has given this matter much thought. He came to the bench fresh from the service of a great railroad corporation, and he Is doubtless full of ideas which, 'f carried out. will silence the murmurs of discontented laborers by so throttling and abasing them that in a few years they will lack the manhood to protest against injustice and wrong. When by injunction, mandate, arrest, or imprisonment the laborers are made to feel that they have no rights that courts are organized In the interests of their employers that protests will be answered by bullets, then, perhaps, men now free will be so emasculated of Independence that no voice will be raised against the outrages of the Pullmans, Carnegies and Frlcks, but that they and their kind may go on peacefully forever under th protection of the federal courts In their work of extortion and oppression. Ah, perhaps! A. I..A. CHRISTIAN IT V. There has been considerable criticism of the Rev. Charles II. Faton of New York for his opposition .to the A. P. A. movement, and the reverend gentleman has thought it proper to preach a srmon In which hn states his position, and his position is certainly' a very strong one. He points out the inevitable effect, if not the real purpose of the organization ln these words: It undertakes, while offering a solution of political problems, really to foment sectarianism. Early ln our nation's history religious liberty was made one of our institutions. This organization, however, that Is now growing at the rate of 1.0HO members a week, says that it Is the first duty of an American citizen to exercise intolerance. It proposes to opose, socially as well ns politically, all who give their honest allegiance to the Roman catholic church. In Massachusetts sich a movement led to violence and bloodshed. This movement In Its tendency leans to a revival of thosi. dark days. As to this there can be no question. The stated purposes of the organization are the social and political ostracism of eat holies, and wherever It has developed any strength there has rebutted tho bitterness ami hostility of a sectarian feud. The great txton of religious liberty and toleration which our forefathers lilxred to establish forever In this country has been shaken. In places where the A. 1'. A. has obtained control through the republican party, and It has obtained none otherwise, there has resulted the most shameless persecution of all dissenters from ordinary protestantism. Colorado has been a hotbed of A. P. A. sentiment, and doubtless much of the recent lawlessness In that ftate may be traced directly to the intolerance and disregard of constitutional principles Instilled by the teachings of this order. Rut none of these manifestations are consistent with protestantism or with Christianity of anykind. They are the acts of irrellglon. They could be done only by men who have no religious restraint whatever. Tho function of the Christian ln politics Is very fairly stated by Mr. Faton thus: The only right we, as Christians, have In such matters, it to insist that there thall forever be a division between religion I mean sectarianism and polities. Of course political questions founded on iHiglous belief will come up. and we must settle those question at the ballotbox. The. day will come when a man who dues not vote will be unworthy the name of citizen. To vote is as much an act of religion as prayer. Rut while we, as Protestants, may have our views as to public school funds, for instance, we have no right to organize ln secret against a class of believers, even though we may have the smallest sympathy with thfflr f irm of worship. There Is but one bAfiis i'or religious tolerance, and that is a common allegiance to the personal Christ, not ln the same creeds, but in love of his character. The American protective association builds a wall between loving and living hearts. Is not our nation in a maelstrom of political commercial problems? Why, then, turn our guns against each other? We should carry a flag of truce on questions cf ecclesiastical government, and fight forces directed against all forms of religion. The primary principle of Christianity Is opposition to evil, and men would approach much nearer to it if they would devote more time to fighting the agencies of evil and less time In fighting other Christian sects Other sects may not ln one's opinion be doing as much good as they might, but they are trying to do what they can in their way, and It is far better to let them alone and exercise one's pugnacious Instincts in conflict with agencies that are producing evil and evil only. Nothing suits the devil better than for Christians to fight each other.

NOW MAKE IT I1EMOCH ATIC. In the senate's vote on the tariff bill there is muoh to comfort tariff reformers. There is comfort in the thought that the bill is once more back where the representatives of the people the members of the house can take a hand inmaking its future; and there is comfort In the knowledge that but one democratic senator David R. Hill had the courage to openly avow his treachery to democratic principles. This last fact ought to give the house the cue for Its future course. The Sentinel has all along protested against any compromise with the' undemocratic democratic senators; it has steadfastly maintained that there was no need to yield to their demands for concessions; It has believed all along that if the democrats, who were true to their party principles, would stand out boldly for those principles that the traitors would not dare to resist, but would soon be forced into line. We think the final vote in the senate has fully demonstrated the correctness of The Sentinel's position. It seems to The Sentinel that the house now has practical control of the situation; that It is now in a position to practically dictate terms on the tariff if It but has the courage of its convictions and will stand firm for democratic principles. The treacherous democratic senators have been playing a big game of bluff. But they have &eard from their abo- I

pies. They have come to realize that if they bring about defeat of tariff reform they will, at the same time, end their own political existence. Gorman understands this; Brice understands it; Fmith understands it; Caffery and Blanchard understand It. They are all politicians. They may make a "big bluff" at defeating the bill, but when it comes to the pinch they will not dare vote against the direct will of the party. The selection of conferees on the part of the senate- is unfortunate. The ablest men and the strongest protectionists of the republican party have been given places upon the committee. Senator Voorhees is, unfortunately, popularlysupposed to be looking after the interests of the whisky trust; Vest is hopelessly committed to protection for lead; whether Jones of Arkansas Is looking after any special Interest or not has not yet been developed; but there is no personal harmony between him and Voorhees, which Is unfortunate nt this Juncture. It is to be hoped that neither personal considerations nor congressional tradition will govern Speaker Crisp in th selection of the house members of the conference committee. These gentlemen should be chosen simply and solely for their fitness, and no democrat ould be placed upon" the committee who is not an out-and-out, unquestioned friend of the Wilson bill and a time-proven tariff reformer. Then the house should stand firmly behind its committee. It should Rive the senate to understand that no favors must be shown to the whisky trust or the sugar trust or any of the other trusts; that the people should have genuine tariff reform or the responsibility must rest where it rightly belonged, upon the shoulders of the unfaithful democratic senators. These latter may bluster and bluff, but they dare not, when the critical moment comes, betray their party principles. They will finally yield, and It is the sacred duty of the bouse to force them Into subjection. In the closing days of the discussion a good deal of genuine tariff reform has been Injected into the senate Mil. The senators have heard front home; they are now ln a receptive and, to a certain extent, repentant frame of mind; a little firmness, n little vigor, a little display of Jacksonlnn democracy on the pnrt of tho house will bring them to the support of such tariff reform as was promised in the platform on which Ornver Cleveland won such a magnificent victory less than two vears ao.

sNoiiiir.it v. Oh, what fools some mortals .are. Read this when you ar feeling blue and of no account In the world. It Is a circular that was recently mailed to many prominent people in New York: The want of a recognized authority In regard to the personal elements of New York's best society lias been frequently experienced. To meet this requirement we are alxiut to publish a volume containing social and biographical accounts of the Individuals and their families who constitute that most exclusive portion of metropolitan society known as the Four Hundred. Appreciating your prominence In this circle, we should like your social biography and an account of your family to form part of the publication, and we therefore earnestly hope you will favor us with such Information as you may deem proper in response to the Inquiries on the inclosed blank. The manuscript of your biography will be submitted to you for revision and approval before publication. The volume will be Ifsued in elegant form, suitable to Its subject matter. Yours, very respectfully. The Historical Company. This out-blues the blue book that somebody published in Indianapolis a fewmonths ago. With the circular was inclosed a budget of questions with space for answers. The opening questions are in regard to one's full name, birthplace, residence, education, profession and whether one's ancestry was distinguished in anyway. Then follow these queries, which, on perusal, will be regarded as "daisies" in their peculiar way: If married, you will please give date and wife's full name and birthplace. Were any of her ancestors or familyconnections distinguished in any way? If you have children give their full names. Are any of your children connected by marriage with persons of prominence? Please furnish engraving or sketch of your coat of arms or crest and that of your wife's family. Have you held any military rank? To what clubs do you belong? Are you Identified with yachting or other fashionable sports? If so, give name of yacht, horses or any other pertinent details. Have you a gallery of paintings, and do own pictures or statuary by famous artists? Are are you a member or a guest of the Patriarchs, the various country clubs or other similar organizations? Have you traveled abroad and been presented at court? Have you entertained any distinguished foreign guests? Have you or members of your familyappeared as authors? If so, please give names of any books or articles. Are your tastes musical? Are y-ou a patron of the opera? Please mention any architectural or decorative features of note concerning your residence. If you have a country house please state any details of interest regarding it. Kindly add any other particulars which may suggest themselves as being pertinent to this matter. There are just nineteen questions in the foregoing list. To round it out in good shape a contemporary adds one more: Are you a D F ? Rut that, of course, is taken for granted by the promoters of this scheme in case you should pay any attention to their Impertinence. Well, some of the queries are not especially objectionable, but the one asking for a coat of arms and one or two others sound very foolish to a well-informed American ear. A new crop of fools keeps coming on year by year. ET CETERA. Sir Edwin Arnold said the other day that he Indorsed a remark once made by Chauncey M. Depew, "Fame depends on being civil to interviewers." Mrs. Carson "I hear it was a runaway match." Mrs. Vokes "Yes. The bride and her father caught up to him with a preacher when he was trying to escape." N. Y. Herald. Th largest and costliest organ in the United States, if not in the world, the gfit of Edward Searles, was placed recently ln Crace episcopal church, San Francisco. Dr. Karl Blind informs the students of Oxford that their annual custom of brlngliix Ja a boix'M haad ta Uwlr CbrlaXmaa

banquet Is a survival of the sacrificial banquet the oM Vikings used to held in honor of Freye, the Norse sun god. Prof. Goldwin Smith, who has returned from England to his home in Canada, is now at work revising several of his books, new editions of which will soon appear. "We have caught our defaulting bookkeeper," said one merchant to another. "Then he is now a spitted adiT." replied he latter. Pittsburg Chr in!cle-Telsraph. The combined assets of the Rothschild family in Europe are not less, it Is sail, than $2,0O.aXJ). The virtual head of the family Is Nathaniel. Lord Rothschild, of London. The Princess Louise Is said tn b verysuperstitious, and sometimes will not attend public functions as agreM upon, on the plea that she knows It will be one of her "bad days." "Going to keep the Fourth this year. Hicks? Fire the cannon an! all that?'' "Well. I don't know atout firing the cannon, but I may discharge tho hired man." Harper's Bazar. "I saw several cyclone cellars while I was cut West," remarked th vW.or. "Iear me." exclaimed young Mrs. Tocker, "who on eirth would want to buy a cyclone?" Washington Star. Doctor "Let's see, did I prescribe for you the last timn you were here?" Patient "Let me Bee oh yes! I rc-mrmber now, for I was deadly sick all the m-xt day." Boston Transcript. Stngg. Yale's famous pitcher, has turned catcher. Her name is Miss Stella Robertson, a pretty and brilliant scholar in tho university of Chicago, and the marriage Is to ttke place after her school days are over. Hazoly "By George! I can't understand It. My credit must be gone. Business men don't seem tJ think I'll te able to pay." Mrs. llarely "Perhaps they'd think' so If they saw your wife dress better." Chlcag ) Record. Julian Hawthorne, wvo went with his wife and children to Jamaica a few month Hfco, hns concluded to reside there permanently. He Is living on a tine plantation near Kingston, an 1 is growing orange and citron trees and coffee.. Though Phil P. Annour has a desk full of railroad passes he never u.--es one of them, but always pays bis fare like ordinary mortals. He Is disposing of Ms property to his sons as fast as they show their qualifications to use it aright. l-!icing It t : l" wiser to see is wealth In proper hands whll he is still ;il!vc. 1! has no faith in wills.

the ok e of Tin: ritr.'"'. With watermelons at S cents apl"ce the colored man and brother Is ready to make the boycott perpetual whlb he revels In red 'meat. Irfoiiisvlllo CourierJournal. The house owes it to the country and to itself to Insist on the moderate rates fixed ln the Wilson bill and to contest every Inch of tariff-reform ground from which the senate S'cks to drive lt. N. Y. Herald. There is no doubt tli.it the bouse has public opinion Ixhinl it. and f-r this reason It may be expected to maintain its ground with firmness on the main points of difference with the s natc Philadelphia Record. Illinois republicans will nominale a candidate for I'nited States senator. The action of tho democratic convention seema to make that action certain. The Illinois republicans learned four years ago that it was a distinct loss t a party to defend the caucus system agilnst an opposition party declaring for in re popular selection. St. Isolds Republic. If the house does lb t Insist on its first and best sltlon. It ought at least to demand that the sugar ilutb-s shall lto rearranged in such a way that the trust shall not be benefited by them, and that the rates shall he specific, and not ad vnlorem. In order that the people may know precisely what they ate p tying to the government and what goes Into the treasury of the trust. N. Y. World. Mr. Pullman is altogether mistaken. He mistakes the significance of the present situation and he mistakes the feeling of tho public toward him an! his company. He mistakes American support of law and order for support of George M. Pullman and the Pullman cempany. He mistakes hostility to lawbreakers and rioters for hostility to his Ill-fed, underpaid employes. He Is mistaken In every one of his assumptions and he will realize his mistake when the present emergency ceases to exist. Chl-e-ago Herald. The assurance has been given repeatedly that protection was the comiensatory wages balance, and yet It Is notorious that under tle highest tariff wages of miners in this state ate so low as to deny the workers the common income of a dollar a day. Estimates of the strike give the miner a credit of $2.7." a day in earnings. This is what he should ge-t In his share of the tariff and there would be no strikes if he did get it. but instead of S5 cents a ton as the mining price he must take 40 cents while the operator reaps both the subsidy profit and the market price, and the consumer pays the tax. Philadelphia Times. THE STATE I'PESS. Without the mest perfect sanity among law makers and administrators, the stability of the republic cannot be maintained against statute breakers. Seymour Democrat. Let courts of arbitration be established which shall hear evidence and decide between the employer and the employe, and let such decision be made final. Richmond Independent. If the railroads have the right to combine, and these railways combine with Tullman. certainly labor has the right to combine. Two rights never made one wrong. See. Frankfort Crescent. It seems like the Pullman company might keep up the wages of its men and prevent strikes like the one now on if it wished to do so. The company certainly gets enough out of the public to pay fair wages to its employes. Madirson Herald. protection becoming more and more unpopular. It is on its last legs. It is only by a combination of circumstances such as can be brought about only bygreed and corruption that protection can possibly hold out a few years longer. Ratesville Herald. If Hill were to run for president be would get the vote of every millionaire in the whole country. Ry his persistent fight against the income tax he has made himself solid with that small but very select and Influential class of American fnvlety.-Kluffton Banner. A system of legal arbitration would be a good thing for this country, whereby matters could be adjusted without crippling the whole universe. A pusillanimous parasite named Pullman will not treat his employes in fairness, and the result is a stagnation In travel and traffic all over the country. Osgood Journal. We are cf the opinion that had the1 senators of the fifty-third congress been elected by the direct vote of the people, or If their re-election depended upon the people's vote, that 'ere this "senatorial courtesy" would have been relegated from the senate chamber and a tariff bill beneficial to the people as a whole would have been passed, notwithstanding the opposition of "traitor" Hill and the republican party. Columbia City Post Iloya and Men. Mr. Grumpps (reading the paper) "An eight-year-old boy strangled a baby because It cried." Mrs. Grumpps "When he grows up and gets married, and has children of his own, he won't do anything like that. He'll only want to." N. Y. Weekly. On the Verge. Her 'Mother "Did young Mr. Fayntbart propose last night, Dorothea?" She "No, but he acted awfully scared throughout the evening." Chicago Record.

PROTECTION CR FREE TRADE.

(A Colloquy.) Protectionist"! wish) to manufacture In this country certain staple articles, and can mt d si unless our gaverr.meat levies a protective tanft on the articles, owing to the fact that the foreign wae scale Is lower than ours." Free Trader "Yoa admit, then, that you can not mike an 1 seil these articles ln competition wi-.ii the foreign importer, notwithstanding you$ clear advantage ln tie matter of location, freights and oth-r shrinkage Incident to lor.g transportation." Pro. "Exactly; the foreign a;e scale is so very low that " F. T. "If you wish to enter into tha crvises of the low waKs ln Englan! ani th" continent you sh;u!I take into account the dnse pouiatlnn of those countries, the close labor competition growing out of thi condition, and among oüier significant results, the enforced economy of the jeop'e and the vastly reduce-1 cost of living. Yon should also cor.sMvr th causes which enable us to piy a higher s?a!e of wage. than th-y do. and the cost of living In America, as compared with Great Britain and Europe." Pro. "As statistics prove little beyond the .skill of politicians and theorists, px haps it will be sufficient to call to your at tentiou the fact of America's greater gen erat rosperlty. That sure-ly means something." F. T. "Yes; It means that wa have a country va-t in extent, exhaustiess ln resources, and practically undeveloped. Ou prosperity Is assured without the ail o special 1. gislatlon looking to the interest! of a comparatively srnll per cent, of ouf population." Pro. "But we protectionists hill that th policy) of protection, when carried out tc Its legitimate ends, brings about & Ben-a Increase of prosperity, finally reaching all tranches of trada and all clts"s of oul Boolety." F. T. "Let us examine this position. W hav htd a good deal of protection In our country since the revolution. We have alsa ha 1 our tlnancUl crashes, our civil war, arising from th.; fact that protective law favored one s'.-etlon at th expense of tha other, our strikes ant Ixbor trouMe, " Pro. "Watt a moment. Our civil wai was brought on mainly by the prepuce ol slavery In th southern section. Siave-r create! a no!i-proJui:ig oligarchy and de rraded l.it.or. The South produced n th!n but ott n. upon the free cxjortation ol nlilch depended their pros;er:ty. ThSutlJ nitur.illy wintel rr. tr.i 1e, for two pur jxi.s: 1 To enable them to bring li he ch'-ii-c-t foreign, markets and s;i ij the hixhe-t without the fear of retaliatorj re-ir-ici and C to keep tho Nortb fro; ii outstripping Chj South through the to ra;..l d'-vvloj.rnetit of the f inii'i resources Tu -e were tho active causes of the civil war." F. T. "Gnn-fel fhnt slavery wai prim ir lly tie cau. of the nr, aiei that th institution was a cursij to the South. Put ll a? en their han.m, and to n-i ri 1 of It 'ernel lmicH-cTiiJe, even if the slave-ownu't wlhd It. M-'Bt, of th' Ninth's propri J was r. .r.'S -nt.-l In human chattels. Th.l statt oi tilings was ln itself an advantac to th" Norih. and one we were not slui to .. Not s.itlHtfd with tl." advjTilus the North il. n and.-1 more In tho snap o protection. Naturally. ns y m s,ty. th S.mt ti opposed It. Meantime, mir n rtherr, slavery agitators el,l ev-rv thing ln th t powvr pitcipitato a. conflict. T5im ßontt wa t b (wen the devil and tlx? deep ea, an 1 th" northern devil of selfishness pus wi their unfortunate brethren, lato the teei st-a." Pro, -"Hut the South were notorld'.isly th at i: rest ir-i." I-'. T. -"("hit question ftoM baclc of the a saiilt on Fl. Sumttr. R go even turtle! back than John Urown's attempt to convert southern homm Into seeiit of lnsur reel m and maiwtcrt. The orittlnal cauhs of the civil war lay in a condition ; things for which the souih. were no m r( responsible titan the North. Hut we h.iv wunder! front the ltie. tVo were .1 1 cussing the utility or a protective tarnt from th American standpoint. For inj part. I lon'i ihm w can afford to adopt protection as a national economic trolley tor th- reason thut It ten. la Inevitably tc lavor certain classes and to bring about at unreal and merely temporary state of pro periiy." Pro. "It lias always male times tx-ttcr and the last protection period lasted fro.-r the close of the civil war till the accessloS of yur free trad" party In I sti;i. When a state of prosperity continues gr.mdng for a quarter of a century, that is the practical test of Its wisdom. Free trade theorists twenty years a,-o louj.JI predicted immediate calamines as the sure fruits of protect, ive legislation. Hut they were disappointed. Times kept growing better till five trade Politicians irot the ascendency, ani thea the erash came." F. T. "Tnls appears plausible, and if I should assort that the distress was sur to come s;eellly, no matter which party won in IM'J, you hive the event to opjtose my philosophy. Hut let nie ask you a few tiue-ions. First, Joes protection causa waves to rise?" Pro. "M st c-e-rtainlv." F. T. "To rise above what? The natural wage level?" Pr. "I will say, the existing state of average wages." P. i. "Very well. The existing wac scale in the United States Ls either norma4 or a!ve the njrm.al, as affectel by past tarin legislation. In either cas It woul 1 si-cm d3t;;:erous to raise the scale by b-sris-litlon. Tills Is particularly true since your special legislation can no5 possibly affect wages favorably In any other branch except the one speciliel by such act of law." Pro. "You free trade economists have always told us that protection benefits only the manufacturers. This we can easily show to be misl"ad!ng. When manufactures fkmrisn operators extent their works, giving emjtolyment U more workmen. Th same cause enables them to pay higher waj.es. The increase of workmen, with an increase of the w.-ure scale, means a thrifty home market, nur workmen are the best consumers in the world. That is why th KnKl.--h and l-iur--pea: manu fact u rer ate s ai;er to command our market." F. T. "Let us see about that. You say protection brings about this state of things. of course, you will admit that our superior natural advantages have much toj do with the increase of wages and our general prosperity. Whatever :s done by protective leej-lation. then, is arttiicial; that is. not natural. A fictitious waue scale, like a fictitious prosptrity, can not last. Hoth must end some day In disaster. Hut let us get directly at this question by asking who pays ttie tarilt'.'" Pro. "Th" foreigner, of course." F. T. "You began this colloouy by stating that you could not manufacture certain articles without protection; that is. special tariff lei?is'ation favoring your particular industry. This means that the tarift must le hinh enough to enable you to receive higher prices from your own countrymen than they have been in the habt of paying for the foreign product. Dues it not?" Pro "Yes: but you must be logical an! follow the transaction beyond Its Immediate effect. Under protection the Industry quickly begins to flourish. Many capitalist are induced to invest, and thus competition brines prices down, even lower than what was paid for the foreign product. The Aneric-ans are Ingenious an.i, resourceful. I'n.l-r the new stimulus they Invent machinery that turns out the artieie much nior" rapidly, thus enabling American manufacturers to keep up the scale of wages without sacrtiieing their original pri lit. Their patents also help to protect thitn against foreign competition. This lj what causes an increase of prosperity under protective laws." P. T. "Hoes all this enable the protectcxl manufacturer to pay h ghr wages than the average scale in unprotected homa industries?" l'ra. '-It pets a customary scale and all must come to it." 1'. T. "Tho n the unprotected Industries come in for their share tif expense m maintaining this protective system, which means either a loss to the unprotected manufacturers, or to their workmen, or to the consumers (which, of course, include the work, men). For if warn are forced up by pro. tection one of these results must come, sure as fate. If the unprotected manufacturer, merchant or builder is compelled to pay higher wages on account of protection be will certainly take it off his custom-rs bv raising prices. Th;s gives you some idea of who pays the tariff." Tro. "1 fail to see your point. The foreigner pays the tariff, and this revenue runs the government, thus relieving tha citizens of the commonwealth of the burden of d.rect taxation. This relief obviate, the apparent 'expense you speak of." F. T. "Not permanently. All prices that depend directly on legislation whether for articles consume! or for labor must either he maintained by continued special legislation or come down with a crah. And it is neither in accordance with reason, business principles nor the experience of mankind to hold that prices or wages can be safe'.v held up by special legislation. The best It can do is to bring about an era of extravagance, overproduction and wild speculations, the inevitable end of which Is financial disaster and ruin." THEOROS. Indianapolis. July 2. Dr. Price's Cream Baking Powde? W orld' Fair Highest Award.

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