Indiana State Sentinel, Indianapolis, Marion County, 20 June 1894 — Page 4

THE INDIANA -- STATE SENTINEL, WEDNESDAY MORNING, JUNE 20. -1894-TWELVE PAGES.

teDIANA STATE SENTINEL BY THE INDIÄNÄPOLIS SENTINEL CO: 'fc. E. MORSS, BEN A. EATON, Preidot, Vie Presided. b. McCarthy. - Secretary and Treajarer.

tEatered at the Pottofflee at India: polls as second clans matter.) TERMS PER TEAR t Single copy (In Advance) ...fl 00 We ask democrats to bear In mind Sind select their oirn state paper rhea they come to take subscrlptlOD and make m p rlabs. Agents niaklng up clubs send for hay Information desired. Address TUB l.DIA.APOLIS SENTINEL, Indianapolis, Ind. TWELVE PAGES. WEDXESDAY, Jl'XE 20, lSf4. Mr. Haughey probably wishes now that be hadn't been so previous. Breckinridge says he is still in the race, but whereabouts In the race? . Boss Croker's trip to Europe was unquestionably for his health. Our forefathers intended the senate for check. It is a dishonored check. The heated term has brought Henry U. Cohnson to the front again. When jermicidej are not liberally applied all nanner of bacteria are brought out by a hot spell. Col. Breckinridge announces that nothing but death will take him out of the congressional race. The colonel is probably mistaken. The votes of his constituents will serve the purpose equally .s well. It is reported that the expenses of the recent militia movements will be paid put of the "general fund," but there is o law for any such payment The expenses ought to be borne by the counties that called for the troops. There will be general satisfaction with Jhe report that President Cleveland is recovering. There was never a time when the country needed a man like Mr. Cleveland in the white house more than it does at present. There was no good reason why the ICansas populists shouldn't favor woman suffrage. It was the only "fad" which fiad previously been omitted from their declaration of alleged principles. And, In point of fact, the best men in the populist ranks are women. To judge by the testimony our armored truisers might just as well be without rmor. Carnegie wouldn't give to our navy half that "protection" which has made him a multi-millionaire. Europe takes to a "war scare" as iasily as a South American republic to l revolution. The death of a petty African potentate furnishes an excuse for Ihe latest scare. At this distance the H-hole matter looks Insignificant. But European politicians probably find war talk very useful in their business. It 19 very gratifying to record that the Southern negroes are making very substantial progress. The Atlanta Constitution, which I3 regarded by all classes of readers as very reliable authority, says that the negroes in the South are making progress. Every year sees them better educated and better situated In every way. They are accumulating property. The managers of the new soldiers' monument did a very wise act when they arrested several parties here a few weeks ago for scribbling their names on the monument. It seemed a very trivial affair at first thought, yet the practice has p-own into a very graat evil. In almost every public place names are scribbled and frequently coarse and vulgar couplets greet the eye. The Richmond Independent says "the cowardly vandal abounds here. The Wayne county court house already shows the marks of the sneaking wretch, and some portions of the city building are defaced by his foul touch. Rude and vulgar pictures and filthy words are cut or carved In the woodwork or painted on the plaster with pencil. There are part3 of ihe city hall which contain blasphemy and profanity too shocking to more than refer to." The same paper cites an Instance of the ruin of some very costly signs. The signs were of polished brass and the letters were in black pigment Three of these signs have already been almost ruined by the vandal. With infinite pains and labor he has taken a sharp knife, scraped off the paint, scratched the brass and driven the blade of the knife through It in various spots. A meeting was held In Portland, Ore., some time last March to consider the practicability of organizing a mountain climbers' club during this present summer. Committees were appointed and we understand that much work toward euch an organization has been steadily progressing. A very recent letter from Portland announces that It has been decided to meet on the summit of Mt. Hood on the 19th of next month for permanent organization, and a cordial Invitation 1 extended to all mountain climbers and lovers of nature to be present A typical mountain banquet will be spread. The list of charter members will be limited to such as are then nd there present, and no one will be permitted to Join thereafter, unless he or she has climbed to the summit of a snow-capped mountain, acceptable to the club. Tuesday evening, July 17, an oldfashioned bean bake will be given At Government camp, to which all are Invited. Wednesday, camp will be moved to snow line. In time to witness sunset In the Pacific ocean, over 103 miles distant. A very early start will be made Thursday morning, so that all Interesting point ma b exunJaed on the way, in

cluding glaciers, caves and crater. There ; is no wisdom in going to Switzerland for

high, mountain climbing when Mt. Hood lies almost at our very doors in comparison with the Alpine peaks. Indianiaas, however, raised on the level, we should imagine would have but a very limited taste for clambering up the sides of Mt. Hood. CHRISTIAMTY AND BUDDHISM. One of the problems which the future i3 relied upon to solve and which the researches of the past have failed to unravel la that of giving to scholars and theologians a satisfactory explanat.cn of the similarity between the legend of Buddha with his history' and teachings and the story of Christ with the doctrines of Christianity. That the similarity exists and that it is wonderfully strong, all admit, whether leaning toward the Buddhistic or the Christian faith. Edwin Arnold, in his beautiful and ingenious poem, brought into prominent relief the points of resemblance between the two stories and treated the similarity from the standpoint of Buddhism. While he no doubt made the parallel as strong as the facts and his wonderful learning and great ingenuity would naturally enable him to do, he was nevertheless unable to silence the theologians, who, ever since the publication of hi3 book, have been swarming about his ears. His facts they do not deny, but they charge him with exaggeration and conclusions which are unwarranted. They explain In various ways the similarities and arrive at the conclusion that it would be but natural that in two codes of ethics and moral law, both designed for the advancement of mankind and the elevation of the race, there should be many points of resemblance, changes being necessary to conform to the habits, condition and characteristics of people ro widely differing as did the Hindoos of the East and the Jews of the West But Arnold gained many disciples and the effect of his "Light of Asia" has been to spread Buddhism throughout the countries of Europe and America. It has been translated into fifty languages and editions are even now appearing every year. Written in the attractive style of Orientalism, with flowing meter and beautiful word painting, telling the story of the Buddah in vivid language, dealing with miracles that dazzle the eye of the reader with their splendor, and last, but not least, antagonizing Christianity, the book appealed directly to the admiration and sympathies of thousands, each one of whom has been the nucleus for the propagation of the new faith. The book appealed to skeptics in all lands and they rallied around it as giving them what they had been searching for so long a religion opposed to that of Christ. And it was welcomed. Hundreds of volumes have been written and published in reply to Arnold's book. All accuse him of exaggeration, skillfully covered up by poetic license, but none deny that he had foundation upon which to base his statements. There was a startling similarity found between the two stories and the two religions when they were searched into, and theologians have been since engaged in excusing those parallel points. The result has been that the discussion has made many learned Christians adhere more closely to their faith, while it has made many Buddhists of those who before were weak in the faith of Christ and were but waiting for an opportunity to separate themselves from it. Where they before knew of but one religion they were introduced to another which also had a saviour who came upon earth, was born of a virgin, by immaculate conception, was a prodigy of knowledge while still almost an infant, lived a moral, exemplary life, devoted his life to the teaching and elevation of his fellowmen, ascended into heaven and descended into hell, was tempted by satan and spurned his offerings, died in agony and ascended into heaven to become a part of the great Creator, leaving behind him a code of laws that served to elevate and make better millions of his fellowmen. They were told that this savior, Buddah, came upon earth 500 years before Christ and that therefore the points of similarity between the two stories and the two systems of ethkal teachings could be caused only by the copying of the Christ story from that of the Buddha. The avidity with which the new religion was grasped startled the theologians of the world, and they have since labored, almost without ceasing, in removing the Impression that the ChriJtian story Is but a copy of the older faith. Three causes are assigned for the similarity by Christian writers: Those that are the result of accident, those that are but imaginary and those which are the natural result of similar causes in each case. A point greatly relied upon by Christian writers is that there is no record of tha Buddhist story having been committed to writing before the first century after Christ, a period of nearly six hundred years. Before that the teachings as well as the legend had been handed down from generation to generation by word of mouth alone. Hence, Christian writers argue that if there has been any copying of one from the other. It 1 but natural to suppose that the eastern story 13 the copy. The gospels were written as early as from 74 to 120 A. D., part of them during the lifetime of those who had been the personal companions of Christ. But the fact that both religions were put in writing at about the same time has always been puzzling to writers who support the Christian faith. They are compelled to admit that there are points which cannot be satisfactorily explained, and rely upon the future to furnish additional revelations that will remove the veil of uncertainty. Recent developments Indicate that this Is by no means a vain hope. But a few weeks ago and the world was startled with the announcement that evidence had been obtained from the ancient temple of Thibet, which showed conclusively that Jesus Christ had been a visitor and

traveler in that country for several years. The importance of the discovery cannot be overestimated, as it will tend to remove the veil of myEtery and uncertainty that has puzzled scholars so long. History does not preclude the possibility of the truth of this discovery. But little is known of the life led by Jesus Christ for several years after He arrived at the age of manhood. If He did travel in Thibet and the far East the resemblance between the two religions can be more satisfactorily explained; if not, then the veil is still unrent. Confirmation of the recent discovery will be eagerly awaited. A SUBSTITUTE FOR COFFEE. Nothing but pure, unadulterated coffee will suit the taste of a genuine lover of the fragrant berry, yet various substitutes are used in many countries used outright or mixed in with genuine coffee. Recently there has been issued from the Purdue university agricultural experiment station a circular setting forth the qualities of the Soy or Soja bean. It is claimed for it that it is a desirable and easily available substitute for coffee, and that it can be grown in Indiana. The Soy bean (Soja hispida) is a Japanese plant that has been but little grown in America. It has an upright, stiff, bushy form, under favorable circumstances attaining a hight of three feet. There are three large leaves on a leaf stem. Short flower shoots come from the axils of the leaves, which with maturity produce pods in clusters of two or thr'.'e. Each pod contains from two to four seeds, a little longer than broad, being about three-eighth3 of an inch in length. One plant may produce a large number of pods and leaves. The plant sends a vigorous root down Into the soil. The leaves, stems and pods are, as a rule, very hairy. Attention was first directed to the peculiar merits of the roasted Soy bean, as a substitute for coffee, by L. D. Brown early in 1S92, who was then a farmer in Tippecanoe county. In a letter, Mr. Brown says: "We have used it almost exclusive of other coffee, for coffee, for many years seven or eight, I believe. I have raised 7S2 beans on one stalk from one bean planted, and had sixteen bushels on one acre in Tippecanoe county." The seed should be planted about thirty Inches apart in rows, with a bean ever' six to nine inches in the row. The ground Fhould be prepared as for any other beans. The seed should not be planted until the ground is well warmed, about the latter half of May, though a satisfactory crop has been gathered at this (Purdue) station from seed planted about the middle of June. Yet the season may be too short if planting is delayed much beyond June 1. After the beans are ripe enough the plants should be mowed off or pulled up, and dried in the field in small piles or stacks, after which they may be taken to the barn and threshed out Care should be taken not to harvest when the pods are too ripe, or they will shell in handling. A flail is a satisfactory instrument for threshing thorn out with, for they must be broken as little as possible in shelling. Samples of Soy beans grown upon the station grounds in 1SD2 were analyzed in the laboratory under the direction of Prof. Huston, and some of the roasted bean from the same source was also analyzed. Analyses are also given of the true coffee bean, roasted and unroasted.

Soy Bean. I j Coffee.

i II I - I S 2 s ' s s one o -LÜ Moisture Sf,, 7S( ( 11 ID, 3 19 Fat IS 34, 1 61 i 13 Zi 15 63 Protein' 33 M 37 M ; Fiber 6 ft-.fc 2'1 ;s 27 72, 24 27 Ash - 5 ft; 6 73 1 3 4) 3 75 f arbhydrates 31 6 4! 34 77 39 7.J Total nitrogen 5 271 6 U" 1 b7 2 31 Albuminoid nitrogen. 5 i:i; r fit Real albuminoids ... 32 lu; 33 27 ! 8 4;; i 12 03 Caffeine f ! 1 l., 1 P,8

The director of the Purdue station, Mr. Charles Plumb, in sending out the circular referred to, says that he is not opposed to the use of pure coffee which for those with whom it agrees Is decidedly superior to a Substitut-, but for the benefit of those who desire to use a substitute for economy or health consideration. In view of the large amount of highly adulterated coffee sold on the market, wherein the cereals and peas and beans play an important part. It would seem just as well for more of the people who buy the low grade, cheap coffees to make their drink out ot a substitute which will answer the same purpose in every respect and cost materially less. THE DANGER OF THE IIEPICLIC. We print elsewhere in this issue a sober and timely editorial from the Journal of Commerce and Commercial Bulletin which we commend to the special attention of our readers. It Is a discus sion of the present situation . from a standpoint which every honest and pa triotic citizen must reach sooner or later. and it is important that it should be leached speedily. The country has reached a situation in which mere mat ters of party policy are dwarfed into insignificance by a monstrous evil a danger that is the most serious menace to our government since the attempted se cession of the South. Do the people rule this country? Can they rule It? Have we reached a condition in which concen trated capital can successfully defy their will? These questions have never been so forced on- the attention of the public as now. They have been considered in debating societies and college essays They have been discussed In sermons and pamphlets as future problems. Now they stand as present ones. They must be answered at once. It would be useless to attempt to disguise the control of the national senate by several of the most disreputable trusts at the present time. We have no doubt that a majority of the democratic sena tors would like to redeem the party pledges to the people, but a traitorous minority refuses to permit It. They have made their ultimatum to the majority

to take what they will grant or take nothing. The republicans prefer to continue the McKinley bill, which gives even greater bounties to these trusts than the amended senate bill. They make no concealment of their desire to give the trusts all they ask. They profess to do it from principle. The fact that the people have voted against that principle does not affect, them in the least. What are the people going to do about it? What can they do? The first impulse is to punish the democrats by putting them out of office. If that is done, and the republicans are put in, the trusts win. They have all they ask as before, but they get it "on principle" and not as the fruit of party treason. The only way the people can; win 13 to punish their false leaders and defeat the trusts at the same time. Can that be done? Is it possible to so awaken the people to the danger that confronts them as to attain that result? There is but one answer. It must be done or this country must pass into a condition of government by money instead of government by manhood. This is no mere fancy. It is an appalling fact. The sugar trust, by means of democratic traitors, controls this senate as it did the republican senate of

1S90, and obtains all it asks in the amended tariff bill. The whisky trust does the same. The coal combine does not get quite so much, but all it does get is downright robbery, for the coal duty is not productive of revenue to the government, and even the miserable rretense that it makes better wages for coal miners is shamed odt of existence by the wage schedule just fixed at Columbus. What are you going to do about it? Are you going to sit down and let these trusts rule the country by bribery and corruption? Are you going to turn the country over to a party that openly declares its vassalage to these trusts, and glories in its shame as a matter of principle? Are you going to stand up arid fight for the preservation in this country of a government of the people, by the people and for the people? These are the alternatives. It is no longer a mere question of tariff reform. It is -a question of popular government or money government, and the people of the United States must decide which it sha,ll be. r REPIHLICAV HYPOCRITES. The Sentinel considers ihe action of the senate on the sugar schedule, and all the incidents connected with it, as clearly disgraceful, and it. has no word of apology to offer' for any part of it. At the same time we do riot see where republican newspapers have any room to talk about it, for precisely the same scandalous performance was gone through with at the time of the passage of the McKinley bill. And we know of no better testimony to this than the statement of Mr. McKinley himself when he was trying to explain the advance in sugar trust certificates caused by the sugar schedule in his bill... He said: The refiners should have whatever duty will protect them against their foreign rivals in the difference of labor cost. But my friend from Tennessee tells us that because we have reduced the differential duties below the Mills bill- wo have sent up the trust certificates. Now. since that statement was made, I have received and hold in my hand a letter from the president of the Ilavemeyer sugar refinery, in which he says: ' "NEW YORK, May 12, 1S0C. "Dear Sir Referring -to! the use made in the house of the fact that sugar certificates have advanced since the publication of the committee's' schedule, I desire to say that it is not true as charged that the advance rhas been caused by such schedule. The simple fact is that the advance is a react fen from the very low prices, and due td the manipulation of Wall-st. operators, who put the stock down from 115 to ."ft. at a time when the old tariff was undisturbed and the business more prosperous ' 'than now. Now they are on the other Side. It is not just that the sugar schVdü.!erin the bill before the house should be held accountable for the action- of a speculative clique who are not connected "with nor controlled by the sugJr refMng companies. Yours, very respectfully "JOHN E. SEARLES. Jr. "Hon. Wm. McKinley, Jr., Washington, D. C. -; Mr. McMillin "How I it that he Is writing you this U tter if you are ruinin? him?" (Applause an.i laughter on the democratic side.) 1 ' Mr. McKinley "I will tell you. This gentleman, Mr. John E. Searles, who is well known to many members of the house, on both sides of the house, four or five days ago came to my room and insisted that the 4 cents that we give the sugar refiners (I. e. 4 cents a pound) was not sufficient to make up tin difference between the labor cost here and the labor cost on the other side; and in the course of the conversation I asked him what was the fact as to what had produced the rie in the trust certificates since the introduction of the bill referred to by the gentleman from Tennessee, and in answer he wrote me this letter, which will appear in the Rcourd." (Applause on the republican side.) Mr. McMillin "And the letter explains nothing absolutely nothing." (Cries of "Vote!" "vote!" on the republican side.) Congressional Record, May 20, 1S30, p. 5,013. Here is the same old sugar scandal In a nutshell. Here is the public recognition of the existence of the trust at the time, which Senators Aldrich and Sherman denied a few days ago In the senate. Here is the public recognition of the "rise in the trust certificates." Here is the public admission that the president of the Ilavemeyer company visited McKinley In his room to consult with him about the sugar schedule. Here is the old claim made by the refiners that the duties of the McKinley bill were "no sufficient to make up the' difference between the labor cost here and the labor cost on the other side," and yet the trust made over Jlö.OOO.OOO per year out of McKinley protection. Here is the full anil conclusive evidence that the trust representatives tried to help the "majority" by certifying that the rise in trust certificates was not due to the favorable rates of the McKinley bill, but to wicked Wall-st. speculators. Here i3 your duplicate sugar scandal expof-ied without the aid of an investigating committee -openly, defiantly, proudly cdnfessed, and thrown into the face of the people with a claim that the robbery was perpetrated "on principle." And therein lies all the difference there is between the democratic traitors in the senate and the republican senators. The former are abandoning their professed principles and adopting the professed principles of the latter. The action la

shameful. It calls for denunciation from j

all honest democrats. But what room have republicans to object to It? Why should professional thieves turn on a detected embezzler, who had made high claims to morality, and say. "What a wicked man you are?" It should never be forgotten that all the wickedness and disgrace of the democratic "conservatives" consists in the adoption of republican principles and the following of republican precedents. JOHX SUF.HMW, FIXAXCIER. The Philadelphia Enquirer takes The Sentinel to task for asserting that John Shermanr has "never been on the right side of any financial or economic question," and says: We have heard Senator Sherman called cold, selfish, and even dishonest, but this is the first time we have heard that he has never been right on any financial cr economic question. Such statements as these are undignified. It never does any harm to be candid. If the Enquirer has, in fact, failed to hear this inspiring bit of news, it must be due to a very limited range of reading matter in the Enquirer office, for John Sherman's record has been exposed again and again, not only in newspapers, but also In the magazines of the country. Possibly it might have been better to say that he had been on all sides of every question that had come up since he has been in public life, for, of course, there is a probability that he would hit on the right side of some of them in the course of his vacillating and inconsistent career. We can, perhaps, aid the Enquirer somewhat by referring it to one or two articles in which Mr. Sherman's remarkable versatility has been elaborated. It will find quite a lengthy one in the American Journal of Politics for August, 1S93, which is well worth reading, as it goes over Sherman's connection with currency legislation quite fully and shows how he "turned about and jumped about" in the manner of Jim Crow. For instance, on the question of redeeming the national bonds in greenbacks, he declared: I have no doubt that the government of the United States has now the right to pay the principal of the five-twenty bonds as they mature or become redeemable, in the lawful money of the United States. The law makes no discrimination in favor of bondholders. The only discrimination made is in regard to interest. Congressional Globe, vol. 81, p. 2,'.:,'.K And he repeatedly declared not only that the government had the right to do this, but also that it would be done. He held this position all through 1S68, and yet when Senator Williams, on March 9, 1SG9, introduced his bill "to strengthen the public credit," which recited that "the United States is solemnly pledged to the payment in coin" of these same bonds. Mr. Sherman voted for it. And so with other matters which the Enquirer will find set forth in the article mentioned. In the June number, 1893, of the Journal of Political Economy, the Enquirer will find a partial record of Mr. Sherman's positions on the silver question. So far as known he began as a gold monometallist. He wrote to Mr. Ruggles, our representative to the Paris monetary conference of 1SC7, advocating that view, and, subsequently, after various efforts, secured the passage of the act of 1S73 demonetizing silver without letting his congressional colleagues know what he was doing. In 1S76 he made an elaborate speech for the remonetization of silver, and the redemption of the greenbacks in silver dollars. In 1S7S he was very' instrumental in defeating the original Bland bill for the remonetization of silver, and yet on July 15, 1S7S, he wrote to Mr. Groesbeck, one of our delegates to the interr.ational monetary conference of that year, that monometallism was a mistake, and that he was very much in favor of the restoration of bimetallism. In 1890 he fathered that piece of superlative imbecility, the Sherman silver purchase law, and last year he was an active advocate of its unconditional repeal. This year he announces himself In favor of a restoration of bimetallism at the present, market ratio say about 1 to 30. In 1S70, and for several yers later, he was a warm advocate of an income tax and opposed to a tariff. Now he is reversed. In all this whirligig record he has not hesitated to attempt to sustain his reputation for consistency by the most shameless falsehood. The latest Instance of thi3, that has come under our notice, was a few days ago when he solemnly declared in the senate that the sugar trust was not in existence when he helped frame the McKinley law in 1SD0. The falsity of this is notorious, and Senator Sherman himself had stated in the senate only two days before that the sugar trust had been in existence for seven years. We believe there Is not another man in public life for whom such a glaring, open, and utterly shameless record of mendacity can be established by public records as for this leading financier of the republican party, and we are certain that there Is no exaggeration In the statement, made by a Kansas populist orator a few days since, that "John Sherman has done more injury to the country than Jeff Davis did." I'OI'lLIST COWARDICE. Some of our contemporaries are denouncing Senator Peffer for his position In favor of "protection to the farmer," as he is pleased to call it, which, at the present time, means merely aid to the trusts in the robbery of the people. They should remember, however, that Peffer has all the courage and consistency of hl3 party. He Is not alone In his abandonment of all the early populist declarations against protection. He is following the same course that is being followed by his party organization everywhere. For two years past tho populist organization in Indiana, while professing the greatest hostility to trusts and combines, has not ventured to say a word in regard to the tariff question. Instead of using Its power, while it had the opportunity, to aid ln resisting the brigandish claims of these unlawful organizations it has tried to turn the attention of the people away from them

by claiming that the tariff question was a thing of no consequence. This is a fine showing for a party wtlch declared in the Ocala platform: We demand that national legislation shall be so framed In the future as not to build up one industry at the expense of another, and we further demand a removal of the existing heavy tariff tax from the necessities of life that the people of our land must have. Mr. Peffer knows that the protection of farmers by a tariff duty is an absurdity. He may be asinine in some respects, but he knows that much. He could not live in a state where, a few months since, farmers burned corn for fuel because they could not pay freight and sell It at any profit, and not know that a tariff on corn is a false pretense. He knows that the foreign paupers cannot pay freight the other way and sell corn in Kansas cheaper than the Kansas farmers. He makes his talk on this subject merely because he thinks there are some farmers who do not know as much as he does, and who will believe him. He Is not

even talking for his constituents when he opposes free wool. The entire state of Kansas had but 43S.313 sheep in 1830 onethird as many as Indiana, and Indiana is not accounted a wool-growing state. And. furthermore, under all the possible benefits of a high tariff on wool, the number of sheep in Kansas has declined over 12 per cent, since 1SS0. If wool-growing were found profitable by the Kansas farmers, why did they not increase in those ten years? The number of horses,- cows, oxen and swine in that state each almost doubled in the same ten years. Protection i3 a fraud. Peffer is a fraud. Populism is a fraud. They naturally go together. GOVERXMEXT BY MOXEY. " Wednesday's telegraphic reports afford two interesting supplements to our editorial observations of Wednesday on the existing corruption of American government by concentrated capital. One is the testimony of Mr. Ilavemeyer before the congressional "ommittee. Two points in this are of particular interest. The first is embodied in the following extract: Senator Allen asked whether the trust had not endeavored to control the legislation of congress with a view to protecting its interests and with a view of making money out of such legislation as might be enacted here. To which Mr. Ilavemeyer replied: "Undoubtedly. That is what I have been down here for." This is a frank confession of the true nature of the protective system. Mr. Ilavemeyer was in Washington endeavoring to control legislation for the purpose of making money out of it. The wages of American workingmen, the home market of the farmer, and all the rest of the puerile excuses for tariff robbery were not in his mind for a moment. He was working for his trust, and he has certainly succeeded so far, although he avers that the tax provided is "not sufficient to afford all the protection which their interests should have received." The second point is covered by this extract: He was asked about the contributions of the sugar trust to the campaign fund3 of political parties, and said that the records of the trust showed that sucn contributions were made, but that they were made to the state committee, not to the national committee. He was asked if the contributions of the trust were given to both parties in the same state and replied: "Oh, no." "How do you arrange it?" he was asked. "Well, New York is a democratic state, we give to the democrats there, and to the republicans ;n Massachusetts. We never give to the minority." "Did you contribute to the anti-snappers?" asked Senator Lodge. "Oh, no; I am quite sure on that point; nothing to the anti-snappers." Ilavemeyer could not give the committee the amounts contributed by the sugar trust to the different campaign funds, but he promised to furnish them if he could get them. He said nothing was contributed to influence presidential nominations in 1S02. This confirms The Sentinel's statement, made several days since, that the sugar trust contributions in New York were made to Tammany. It also shows that the contributions, wherever made, are for political influence. The trust has no use for minorities. Its contributions are like Jay Gould's poli tics: "In republican states I am a republican. In democratic states I am a democrat. But I am always a Gould man." It is engaged in a continual effort to control legislation, no matter which party may win, and it is succeeding in a way that must bring a blush to the cheek of every honest American. It was not so striking when it controlled the republican senators in 1S90. It is not so humiliating that republican senators now resort to all imaginable devices to give this and other trusts all they want. They are sold openly to the trusts. They make no disguise of it They allege a belief that the trusts ought to have "the protection which their interests should have received." But that democrats, pledged to tariff reform, should be equally guilty is a terrific blow at the very foundations of popular government "While Mr. Ilavemeyer was confessing these facts a conference of workingmen at St. Louis adopted this resolution: 6. Recognizing that corporations and the moneyed class of the country are dominating and dictating the legislation of the nation, the state and the municipalities, to the detriment of the interests of the toiling and wealth-producing millions, and recognizing further that the power of wealth has subordinated the executive. Judicial and military forces to its behest, thus undermining the underlying principles of our republic, endangering its constitution and tending to deprive our people of their cherished liberties, we declare that the working masses should throw off the yoke of political partisanship and vote independently in order that representatives of the wealth-producers of America may be fully represented in making and executing our laws. This 'statement of facts cannot be successfully denied. The only question is whether the proposed remedy is of any value. Is there any hope of reform through class separation and class action? Who are the working masses? Do they not make nine-tenths of all the people? Are they not found in all political organizations? Other resolutions of the same conference limit them to "the Knights of Labor, the American federation of labor, the various brotherhoods or orders of railway brakemen and such national and international organizations 9? workers M1 (arraer are not

affiliated with any of the before-men tioned organizations." No great reform was ever accomplished by such a class movement. It is preposterous to pretenl that it could accomplish any material result. The only hope Is in the awakened consciences of the whole people, and their determination to purify the political organizations with which they are identified. It is uselss to organize new parties. That results only in throwing control to one or the other of the old parties with all the evil influences left in full sway within them. This is a work of purification, and the only hope for accomplishing it Is by work within party lines.

Whatever of justice or injustice there may be In the compromise agreed upon at the Columbus conference the miners can hardly afford to reject it That compromise was agreed to by their duly accredited representatives, and they must abide by the decision reached or rest under the suspicion of having acted in bad faith. The operators will not be slow in taking advantage of an opportunity to say to the public that they have done all In their power to effect a settlement, and that they have failed through no fault of their own. The miners cannot afford to give them this oppsrtunity. There can be no equality of taxation without equality of assessment The most important work of tax-reform now before the people of Indiana is the requirement that all property shall be assessed for taxation on the same basis. The escaping corporations must be made to toe the mark. ET CETERA. If you think too little you v 111 be sure to talk too much. Ram's Horn. "There goes a man that keeps his word." "He does?" "Yes, no one else will take it" Atlanta Constitution. Walter "That's quite possible, sir. Our beefsteaks are so small that they easily escape the memory." Fliegende Blatter. The city having the greatest death rata in the world is Rheims, Germany, the proportion being 2S.C.2 per l.OOO In each year. "How was It Ferkins didn't get his degree at college this year?" "You don't suppose the faculty is going to let a f.na foot ball player like Perkins graduate, do you?" Harper's Bazar. Chollie "Is there any drinking water in this room?" The Hotel Maid "Right in that pitcher at your elbow." "Aw wing for the bell-boy to come up and pour me a glass." Chicago Record. Mrs. Valentine Reister of East Orange. N. J., threw her apron over a mad dog Thursday and held the animal until her husband had killed it. The brute had al ready bitten two little girls. A stone on which John Boyle O'Reilly cut his initials In Douth cemetery. Ireland, thirty-four years ago, has been transferred to his grave in the cemetery at Eoston. This fulfills the poet's wish. Mrs. Longley of Trovidence, R. I., is the first woman to insure her life for $100,OM. She obtained her policies after proving that she was not In the habit ol discussing the suffrage question. A seventy-year-old woman of Newark. X. J., some time ago married a dapper youth of twenty-five. She thinks she need; but one thing more now to complete hci happiness, and that Is a. divorce. The man who can keep his temper whet he attempts to drive his neighbor's chickens out of his garden through the same hole by which they came in need have no fears of "satan." Boston Transcript Three score and ten the bible says Is man's allotted term; But that's before the doctors made The microbe and the "germ." Boston Transcript It Is said that window panes of pororn glass are being made in Paris. The minute holes in the glas3 tre too fine to permit of draught and yet large enough to causa a pleasant and healthy ventilation in a room. Dr. Fauve of Paris announces that the odor of flowers has a pernicious effect o the human voice, and for that reason aavises that the practice of presenting flowers to musical and dramatic artists be discontinued. First politician "I can say this, that our party conducted the campaign in an honest, fair and straightforward way. What more can you say of your party?" Second politician "We won!" Boston Transcript. Papa "Are you sure that you and mamma thought of me while you were away?" Little Grace "Yes; we heard a man just scolding awful about his breakfast and mamma said. 'That's just like papa,' " Chicago Inter Ocean. Although Queen Victoria rtils over an empire that embrace3 possessions In every part of the world she has never traveled outside of Europe, and even there her trip have been short ones In France, Holland, Germany and Italy itself. "I don't see how you do it," sali th man who had caught the slow train. "Oh, this ain't much speed for us to make," replied the conductor. "I meant how you keep the thing from eliding lackward on the up grades." Washington Star. William C. Van Home, the president ot the Canadian Pacific railway, who has just been made a knight commander of th order of St. Michael and St George, is a native of Illinois and began life as a telegraph operator at the age of thirteen. Wagner has scored a wonderful triumph in Paris. Only a short time since an attempt to prestnt a Wagner opera in Paris resulted In a riot. I-st year more Wasnet operas were presented at the Paris opera than any others. Oat of 2nS performances sixty were of Wagner oneras. Saint-Saens came second with but thirty-five performances. A hen on a faim at Oil City, Ta,, haa laid a double egg, they being Joined together by a small membrane like a fube. The eggs are without the usual shell and instead are covered with a sort of parchment similar to that covering a turtle egg. "What's the matter with you?" asked the hanging-basket of the mercury in the thermometer. "Got a chill?" "No," was th reply. "I am just trying to go up and down fast enough to keep track of the changes In temp.ture." Washington Star. Babson "How is It that you are always In debt? You should be ashamed of yourself." Jabson "Come, now; don't be too hard on a fellow. You woull, perhaps, hi in debt too, if you were in my place." "What place?" "Able to get credit" N. Y, Press. Dick "You told me yesterday that yon had proposed to Miss Coupon by mail. Di 1 you get any letter In reply?" Harry "Yea. I got two letters." Dick "Then it is all settled. Harry "Yes. Yes, it is all settled. The letters were 'n' and 'o. "it. T World. Teacher "Sammy, in the sentence, 1 have a book,' what Is the case of the pronoun "I?" " Sammy (promptly) "Nominative case." Teacher "Next boy. tell m In what case to put the noun look." Next boy (thoughtfully) "llook case." Pittsburg Chronicle Telegraph. The earlier symptoms of dyspepsia, such as distress after eating, heartburn, and occasional headaches, Fhould not ba neglected. Take Hood's Sarsaparllla if you wish to be cured. Hood's Pills cure all Liver Ills, B1U loudness. Jaundice, Indigestion, Sic if Headache,