Indiana State Sentinel, Indianapolis, Marion County, 25 April 1894 — Page 4

THE INDIANA STATE SENTINEL. WEDNESDAY MORNING, APRIL 2ö, 189 1--TV ELVE PAGES.

INDIANA STATE SENTINEL BY THE INDIANAPOLIS SENTINEL CO. B. E. MORSS, BEN A.. EATON, FrMideat, Vic President n. McCarthy, Beeret ry and Treasurer.

Entered at tlie Postofllce at Indian poll mm second claa matter.) , TERMS PER YEAR t Staale ropr tin Advance). ...... .1 OO We Mk democrats to bear In mind ad eleet their own stnte paper nhen they come to take anbacrlptloos and make up elnba. Aarenta matins up el aba aend for aar Information desired. Addre THE INDIANAPOLIS SENTINEL, Indianapolls, Ind. TWELVE PAGES. WEDNESDAY, APRIL 1!M. What the house seems most to need is a rule of common courtesy. The weather was cold enough, for the last night or two, to produce another crop of fruit-killers. Now, If the senate could adopt a rule to force ts members to do something, the public would feel great sense of relief. If Col. Breckinridge should fall of a renomlnatlon he might secure a firstclass situation with some theatrical organization as an Ingenue. The block coal miners of day county frave, we think, done a wise thing In voting- not to strike. Strike nt this time can do Hrle else than retard the return of business prosperity. If all the democratic representatives T-cr doing their duty and attending- to the business which their constituents put in their hands, there never would te any difficulty in counting a quorum. . Pome of the eastern peach growers. !t is said, who were discouraged by the email crops of last year, have destroyed t least one-half of their peach trees, and but few new trees have been planted this season. The Indiana crop has not been entirely killed this yearl It is elated that only the earlier varieties suffered from the cold snap of March. T":i central features of McKinley ismtaxed wool and free sugar. Indianapolis Sentinel. What is the essential difference between MeKinley's taxed wool and free aucrar and Wilson's taxed sugar and free wool? ITnder a platform of a tariff for revenue only they are both abominable, one just as abominable as the other. N. V. Sun. Why. no; they are not. If I'ncle Pana were home he could point out material differences to you. although he has not been in the democratic ranks long enough to understand the doctrines very well. Wool is a raw material, and the party is pledged to free raw materials. You will find that in the platform the (ire adopted in 192 in the plank for which the New York delegation - voted unanimously. And then a tax on sugar is for revenue only, while a tax on wool necessitates a protective duty on woolen poods. That is why McKinley taxed one and untaxed the other. Study over the subject for a few years and you will catch the distinction. If there had been any doubt about the sincerity of the Indiana democracy's devotion to the fee and salary law it would have been dispelled by the action of the various conventions now being held. The advocates of that law are being renominated wherever they present themselves. A notable example comes from Knox county, where Mason J. Xiblack. has been nominated for representative. Jlr. Xiblack was speaker of the house when the law was enacted. It was largely through his Instrumentality in shaping his committee on fees and salaries, so that it should contain none but friends of the reform, that it was possible to enact such a law as that now on the statute books. But he didn't stop vlth shaping the committee, for he took en active part In the. debate in committee of the. whole and did everything possible for one man to do to pass the measure. Ills renomination is highly s'gntflcant a-s proving that the democracy of Knox is ftill solid for fee and talary reform. We believe that the house of repreaontatlves has done a very wise thing in the adoption of Its new rules for the prevention of filibustering. It would have teen better if the majority had kept a quorum, present, but under the modes of transacting public business that have grown up in Washington It seems impossible to do so. The nert best thing is to do away -with the absurdity of counting absent a member who is in fact present. The new rules avoid this difficulty in a fair and satisfactory way. Üaeh member, when the roll Is called, is required to vote or to answer "present." In case he refuses to answer his name is noted by two tellers, one from each party, who at th" end of the roll-call report th"ir list to the speaker. If there Is mit a quorum voting this list will then be called and recorded on the journal, the Driembers having the privilege of voting If they so desire. There is no danger of ptisonal or partisan unfairness In counting persons present who are not present In fact, under this rule. . That Mr. Reed considers this a perioral victory is a matter of little importance to anyone but (Jen. Harrison and other republican randliates for the presidency. It Is as truly a defeat for Reed, for he Is as thoroughly on record against counting a quorum as for it. and moreover, this method has none of the unfairness of his method of counting. The great point Is that h. system hau hen established n" which the .business of the country cannot he stopped by a minority, and It has been established by ruls regularly adopted and not by a, perversion of general parliamentary law and" uag. a in Reed's cs. It would, t a most excellent thin- If eimllar rul-

coüld now be adopted in the senate. The senseless delays of that dignified body are more exasperating to the country at large than even its undemocratic action when it does act. We believe that the majority of the voters of the country would favor furnishing Coxey's arjny with clubs and turning them loose In the senate if it were certain that the senate could be awakened to activity in that way.

INDIANA'S POSITION. We are somewhat surprised to find one or two of our democratic state exchanges entering upon a violent championship of the senate tariff bill as a better measure than the Wilson bill as it left the house. Their reasons, as we gather them, are two; 1. That there is a conspiracy againrt Senator Voorhees between the demoeratic pajers that oppose the senate amendments. 2. That the ecnate- bill provides more revenue than the Wilson bill. ' It is always easy to charge a conspiracy when three or more individuals express similar sentiments, but why there should be any charge of this kind made at this time is beyond our imagination. Who are the conspirators? To what end. do they conspfre? What is the evidence on which such a charge is based? If there is any conspiracy The Sentinel Js most thoroughly ignorant of it. It spoke its mind freely as soon as news of the senate amendments was received from Washington, and the democratic papers of the country generally did the same. Kit her there must be a conspiracy extending over the entire country, or else this prompt rebuke to the senate amendments was a, gamine outburst of indignation from"" honest tariff-reformers everywhere. We suppose that Mr. Gorman's friends in Maryland consider the plain talk of the Maryland press a conspiracy against him; that Hill's machine in New York considers the protest there a conspiracy against him; and so with Rriee in Ohio, Faulkner in West Virginia, and elsewhere similarly. As to this, all we have to say is, if this b conspiracy make the most of it. The Sentinel is for tariff reform honest, radical, unblemished tariff reform and will be so no matter who may obstruct, nor who may fall by the wayside. That the senate bill raises more revenue than the Wilson bill is unquestionable. That is the argument now commonly made by the eastern press for the dropping of the income tax. They say that the senate Mil raises more revenue than Is necessary and therefore the income tax may be safely dropped. The following is the statement made by the senate finance committee of the yearly amount of Imported goods made dutiable by the McKinley law, the Wilson bill, and the senate bill, and the amount of duty collected on them: Value. Duty. McKinley bill ?4"f.iM;n.r.:..s J19S,.,.7r..4.'2 Wilson bill .Td.041.0'.:? 124. 9.1.004 Senate bill 17S.2'.!.11 IM.StildS The senate bill inures some ?:!vQ0ij.im. more of taxes than the Wilson bill, and of course raises that much more revenue, but it does not raise any material revenue form the obnoxious amendments against which we protest. The account with them. stands as follows: Favors to sugar trust J r 4. fill Favors to whisky trust Favors to coal combine 440,,vt2 Favors to iron combine üTO.SCO Total $566.447 These are not for revenue, and Mr. Voorhees himself has virtually taken the position that these "concessions" were necessary to secure the passage of the bill. Senator Mills has said so expressly. We do not believe they are necessary, and we submit these questions to every democratic newspaper that questions our position: . 1. Are you in favor of a tax of about .4 of a cent per iound on sugar for the sole and exclusive benefit of the sugar trust? 2. Are you in favor of a five years extension of the bonded period on whisky, which merely gives to the whisky trust and other owners of whisky five years time on their taxes? 2. Are you in favor of a tax of 40 cents a ton on coal for the benefit of the coal mine and railroad owners? 4. Are you in favor of a tax of 40 cents a ton on iron for the benefit of the iron mine and railroad owners? If so, you are in favor of the senate amendments to which The Sentinel objects.. Rut The Sentinel is opposed to them, and from assurances it receives on every hand the people of Indiana are opposed to them. And furthermore the democratic house of representatives is opposed to them and will not accept them. NVA NTS TO KNOW. The following letter we imagine is from some one who thinks he has found an inconsistency, rather than from a seeker for lignt, but we answer it as other communications: To the Editor Sir: In summing up an article in this morning's impression of The Sentinel you make these statements: The price of wool was n?ver so low as now. The importations of wool were never so great. The tariff on wool was never so high. Will you now please reconcile your position when in the same article, in speaking of Peffer and McKinley, . you say "the two agree perfectly In their theories of saving the nation by taxing it." - If wool was never taxed so high and importations were never so great there mtist occur a big revenue to the government. Who nays it? W. J. M'CULLAOH. ; Marlon. Ind., April 17. 1894. We reaffirm the truth of each statement quoted, and accept all consequences. Unquestionably there is "a big revenue to the government" from, the tax on wool. I,ast year the total importations amounted to lMb.$Sl.!2, and the duty actually collected on this was $s,lS,4SS.4! or -!4.3 per cent, on the avrare. The tax was paid by the importers, and added, to the price, of the. wool.--In many instances the importer were mannfrturrn, and in all cases, the woi eventually goes to manufacturers, who

add the amount of the duty to the price of the manufactured goods, and therefore the tax is eventually paid by the persons who wear or use the poods. Hence the tax., on wool is a tax on the Consumer, and, ss we stated, both Feffer and McKinley are agreed on the policy of saving the nation by taxing it. The fact that an increase of tax on raw material results in an increase cost of manufactured goods Is not denied by intelligent protectionists. The McKinley bill increased the, tax on wool, and also increased the tax on woolen goods so that the manufacturer could recoup. The Wilson bill put wool on the free list and reduced the tax on manufactured poods frcm 31. j per cent., which was the average actually collected last year, to an average of 40 per cent, he senate conunittec has reduced it to 3.1 ier cent., and we think very properly so, because free raw material will make fully that much difference. Rut, our protectionist friends may say, if this duty is added to the price of the wool, why does it not make the price of our domestic wool higher. Just as it increases the price of woolen goods? The reason is simple. The wool that is imported docs not. compete with our wool. It is not of the same character and quality. The chief imports are c-, t wools, and we produce, practically, . carpet word in this country. Next in importance to this is the importation of merino wools, of which we raise a limited amount, but .lot enough to supply our own manufacturers. The principal wool product of this country' is too short and too coarse fiber to be used advantageously unless mixed with longer and finer wools, which we produce only In the colder and more mountainous parts of the country. The merino sheen-breeders of Ohio and West Virginia receive a benefit from the tariff on wool, but the ordinary farmer, who keeps fifty or sixty sheep in his general farm stock, and the ranchmen of the southwest do not receive a. particle of benefits from the wool tariff.

indiina ni;;is to move. We are gratified to note that the Minnesota resolutions have had the effect of waking up the tariff reform spirit in the Indiana senators and bringing out clearer expressions of their firm adherence to the doctrines of the party than had heretofore escaped them,. Mr. Turpie appears to have made a strong tariff reform speech and an excellent defense of the income tax, incidentally arraigning Senators Hill and Smith In a satisfactory way. So far as appears from the dispatches he made no apology for the obnoxious senate amendments, but took the ground that the question was one of a bill with these defects or none at all. This was the position of Senator Mills, who sjvke several days ago. It places the democratic party in an unfortunate position, and yet even the bill with the senate amendments included is so great an improvement on the McKinley bill that it might be accepted if th, people could feel sure that nothing better could be done. Mr. Turpie says: To sow and not to reap: to stand for long years in hope and expectation, not to be realized, was the rule in reform from which the noblest characters had never been exempt. Justice might be delayed, ba filed, even betrayed and wounded, but it would arrive at last. There is pathetic truth in this, but heavens! what a position for a political party that has promised reform, and now stands in absolute control of the law-making power. To say to the people, "You have given us control for the purpose of making this reform, but we cannot make it." Why? Because of traitors among us. Who are those traitors? Who is standing out for favors to the sugar trust? Who for favors to the whisky trust? We know the other traitors. We also find In the South Rend Times a letter of Senator Voorhees, which we reprint elsewhere, and which is a very decided improvement on his speech. For instance, he says: "I say to you with the utmost frankness and sincerity that I fought hard against anything at all being put on sugar. Iron, or coal, but that it was impossible to pass a bill without the 'concessions made to these Interests." And further, this: "If I have made a mistake in the discharge of my duty, as one of ycur senators, it is in believing that the bill we reported, and which is now pending, is greatly to bo preferred to no legislation at all to the odious McKinley law which ire stand pledged to repeal." These statements are excellent so far as they go. We wish Senator Voorhees had used them in his speech. The only thing in them that any democrat can object to is that Mr. Voorhees is still shy on whisky. In the entire letter there is no reference whatever to the five years extension of the bonded period, which is, in other words, a grant of live years to whisky-owners In which to pay their taxes. Who is responsible for that? Did Senator Voorhees fight hard against it? Who is the senator who will not vote for the bill without this provision, which was struck out by the house by a tremendous majority? We regret that the senator overlooks this point. The claim that the senate bill is better than the Wilson bill we have considered heretofore. There is nothing in the point of lower ad valorem rate, and nothing in the increase of revenue so far as the objectionable amendments are concerned. The reductions on woolen goods, tin plate and some other articles are thoroughly approved by democrats. The tax on raw sugar is a matter of little importance, one way or th. other. Tariff reformers believe that sugar Is a proper subject for revenue taxation, and consider a duty infinitely preferable to a bounty. The objectionable features are the duties on refined sugar, real and iron, and the extension of the bonded period of whisky, and to all'of these, but the last. Senator Voorhees nw proclaims his hostility. Ills apology for the bill containing them Is, therefor, superfluous. We would commend especially to the one or two In

diana papers that have indulged jn vehement commendations of the senate amendments a careful reading of his concluding paragraph: After all. however, both the hills are alike merely tentative and experimental; they will have to fn together to the Joint conference committee of the two houses; neither of them in terms will become the law. The enactment. If one is reached, will simply be such a measure of compromise as will commend itself to the judgment of the conference committee appointed to adjust the differences between the two houses as manifested in the two bills. In all kindness and fairness we would say to Senator Voorhees. If the bill must pass the senate In this shape, let it pass as 'speedily as possible and go to the conference committee. Every day's delay is an injury to the country. And when it does go let as many of these obnoxious amendments as possible be knocked out, but above all, the amendments for the benefit of the whisky trust and the sugar trust.

THE COMMONWEAL. When the people of the United States read Saturday morning of the performances of the Industrial army in Omaha and vicinity they must have realized that the Commonweal movement is entitled to more respectful consideration than it has heretofore been receiving. The march of Gen. Kelley's army across the country, if march it may be called, has certainly been astounding. Either through fear of damage to their property in the event of a refusal or because they regarded the quickest and easiest the best way of solving the problem, the railroads, which are notorious for their lack of consideration for the common people, transported this army as far as Omaha, From that point the railroads refused to give their assistance. This forced march, or ride, across the western country was remarkable for the perfect discipline and good order preserved on the part of the army and for the substantial sympathy and encouragement shown Its members by the people along the route. But at Omaha this popular sympathy assumed its most striking phase. With apparently nothing in common with this "army of the unemployed," as it is proud to style itself, the laboring people of Omaha and Council Rluffs turned out en masse to show their fellow-feeling for the travelers. And the laboring people were not the only sympathizers. The army seemed to have the moral encouragement of even the "best people" of the Iowa and Nebraska cities. The latter urged upon the railroads and upon the citizens a'ong the line of march the human'ty, the very necessity of doing something for the pilgrims. Rut it was at Omaha tha.t the first real dangerous symptoms began to develop in connection with this really wonderful movement. ..While ; the idea of Gen. Coxey is in itself jternuious. in that, if closely adhered to, it would soon make the people of this country mere wards of the government, helpless in themselves to improve their ov'n condition, there has been nothing In connect ion with the crusade anywhere looking toward serious lawlessness or disorder. And it is not meant to be charged that there was any attempt at au outbreak on the part of Gen. Kelley's army at Omaha. On the contrary, the conduct of both leader and followers was exemplary. It proved them to be earnest, even though misguided men bent on accomplishing their ends peacefully and without violence. Rut in the spontaneous uprising of the poorer classes of Omaha and Council Rluffs to join in the movement was revealed its real danger. Men and women and children seemed fairly frantic in their efforts to show their desire to co-operate with the Commonwealers. Men left their work in the shops, women left their work in their homes to gather on the streets and applaud the CoxeyItes. They seemed fairly frenzied with their enthusiasm and there was much in the demonstration to remind the reader of history of the early days of the French revolution or of the later commune of Paris. It Is safe to say that Gen. Kelley was merely indirectly responsible for these. His conduct since he assumed command of his horde of ragamuffins has been most exemplary, proving him to possess in a high degree the qualities of leadership and in pe haps a greater degree those of good citizenship. His refusal to permit the use of the stolen- Union Facinc rolling stock was conclusive evidence of his sincerity and of his honesty. Gen. Coxey in the East has gi 'en many evidences of a similar capacity for leadership and an equal sincerity of honest purpose. Rut the question very naturally arises, how long will it be, if this movement continues, before the armygets past control of its leaders? The boisterous and anarchistic elements of eastern society are all forming contingents of agitators to join the army at Washington or l-efore its arrival. Chi.cago will send a delegation of its most vicious classes. Yesterday nearly a quarter of a million of miners, most of them on the routes being followed by some of the various divisions of the Commonweal army, went into voluntary Idleness. They are angry with their employers, depressed by a long period of jjrivatlon and susceptible at any time to be aroused to deeds of violence by unprincipled agitators. If- the Omaha movement, which seemed so spontaneous, should prove mfectious and the unemployed along the lines of march to Washington should Join with the army, it is not at all imiossible thaj the vicious elements, naturally drawn to such a gathering, will sooner or later get control of the whole, and then the most serious condition of affairs imaginable will arise. The bnaha incident gives some Indication of a, tendency to make this thing "unanimous." and if it het comes so it will be almost impossible for Gen. Coxey and his hOT,t leaders to long control the multitude. When Washington Is reached, if it I. reached, by 200,000 or JOO.OOo .men, th? real trouble Is likely .to begin. Those men cannot long be quarterei in th capital; nor can

they hope for any large beneficial results from their unreasonable demands. Congress can do nothing for them and the disappointment which is likely to follow is almost certain to engender bad blood. From this time on the advance on Washington will be watched with the greatest possible public interest. If the uprising at Omaha is followed by a similar demonstration in other large cities. It is impossible to predict the outcome of the movement, but It Is almost certain to result in more or less bloodshed. The danger iolnt will probably be reached whn the western contingents com into the Pennsylvania coal fields, althoueh danger may be averted at that ioint and transferred to Washington. It is not at all beyond the bounds of reasonable prediction that th next two weeks may make a good deal of United States history. 'ROOM FOR THE LEPER." One of the most encouraging sig7is of the times is the way in which Hill of New York is being ostracized by the democratic, politicians who were formerly among his admirers. It is well known that the principal oipositi-n to Mr. Cleveland in the last national convention originated in congress, and especially in the senate, and that this opposition crj-stalized about Hill as the most available opponent. Nevertheless Hill's retainers Jn congress now may be counted on one's fingerf. In a recent letter the Washington correspondent of the St. Louis Republic says: In the house and senate those who are most violently opposed to Mr. Cleveland, and who have, since the veto of the seigniorage bill, denounced him most bitterly, are today turning their abuse upon the New York senator, and giving the president great benefit In comparison with Hill. They say that while they are not very g-ol develand men, they are better Cleveland men than Hill men. and thank their stars they were not driven into supporting Hill as a national leader two ye.trs ago. That this statement is correct is shown by numerous assurances of democratic ox rgressmen that they give no adherence to Hill's views. A recent one of these is Senator Daniels's statement to one of Iiis Virginia constituents: I am for passing the tariff bill at the first possible moment, and I am not in sympathy with the speech of Senator Hill. I am very uneasy as to the situation; but the true democrats are doing all in their power to exicdite results. Hill stands pi act.icilly alone. In but one respect does he still hold alliance with anything that calls itself democratic or independent, and that is the question of the ini-ome tax. The corporation press of the Eist clings to him as the defender of the moneyed classes in this matter, but. few of these papers express any liking for him even aö a colleague. Occasionally some one of them that ought to know better attempts to defend even his tariff principles on account of gratitude for his present service. For example, the Philadelphia Press says: IVrhxps the nvst striking feature was the ability and the breadth of view he exhibited. Mr. Hill has been regarded as an adroit, crafty and rather unscrupulous politician and hxs not received credit for intellectual ability of a high order. This speech has given the country a new conception of his mental force and grasp. Yet to close observers it was les.s surprising than to tiie casual reader. On one or two previous excisions Mr. Hill has shown the ss.m? kind of talent. His spe ch at Rrooklyn was by all odds the ablest and the most persuasive made on the democratic silo in the last presidential campaign. It was a logical, moderate and effective, if not convincing, presentation of con versa tive democracy. His recent speech harmonizes with the ground he then tk. and both serve to make him the foremost representative of that sort of democracy which would modify our tariff legislation without destroying existing conditions. Nothing could be more untrue or absurd. We have shown heretofore that the New York "snap" delegation voted as a unit for the radical Neal-Watter-son substitute for the original tariff plank in the platform of 1S92. and that the entire Hill following did likewise. It was and is notorious that Hill controlled the New York delegation absolutely. Rut Mr. Hill's position on the tariff at that time does not rest on inference. In the Prooklyn speech, to which the Press refei Mr. Hill read that tariff plank to his audien-e and said: I am not here to apologize for that plank. I a.m here to advocate and defend it. It correctly and substantially states the democratic faith. And further than this, in defending the previous action of the democratic houses of representatives, which are also indorsed by that tariff plank, he said: The Mills bill of 18R3 and the separate tariff bills passed by the present democratic house of representatives indicate in a general way the democrati-J position. They show. (1) that the necessaries of life should be substantially free; (2) that luxuries should bear the heaviest burdens; (?,) that there should be free raw materials for the benefit of our manufacturers; (4) that the tariff upon manufactured articles should, as a gvneral rule, be larger where similar articles are manufactured in this country than where they are not. And again, not satisfied with these explanations and illustrations of democratic policy, Mr. Hill made this definition of his own: Concisely stated, what is the position of the two parties uin this question? I desire to state it fairly. The republican party advocates the doctrine that the government ha3 the constitutional as well as the moral right to impose tariff duties for the purpose of encouraging the building up of private Industries by the imposition of duties sufficiently large to prevent foreign competition, irrespective of the question of the needs of the treasury; while the democratic party believes that the preeminent has only a constitutional and moral right to impose such duties as may be necessary' to raise sufficient revenue to support the government economically administered. This is the precise issue squarely stated. With these express statements of tariff reform principles on record, in print, where they cannot be denied or evaded, it is little less than Imbecility to say that this man's position then "harmonizes" with his present declaration that a reduction of the tariff means a reduction of American wages. His present position harmonizes with but one' thing, and that is this declaration in the republican platform of 1832: On all import-s coming into competition with the products of American labor there should be levied duties equal to the difference between wages .abroad and at home. It is worse than imbecility" to say that his position in 1SP2 can be reconciled with

"that sort of democracy which would modify our tariff legislation without destroying exisiimg conditions." No man and no newspaper, republican, democratic, or independent, in the campaign of 1892, pretended that the democratic plank on the tariff the hoblest and most radical declaration against protectionism that has been made since the civil war meant an acceptance f McKinley conditions with nominal alterations in schedules. It meant honest and genuine tariff reform then, and that is what th American people mean now. Stand back, and let the "unclean" pass.

The lightning rod sharps seem to get the best of the average Indiana farmer whenever they meet for alleged business. More properly the meeting, so far as the lightning rod agent is concerned, seems to be for swindling purposes. This agent usuahy hails from Chicago. Why does the Indiana farmer give preference to a man who lives outside of his own state? Every county seat surely must contain at least one person who can put up a lightning rod, or if he has not the facilities for such work, he can at least tell a farmer where he can get the Job done without taking his wheat or crop to pay for it. The swindling lightning rod agent seems to get the best of the farmer through the contract that he first misrepresents, and then persuades his dupe to sign. The latter, supposing he is signing a harmless bit of paper calling for a few dollars, finds out later along that has Involved himself to the amount of several hundred dollars. A recent occurrence in Shelby county shows that a farmer thought he was making a five-dollar contract for his lightning rods when he signed papers calling for tlhO.' He finally was forced to pay $50. Farmers, get your work done by wellestablished Indiana firms, or if you must go to Chicago or anywhere else outside of the state, don't put your name to a contract without knowing just what it Is. ANSWER TO CO It R ES PO INDENT. E. II. Kurgoyne, laurel. Ind. The Sentinel's roosters caught cold at a rehearsal the morning of election day, 1SS, which confined them to their room until the township elections of 19. A wins the bet that the presidential rooster did not appear in The Sentinel the morning after th election in 1SS. He was indisposed. ET CETER A. The back-country farmer Is the only fellow who gets the sugar question thoroughly boiled down. Platndealer. Will Mington "Don't you think Sue has a peachy complexion?" Dela Ware "Yes; it's a failure." Yonkers Statesman. "I suppose you are In deep mourning for your wealthy uncle?" "Yes; I've bought a black pocketbook." Hallo. Mrs. Lillie Devereux Rlake points with pride to the eagle on our dollar. She declares that this Is not a male but a female bird. This Is a somewhat new lay for the suffragists. Men cannot Consistently deride women for wasting so much cloth in making their sleeves, so long as they themselves are wearing the long-tailed coats that are in fashion now. Somerville Journal. 'Never saw such a woman's champion as Wibbles is. Misses no opportunity of standing up for the fair sex." "Humph! liuess you never met him In a crowded street car." Buffalo Courier. A shoemaker at Haverhill, Mass., has received an order for a pair of shoes for the Princess May the duchess of York of England. The public will be interested to learn that May wears a No. 4. The long-cut overcoat has proved To him the best of boons. Since underneath it he can wear His baggy pantaloons. X. Y. Herald. One of the little peculiarities of Queen Victoria is that she dislikes the smell of furs, seal skins in particular, so that her companions out driving, have frequently, with deep regret, to leave paletots and muffs behind. Miss Adeline Knapp has been the regular turf reporter of the San Francisco Call for several years. Miss Knapp owns several fine horses of her own and rides man fashion, dressed in full Turkish trousers, a cutaway and a tile hat. The engaement is announced In Washington of Miss Hattie Blaine, third daughter of the late James G. Blaine, and Mr. Truxton Beale, only son of the late Gen. Edward Beale. It is understood that Mr. Beale will inherit a large fortune. Rhode Island Is revising Its laws relating to women. Every' married woman can now In that state make a will, make legal contracts and rent and manage her own estate. The lower house has just passed a bill conferring on married women the control of their personal projerty and the equalization of courtesy and dower. Bismarck has lost none of his old-time gallantry. It was arranged by the deputation of ladles who personally visited him to present the 4oo bottles of finest Rhenish wines contributed from Baden, Hesse, and the Palatinate that each should kiss his hand upon being presented, but the old soldier kissed them instead. Commodore Skerrett, who has just been promoted to a rear admlralship, is known in the navy as "Sailor Joe," because of his superior skill as a navigator. No one In the service could excel him, it is sai 1. in handling a sailing vessel of the old type. He is now commander-in-chief of the Asiatic squadron, and will prolab!y remain at that post until his retirement next year. Mrs, Nellie Grant Sartoris will take a house in Washington and hopes her mother will also make her home there. Mrs. Sartorls is wealthy and enjoys an Income from property left to her by her father-in-law of $.;0,0ii a year. Her eldest son, Algernon, is still In England, and will remain there until after his graduation at Oxford, when he will return to this country. Mrs. Gen. Grant is also well off. She makes liberal allowances to her children, and aside from this is reported to have $J4,0u0 annual income. Senator Sherman entered the house in the same congress with Mr. Morrill who Celebrated his eighty-fourth birthday last Sunday and served one term in the senate before Mr. Morrill entered that body. Mr. Sherman has served twenty-nine years in the senate and was six years In the house. Mr. Morrill has been in congress thirty-nine years, twelve of which he passed in the house. Mr. Allison cf Iowa has been twenty-one years in the senate and ten in the house. lie is younger by six years than Mr. Sherman and nineteen years, the Junior of Mr.. Morrill. A journal devoted to the dairy Interests calls- attention to what Is known to the trade as "filled cheese." It is made of skimmed milk and oleomargarine and Is about as palatable and nutritious as wood pulp. A Chicago broker last year sold over $T.8.000 worth of this stuff for orte firm, and millions of dollars worth of It has been palmed oT on a long suffering and dyspeptic reople. Some day sixty million outraged stomachs will arise against the traffic of Impure food nd then the man with the "filled chese." the rotten fruit, the ammonia baking ponder, the plaster of pari pulverized sugar, the parts greened tea, and other merchantable "adulterations will take to the the taJl timber.

THE SENATE AND THE TARIFF".

Twe:ity-five out of twenty-seven chairmen of democratic state committees Interviewed warmly denounce Senator Hill for his attitude of hostility to the pirty program. Springfield Republican end.). An apology is due Governor Hogg of, Texas, whose name was connected several weeks ag- with that of Senator Hill on the proposed presidential ticket. The governor his our regrets for ihe publication, and we trust he will wan his claim for dannges. St. Louis Republic (dem.). In his Buffalo speech last November Senator Hill spoke of "tho? who have been fattening off governmental favoritism." Som of the persons thus desrrinod have been sending telegram- and lerters M the senator heartily ontrratulating him upon his s;ce.-h. Buffalo, N. Y. Courier (dem.. The house has supplied itself with a new time-saving, quorum-counting rule. The place, however, whre new rules ara most needed is the senate. Terpite ail the filibustering of the republicans, tha house has managed to transact i's business with reasonable dispatch, and has kept months ahead of the senate Louisville tourier-.louriial (dem.). Too mu. h time H washed in the senate with so-called set speeches and thin Rome burns while Nero fiddles. ""ongress should not forget that the country is still suffering, and the early settlement of the tariff question is absolutely necessary to the revival of business. Let us have an end, therefore, to this everlasting business of set speeches. Cincinnati Commercial Gazette (rep). A democratic county convention on Saturday gave expression to the unhapplness of Indiana democrats in general by passing a resolution not only denouncingHill for his protectionist swing, but censuring Voorhees for net being more radical on the free trade side. If -any democratic politician supposes that his party has been preaching tariff reform for nothing all these years, he is sadly mistaken. SpringtieM Jlepnblican dnd.). Mr. David Rennett Hill has come from behind the fence and given the country a chance to look at. him. It finds him lined up with the McKinley obstructors of prosperity. Even yet his Inveterate, habit of evasion prevents him from committing himsc-lf to the definite assertion that he will not vote for th WiUon bill on the final tc? . but from anybody else a speech so malignantly hostile as hlj would necessarily be followed by a hostile vote. .San Francisco Lxamin;r (dem). It is incumbent upon the Missouri democracy to tell without a singl-s equivocation what it approves and disapproves in the tariff bill, in Cleveland' administration, in the currency we find available for the business of the po. pl. and in the conduct of parties during tho congressional sessions of the past year. We are not called upon to unearth novel phrases or doctrines. our task is X t see that words are weighed and opinions digested until the Missouri platform expresses what Missouri thinks and will still think when the day comes to cast votes. St. IX'Uis Republic dem.. There will be something of a breeze In the senate when Senator White lays before Xhi. body the resolutions adopted by a mass meeting of California democrats, in which they declare that "the recent utterances of Senator Hill are traitorous in their purpose, false in their assumptions, absurd in their logic and excite the indignation and derision of the democracy of California." It may te noted in this connection that th Samoset club of Omaha, the hading democratic organization of Nebraska, adopted resolutions Monday nicht denouncing Senator Hill as "a traitor who. having hitherto s-kulld behind th watchword 'I am a democrat.' has dealt a treacherous blow at the vitals of hi party at the time of its greatest peril." N. Y. World (dem.). Mr. David R. Hill is quite dead in the South as a presidential possibility. But we are not Mire it is because the people of the South think he has gone back o:i silver. They are not thoroughly persuaded that" that is a fact; nor is hi loss of consideration there due to anticipation of what his position on the tariff will be. Mr. Hill has played out at th South because he has been found out to be a machine politician, and nothing more. The South has her own ma.-hiivj politicians, and they manage to swim along smoothly enough for a time, but they are always found out after a while, and then the people of the South throw them aside, as they have done Mr. 111!'. The machine politician always plays out at the South when he is found out, aul that is the reason the South has had enough of Mr. Hill. Richmond Times (dem.). The views of Senator Lindsay of Kentucky, which will be found inan interview" with a reporter of the Times in another column, are reassuring as to th tariff bill. He is confident that no democratic senator will finally vote as:air.t it; that the bill will pass the senate substantially in its present f Tin; thu in the conference committee sugar will not be placed again on the free Ur. and he expects that the income tax will be in the I'ill when it becomes a law. He H pot so reassuring in Ins opinion as to tin time that will be consumed, thinking that the senate will not reich a vote before June 1. This, it seems to us, depends wholly on the vigor and judgment with which the bill is pressed. If its friends would consent to forego th pleasure of discussing it, leave its fr.ej to do the talking, and le on hand faithfully to vote, we believe that the bill could go to conference by the first jv cci in May. N. Y. Times (dem ). THE STATE l'UESS. If David Ragstock Hill ever gets on presidential ticket it mu;t be at the tat! of a ticket with McKinley or Harrison or Reed at the head. Terre Hr.ute c,juzette. That man Breckinridge owes something to the party that has honored him, to the state that he has scandalized, and to the people upon vvhfln he has imposed. That is to get out of ioliti.-s without delay. Kokomo Dispatch. The nevspaiers are responsible f t the spread of the Coxey lunacy. If thi ir.ane and utterly fruitless movement were ignored It would die out. As it H row, while the movement can d labor no good, it may do all classes serin; harm. Jeffersonville News. The strength of the democratic party is Nhovvn to the best advantage wheu tiaitors within and enemies without menace the organization. The attempt of a few democratic papers to Hillize the party in this slate will l an utter failure. The doctrine of protection, whether advocated in its most obnoxiou form by McKinley, or in a miller way by Hill, has no place i:i the dennv-ratlj creed. The march is against slavery and toward the goal of equal rights. Tha leople have thrown leaders overboard who are compromisers or concessionists. Slavery has got to go. Frankfort Crescent. There is a sure and safe road: Kill the McKinleylzed sections; make the tariff bill a genuine democratic measure; pass it with all possible haste: choke off thot senators in love with their voices and give the country an instant relief from a disastrous uncertainty; kno-k the false friends in the head, and give them t-j understand that they must keep the filth or part company with democracy; let them know that that parting will have nothing of regret in it; stand by the banner of reform, and confound and dismay the recreant and timid democrat and the brawling, defiant republican apologists and defenders of protectionism and paternalism: get life Into the party and 'make It once more the militant democracy that won two pi irio.j? victories over a united and i.ins-rnpul-us opjrositlon do this, and the mtion will approve and sustain us. Lafayette Jourra 1. I Care Nervowaneas aal Conatlpat low. Dr. Khoop's Restorative Nerve Tills sent free with Medical book to prov merit, for 2o stamp. Druggists. 25c Dr. S&CvP. liox X. Kaclne, Wis.