Indiana State Sentinel, Indianapolis, Marion County, 10 January 1894 — Page 4

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THE INDIANA STATE SENTINEL, 'WEDNESDAY MORNING, .TANUATIT 10, 1894-TWELTE PAGES. '

INDIANA STATE SENTINEL EY THE IKDMAPÜUS SENTINEL CO.

S. E. MORSS, President, BEN A. EATON, Vie FresidaaV. b. McCarthy, Secretary nd Trt8urr. (Kntered at the FoMefnce at Indian apeli a aeroud class matter.) TEH 31 S PEK YEAR t Single rop7 (In Adraarr) ?1 OO We ak democrats to bear In mind and select their oirn täte paper when they come to take anbscrlptiiint and make up flubs. Aaents maklis n p clubs send for any Information dewired. Address THI3 IXDIAXAPOLIS SEXTdEL Indianapolis, Ind. TWELVE PAGES. WEDNESDAY, JANUARY lO, 1S94. VA9S THE TAIIIFP THUA It is a noticeable fact that republican business men very generally object to the obstruction of the passage of the "Wilson bill by republican politicians. It is the scheme of the republican politicians to proIons the distress caused by the McKinley law and other republican legislation as long as possible, and thn tell the people that the hard times Is due to a democratic administration. The republican business men, however, are not so favorable to the working of this scheme because they have to suffer from the continuance of the depression. The New York Commercial Advertiser, a republican paper, but or.e devoted largely to business interests, has collected opinions from a large number of business men throughout the country as to the causes of the depression and the remedies for it, and it is only in a few Instances that any claim Is made that the tariff reform proposition is responsible for it. Many of the men urge prompt action on the tariff bill. Among others Mr. Charles A. Pillsbury, the millionaire Minneapolis miller and pre.-l-dnt of the chamber of commerce of that city, says: Answering yrur Inquiry, would say that I do not beiieve it would be proper for me, as president of the cha.rr.bjr of commerce, to give a decided opinion on a subject so mixed up with parly politics as the Wilson tariff bill. Individually I b?lirve that all proposed changes in the tariff work harm for the time being. I am a republican in politics and a moderate protectionist. I believe the introduction and pas-ago of the McKinley bill was the worst thing that could have happened to the protected Interests of this country. as they were generally largely overproteeted before th" passage of the bill. I think the tariff should have been remodeled and generally revised, but it should have been done by the party fri-Tdly to protection and not by its nerrjrs. I think the introduction of th Wilson bill i the natural reaction following the intr-xluction and pa "sage of thi McKinlev MM. I believe what th? country needs at present is stability- and if a change in the tariff is inevitable, for lot's sike let it come as juk-Kly as rsiM; although I do not believe that the present (aftr having Just parsed through such a financial 5;r;r.g"nc) is an opportune time to revis" 'the 'tariff. The chung is inevitable. The people c-f this country have cted for it, and they v.writ it. If this congress should fail of its duty they will elect a congress that wi'l not. Tariff reform is one of the things that is to be, and as Mr. Pillsbury says, the bst thing in for it to come speedily. Obstruction will simply delay it and prolong the "uncertainty" about which complaint has been made. It is an unfortunate thing that any time has been lost by the failure of a quorum ir. the house of democratic members. That will not be a wise thing for (he party after the caucus is held. Democrats must get together and act. Thi country will not tolerate any nonsense in this matter, and the party will not. This cor press was ejected especially for tariff reform, and it must do lis duty. The sooner it does so the better. THE DRE'S REFORM COSTVME. At a meeting of the local council of women the other day the same old question was broiched, that of suggesting a costume for business women. Fortunately the adoption of the resolution wax nipped in the bud by the women of stronger sense in the council. For four years now prominent women, would-be leaders of women's affairs, have been agitating a costume for business women upon the plea that the latter disregard the laws of health and common sense. Upon rainy days they claim the business woman gets her skirts drabbled and catches cold, etc. The very fact that these women are devoting so much time to this subject proves that they have not an intimate acquaintance with business women, for the latter, as well as most other women of today, are dressing in the most sensible manner possible. Look at the woman whose business carries her out of doors on a rainy day and it will be fo md that she wears her skirts pinned up under her mackintosh, high rubbers and overgaiters. If she goes to and from work on a rainy day she takes the car or dresses in such a manner a.i to protect her irom the weather. The girl capable of supporting herself and one or two other persons besides does not need to have any woman's club plan a costume for her. The business woman has too much sense to make the guy of herself that a few of her more fortunate sisters would have ber. When ?he applies to any council, local or national, to devl'e a costume for her then will it be time for the members to make proper arrangements for dressing their unfortunate sisters. Just at present the poor working girl about whop head there 1 such a halo of sentiment does not appear to be seeking the help of her brainy (?) sisters. If, however, the worthy members of the councils of women are earnest in thHr scheme of dress reform we wish to make a few suggestions. Why not refoim the dress of the society girl if some one's dresa must be reformed? Does not the latter outrage more law of health and sometimes deoency than tfca working- girl ever does? Does the

working girl wear the thin-soled shoes and low corsage that gives many a society girl pneumonia? Are the sanitariums filled with business women or with women of the social world whese shattered nerves are the result of high living, rounds of receptions and injudicious dressing. Let the council women turn their attention to the dress of the society woman, get her to refrain from the use of cosmetics and opiates, to protect her chest, shoulders and arms from atmospheric changes, to eat less sweetmeats and unhealthy food and allow herself plenty of breathing space. The health of the society woman must be of as much Importance as that of the obscure working girl, and it would be a glorious work to give the nation strong, healthy, cultured women who can converse on other subjects than their personal ailments. Or, if the dress of the society woman does not commend itself to the council, let it take up the matter which every mother must have close at heart, the cigarette habit, which is killing off scores of boys and is now becoming far too prevalent among girls. In fact there are many things which are more worthy of reform than the costume of the business woman, who is always enough interested in her health to drew sensibly. THE PARKER AXD M'AFEE DECISION The decision in the Parker and McAfee case is a very unfortunate thing so far as the results in the case are concerned, and so far as the effect on the lawless element in this community is concerned. Of course the defendants are entitled to a fair and impartial trial under the law, and no doubt the supreme court decided exactly what, it understands to be the law, but the decision can hardly fail to strengthen the common opinion that our criminal law has become so strained in the line of protecting the innocent that much of its original purpose of conviction of the guilty has be-n lost. We do not say that the court is at fault in this, but we do say that the law as administered is so lax that the country is filling up with professional criminals who have managed to escape just punishment through the many avenues which the law seems to have provided for them, and a very large amount of this law is court-made law. It is evident that the time is rapidly approaching in this country when some radical reforms will have to be made in the system of criminal procedure in order to assure the attainment uf justice to criminals. There is one point in this decision as to which we think many lawyers will not agree with the court, and that is its decision that the declaration or exclamation of Eyster to his wife immediately after the shooting was not a part of the res gestae, or, in common phraseology, the event. The court states the faots as to this as follows: Mrs. Eyster testified that she and her husband lodged upstairs over the store in which Eyster was shot; that she went upstairs to prepare the bed for the purpose of retiring, leaving the appellants and her hurband in the store. Soon afterward she heard the report of a revolver, which seemed to le immediately under where she stood; that she ran down th hall toward the stairway leading to the rooms above the store, anil when about midway of the hail her husband fell into her arms and exclaimed, "My Hod. Mai. la, I am shot;" that she dragged him to the bed and that he said those two colored, fellows shot him. (She gave her husband's words.) The prosecution then prorunled to the witness the following question: "To refresh your recollection. I will ask you if he didn't say this: 'Tho colored fellows that were in there when you were there are the ones that shot me.' "Those are the words he used." The court holds that this statement of the murdered man was "a mere narrative of a past event," and therefore should have ben excluded on the trial. Why it should so hold is difficult to understand. A "narrative" of an occurrence of this sort is excluded on the theory that the party may concoct a story or misrepresent the facts. The words used in the progress of the event are admitted as a part of the event. When did the cent end? Did it end when the bullet of the assassin reached its lodging place? Did not the attempt of Eyster to escape from the room constitute a part of the event? Was not his falling into his wife's arms a part of the event? Was not her dragging him to the bed a part of the event? To a layman it would seem that when a man is murdered the event might reasonably be considered to be In progress until he falls, and certainly the courts have gone much farther han this in many cases in determining what was a part of the res gestae. If this is the law it ought not be, and no case could show the injustice of it more strongly than this one. Two assassins enter a man's place of business. They wait till his wife leaves the room and he is left aione. Then they shoot him in cold blood. He runs out of the room, falls into her arms and says to her that the men who wore in the store when she was have shot him. Men do not indulge in "narrative" on such occasions. The victim was stricken with death. A bullet waa lodged in his vitals. His life blood was ebbing away. He was overcome with horror and pain. What could be more natural than his brief statement to his terrified wife as to how this sudden blow had fallen? What could be more natural than the mere exclamation of the fact as a result of his bodily and mental condition? It is a mater of universal experience that men do make such exclamations very commonly when thus unexpectedly stricken. There was a case at Sullivan only a few days ago where a. similar exclamation was made. Possibly there was thirty seconds difference of time between the two exclamations and the respective bullet wounds' that produced them. The exclusion of such statements Is very dangerous Taw for the community. In this case it takes away the chief means of identifying the murderer, and it seems reasonable to expect that It will have the same effect In hundreds of other assassinations. We submit that as a matter of common sense, independent of any question of law, this Is a

fact which ought to be before the tribunal which decides the case. It is a fact which may be material not only in convicting the guilty but also protecting some Innocent person who might be accused of the crime. It is a fact which any sane man would act upon. It is a fact which would weigh heavily with any intelligent man in making his opinion of the case, and it ought to weigh heavily. If thi3 is the law in Indiana the legislature should enact that the narratives of an assassinated man related prior to his losing consciousness should go to the jury, with privilege to the accused to show motive or opportunity for misrepresentation. 0K EFFECT OP CAPITAL PIMSHMEXT. When will the world learn that the death penalty is one of the greatest stumbling blocks in the path of justice? That it oftener than almost all other causes put together saves the guilty murderer from punishment for his crime? The vast majority of lawyers, in criminal practice, recognize this peculiar operation of the death penalty, and nearly all of them take advantage of it. In many ways the death penalty proves the murderer's best weapon of defense. The wise lawyer realizes that no man will, willingly, become responsible, even in part, for the taking of human life. In speaking for his client, the murderer, he dwells long and solemnly upon this awful responsibility resting upon the juror. He warns him of the nights of terror and the days of anguish that will come to him if, after voting to take a human life, he should learn that he had made a mistake. Then, again, he appeals to the juror not to stamp the innocent family of the murderer with the brand of Cain and in most cases the result is an acquittal. It may be said, in reply, that the juror may, in most states of the union, find the defendant guilty of a lesser degree of murder than the first,- or may fix the punishment at imprisonment instead of death. That is true. But the prosecution has steadfastly pleaded for the full penalty, and the defense has very wisely insisted that its client is either absolutely guilty or entirely innocent; and the juror's mind has been so wrought upon that he can see but the one alternativethe death penalty or acquittal. In another way the death penalty aid3 the murderer. Once he is sentenced he becomes a subject of public Interest. If there be the slightest doubt as to his guilt as is always the case where a conviction on evidence wholly or in part circumstantial all the doubters are aroused to activity that a possibly innocent man be put to ignominious death. Lawyers who realize that to save a condemned man's neck is a goodly advertisement, volunteer their services, and all these elements combining their united zeal all too often results in the complete undoing of justice. A prison sentence, even for life, is quite another thing. Jurors do not experience the same uncanny qualms in fixing it and judges do not tremble as they pronounce it. The condemned man does not become a sort of hero. He goes at once to the penitentiary to begin his task. There is no waste of sentiment upon him; lawyers do not tumble over each other in his behalf; the community feels that justice has been done and does not shudder at the penalty, which it, through its agents, has inflicted. Today there are thousands of murderers abroad in the land who would be grinding out their lives within the walls of the penitentiary if the death penalty had not saved them. Were it not for the death penalty there would not be such a tendency on the part of the Juries to magnify the faintest suspicion of innocence into a "reasonable .doubt" of guilt; higher courts would not so tensely strain the law to give convicted men another chance. There are many reasons why the death penalty should be abolished. It Is ineffective as a preventive of crime; it nrnkes men brutal by familiarizing and legalizing bloodshed; it cheapens human life; but. worst of all, it is a potent factor in saving the guilty from Justice. THE YOICH OK THE PEOPLE. The people's party of Indiana has met In state convention and enunciated an important truth. It says: Th prse-nt condition of the country, as reported by the press and felt by all the people, showing over three millions of men out of employment and dependent upon soup houses and general charity for subsistence, with no prospect for relief, has been brought about by vicious legislation. That Is eminently correct. We do not have personal knowledgeas to the number of men out of employment, but Mr, Gompers said several days ago that there were 3,000,000 of them, and we presume he knows. There is something peculiar about that number. According to the census there are in this country" 16,900,000 adult males, and therefore one man in every five or six is out of work at present and dependent on soup houses and charity for support. It is a rather large estimate, but probably these gentlemen who have investigated the matter know what they are talking about Another peculiar thing about this is the steadiness of the number. In 1SS9, about three weeks after Mr. Harrison's inauguration, there was a meeting in New York of the republican business men's association, at which Mr. A. L. Bowen offered a resolution reciting that "there are at least 3,0-30,000 men idle in the United States; 50,000 tramps are roaming around loose, and the want of work Is a menace to our government." As there has been no 'increase In the number since Mr. Harrison's inauguration It is certain that the present administration is not responsible for the situation, and that the "vicious legislation" which produced this unfortunate result was something prior to the present year. In fact, the populists admit this In their declaration of principles. They do not say anything about the repeal of the Sherman law, and presumably they were as thoroughly dtoguwt4 with that grsat

republican financial scheme as were the rest of the people. Neither do they attribute the present condition to any claim over the prospect of tariff revision. They have not a word to say on that subject. Their notion of the disease is that it Is purely financial In character, and they have for it just one remedy, which, like Higginbottom's liver pills, is declared to be sufficient to cure any and all disorders of the body politic, and it may incidentally be mentioned that it is the same remedy that has been offered under the same label by the same parties for some years past. It is this: That we favor the free and unlimited coinage of silver equally with gold at the ratio of 18 to 1, as it existed prior to 1S73. That we oppose the issue of government bonds to supply the treasury with gold, or for any other purpose. That national bank notes be retired and that ful legal tender government paper be substituted. That it be made standard money and a full lgal tender in payment of all debts, and in sufficient quantities for the business wants of the country, to relieve the financial depression and revive prosperity. We regret that the state convention did not go far enough in its declaration to reach the difficulty. It is obvious that the existing distress cannot be relieved unless the money is put into the hands of the people who need it. The committee ought to have decided how much money was needed say $100 per capita and provided that the bills should be printed and delivered to the people without any further fol-de-rol. If you want to get money into the hands of the people the way to do it is to put it there. There is an abundance of money in the banks more than they know what to do with but the people cannot get it out. If the people's party wants the support of the impecunious it must provide some way of getting money, and not merely a mode of printing it. THE Wool, G ATHER Ell?. The alleged Indiana wool-growers huve had their usual session and the wild and woolly Mount has made his customary howl about the ruin of the farmer by free wool. It is the same old thing that has been repeated from year to year for the last decade, and although these people have seen the continuous failure of their policy they still hang to it for political purposes. Mr. Mount's speech was a tissue of misrepresentation and evasion. He says that Mr. Cleveland admitted in his message of 1S87 that a removal of the duty on wool would reduce Its pri?e. He did nothing of the kind. He said that a removal of the duty could not possibly reduce the price more than the amount of the duty, and that if it did that it would amount to nothing to the ordinary sheci-owner, who does not raise sheep for wool. He represents that Australia has developed a wonderfully prosperous sheep industry by protective and paternal methods, whereas, in fact, the sheep industry in Australia is absolutely prostrate today, and the values of all the investments have fallen off one-half. In regard to the effects of the tariff he evades the price of wool entirely, and he evades entirely the question of location of Hocks in this country. He talks about an increase of sheep in the United States, but carefully abstains from considering the increase of sheep in Indiana. He talks about sheep-growing receiving "a new impetus" under the McKinley bill, and according to his own figures the number of sheep was increasing V,'t per cent, annually before it passed and has been only 2Vs per cent, since. As to price we commend to Mr. Mount and his colleagues the following proposition of a correspondent of the New York Weekly Witness: An examination of the prices of wool at Boston, the controlling market of the United States, will show that the best average prices were obtained when wool was practically free of duty. Previous to 1857 there was a tariff of 30 per cent., but the tariff act of that year admitted the fine words of South America, Australia and the Cape of Good Hope free. Virtually the act of 157 put wool on the free list, ajid it there remained until after the war. In 1856 wool brought 60 cents a pound In the Boston market, and after duties were removed the price ranged as follows: 1S57 fiO cents. 1S63 70 cents. 1858 55 cents. WA 75 ctmts. 1859 60 cents. 18"5 75 cents. 1850 60 cents. 1866 60 cents. lst'd 47 cents. 1SG7 61 cents. 1X62 57 cents. These were the best years ever known in the United States, and wool was then virtually on the free list. In 18C7, when wool commanded 61 cents a pound, congress determined to "protect" the woolgrowers, and imposed a duty ranging on different grades of flo-ce from 50 to 60 per cent., with the following results: ISfiS 43 cents. 1S76 33 cents. 18t',9 40 cents. 1S77 33 cents. 1870 S7 cents. 173 31 cents. 1S71 43 cents. 1S79 30 cents. 1872 B0 cents. 18S0 30 cents. 1S73 41 cents. 29 cents. 174 40 cents. 1SS2 25 cents. 1876 39 cents. 1SS3 25 cents. In 1S83, when wool, after fifteen years of high protection, had reached the lowest price in forty years, congress, at that time republican in both branches, and with a republican president, determined to try a different policy, and reduced the tariff from 1 to 2 cents per pound, according to deoee. What was the result? The Boston market showed the following changes: 1V3 23 cents. 32 cents. 1884 2 cents. 1S87 32 cents. 18S5 27 cents. Under our high McKinley tariff today, wool is 18 cents per pound. For twenty years farmers have been raising sheep to supply the butchers. Why will the sheep-raiser kick on free wool? Please explain. We assure these parties that the results shown in thi3 article actually occurred, and that they have always occurred in this country under similar circumstances. Whenever the wool tariff has been reduced the price of American wool has advanced. Whenever the wool tariff has been advanced the price of American wool has been reduced. Why do not some of these sheep protectors explain to the country the advantage of their system in the price of wool?

A nilXED ixnrsTitY. We had anticipated that numerous Industries would expect to be ruined by the Wilson bill, but not that the readymade clothing industry was one of them. For years America has led the world in "hand-me-downs," and the tariff never seemed to make a particle of difference in our supremacy. In fact the manufacturers never appeared before a tariff committee to ask for any protection, un

til the McKinley committee invited the country to appear and be protected, and then Mr. Isaac N. Heidelberg appeared, at page 231. and told the statesmen that ready-made clothing was suffering, and the generous committee gave him an advance, ranging from S to 10 cents per pound and 10 per cent, ad valorem over the woolen cloth rates. The cruel Wilson bill reduces this advance to a beggarly 5 per cent, ad valorem. Now there is a howl, and the evil effects to the American workingman are thus set forth: Take the material for an ordinary cheap cloak, containing say, just for example, a dollar's worth of foreign goods at their European price, bring it here, pay 40 per cent duty and 10 cents cost of packing, freight, custom house charges, etc., thus making $1.50. Then add the cost of doing business of the New York distributor and his profit, which together I will estimate at about 10 per cent, on the $1.50. and the dollar's worth of material will cost the American manufacturer $1.65. The cloak itself will cost the American cloak manufacturer $1.65 plus his cost of cutting and making up, taking it for granted that thi.t dollar's worth of material covered all of the cost of the material used in the garment. Now the European manufacturer of cloaks or clothing, who comes in contact with the manufacturer of his material

direct will pay $1 for his material and 4a per cent, duty and the 10 oents expenses for packing, freight and custom house charges, and he can bring in the ready-made garment here for $1.53, plus the cost of cutting and making up and 45 per cent duty on his cost of making up and cutting the garme-nt. You will, therefore, see that the American manufacturer is 10 cents poorer off per garment, such as described, before he begins to cut and make the same, than his European compet'tor. He has then a protects duty of 43 per cent, on the coet of cutting and making up the garment. The cost of making, after this 10 per cent, is lost, is figured out as follows if made in the United States: Material $1 00 Duty 40 per cent 40 Cutting, making and expenses on American basis 1 35 Freight, packing, custom house charges 10 Now York material distributor's expenses and profits 13 Total $3 00 If made in Europe Material $1 00 Cutting, making and manufacturing on European basis 45 Duty, 45 per cent, on $1.43 654 Freight, packing, custom house charges 10 Total $2 20U This is a serious matter, and it must be correct, because it is calculated to one-fourth of a cent per cloak. Why should Mr. Heidelberg and his friends, who have been selling cloaks of imported English cloth for $3 each, or thereabouts, be subjected to this ruinous competition? They need not be. Let them call forth their patriotism and quit making cloaks of imported cloth. Let them use American cloth. It is degrading to our people to wear these Imported 52.20', cloaks, and It is equally degrading to wear threedollar cloaks of imported cloth. Let us be Americans. We might question the difference in wages mentioned, but it will be unecessary if the patriotic remedy suggested is adopted. Certainly American wages in ready-made clothing cannot be reduced below the present sweating-house level, unless, indeed, the sewing women should pay for their privilege of making them. We cut them out by machinery and make them by machinery very largely. And, by the way, it may be mentioned in this connection, that about the only manufacture of wool we export is ready-made clothing. Our exports of this in 1892 were three times as great a3 the exports of carpets, flannels, blankets and all other woolen manufactures combined, and amounted to more than a quarter of a million of dollars. How did these victims of high-priced American labor manage to compete with foreigners abroad without any protection at all? A TRAITOR IX CAMP. It has long been a matter of wonder that any good democrat should subscribe for, purchase, read, or in any way encourage the publication of the Cincinnati Enquirer. It is more injurious to the party than any dozen republican papers in the country, because it constantly preaches republican doctrines to its readers, and constantly opposes everything that is decent and proper in the democratic party. At present the Enquirer ia engaged in opposing the passage of the Wilson bill, and opposing it In a way that must certainly arouse the indignation of every democrat who believes that his party is a party of principle, and that it has the honesty and intelligence to carry out the principles which it has advocated before the people. It begins by asserting that the repeal of the Sherman law was a hasty and unconsidered action; that "if that change has had any effect on affairs it has been to make the panic woise and longer." Having delivered this ridiculous statement, it follows with this: Now there is a proposition to push through another radical change. Nobody, be he free-trader, protectionist or tariff reformer, can deny that the system of protection is completely interlaced with the business and business methods of the country. If the system is to be changed, so radical a chance as that proposed in the Wilson b'll ! should only be made when money is j plenty, Business dhsk anu me uniteu States treasury full and everybody contented and happy. The Wilson bill must be radically modified or its enactment will bring additional disaster. If one should read this in a republican paper, or the organ of one of the great protected monopolies of the country, he would not think strange of it And, indeed, no one who is at all familiar with the course of the Enquirer will think it strange to find it in the editorial columns of that paper, but it is aggravating to find such a paper masquerading In demor cratic clothing. If it wants to publish such rot why does it not come out openly and say that it is doing all it can for the republican party? Why does it not tell its readers that it wants to fasten on them forever the grasp of tha tariff beneficiaries? Why does it not admit that it has no sympathy with nor feeling for the tax-burdened masses of the people, but is heart and soul with the band of tariff-conspirators who have bought the republican party and. paid

for it in a dozen political eompalgns? If democracy means anything at this time it moans tariff reform, and it means tariff reform speedily. There is nothing hasty in the step. The question has been thoroughly discussed for ten years, in every phase that it can present It is more thoroughly understood than any question that has been acted upon by congress in that period. To call the Wilson bill radical is downright falsehood. It is a thoroughly conservative measure. Its fault, if any, is that it is too conservative. It is needed now to stop the business depression produced by republican legislation. It Is important beyond all things that the tariff question be settled and the business of the country be given the impetus of reduced burdens. There is an abundance of money in the country. It is a drug on the market. Business awaits only the stimulus of reduced taxes to resume its former activity. To halt or to turn now would be not only an act of political cowardice, from which the democratic party could never recover, but it would be the most serious injury that could be inflicted on the country. The country wants tarifT reform, and the people know it. Who defends the existing system? The republican party alone dares to champion it. Not only the democratic party, but also the prohibitionist and people's parties have condemned it in the most unsparing terms, end have demanded immediate and radical reform. Not only this, but it is a well known fact that thousands who are held under the republican banner by other considerations are thoroughly disgusted with the tariff policy of that party. It is notorious that the great gains of the democratic party in recent years have been due to Its advocacy of tariff reform. It 1 notorious that the tremendous losses of the republicans in the West were due to the McKinley outrage. It is folly, stupidity and treason for a paper that calls itself democratic to oppose tariff reform when the goal is within reach, ami democrats who believe in democracy ought to make that fact understood.

Mr. A. H. Saxton, a hardware man, does not think that industry will be injured by the Wilson bill, and challenges anyone to point out an article that wlil be injuriously affected by the provisions of the bill. In an article in Hardware, the trade journal, he says that under the old tariff law, before the M"Kinley law was passed, S5'. per cent, of all the hardware used in the country was of domestic make. He further says: "I have carefully gone over the hardware Items affected by the Wilson bill, and, outside of affecting combinations and trusts to some extent, by which enormous profits are made, I challenge any one to make any satisfactory exhibit of any class of goods now made in this country and sold by hardware merchants, the manufacture of which cannot be prosecuted with a fair, legitimate profit." We trust that some protectionist hardware man will undertake to answer the challenge. Facts talk. The American people are tired of protection bluffing. The esteemed Journal declares that "Free trade papers are keeping mighty quiet these times. The thunder all around the sky seems to have scared them." Well! If any free trades paper is maintaining half as much silence as the Journal is showing on the subject of export prices of agricultural implements we would like to know its name. What in thunder has scared the Journal? Why has it dropped the agricultural implement quertion so suddenly? Why does it not answer our simple and easy question? All we want to know is, if, as the Journal claims, manufacturers that have to be protected in this country against foreign competition, sell their goods in foreign markets at the same prices they sell them at here, how do they manage to do it? If the Journal cannot answer this question it ought to say so, and give its republican contemporaries a chance. We cannot wait on it much longer. Our esteemed religious contemporary, the Ram's Horn, Indulges in a rather fierce attack upon the charity ball as an institution. This is a mistake. We will concede that the charity ball doesn't do much good; that the money spent in costumes and music and flowers might better be devoted to charity than to be thus frivolously spent, and the net proceeds which are all too often nothing at all be applied to the relief of distress. But the esteemed Horn should remember that if it wasn't for these balls none of the money would be given to charity, for the people who give in this way would, as a rule, give in no other. Then the money spent on accessories is put in circulation and much of it gets into hands which are needy, or will put it into those which are. So, after all, the charity ball may not be wholly condemned. It may not be the most useful thing in the world, but it does some good. Governor Lcwelling declares that no armistic has been arranged between him and Mrs. Lease. Governor Lewelling is fast acquiring an enviable reputation for bravery. Already business Is reviving. There is every reason to believe that 1S94 will be a most prosperous year. Awarded Highest

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ET CETERA.

When a real estate agent begins to pa down hill he loses ground very fastTexas Siftings. M. Paderewski is, according to a Lon don paper, completely fascinated with the game of billiards. Mrs. Gladstone owns property at Niagara Falls. Canada throe acres of land worth about 1,000 an acre. Starter "I met a man this mornins; who said 1 looked like you." Smartly "Tell m- who lie is, and I'll go and knock him down." Starter "I did that myself." Tit-Bits. Dr. Emde? "Your trouble, my dear madam, seems to be with the liver." Mrs. Slimditt "I don't see how that can be; the b.arders don't complain, and I never eat it." Brooklyn Life. First Tramp "These Fifth-ave. people are very unreasonable with us." Second Tramp "Yes; never give money, and lecture you for b-ing dirty." First Tramp "And yet. wh'-n I rang and akod f or a bath only, I was refused." Lif. Mark Twain is turning cynic, in his old ae-. "Whoever has li-.d long enough io find jt what. he says. knows how deep a d bt of gratitude we owe to Adam, th first great benefactor of our race. II"' brought death i:.to the world." l'rof. Tyndall was r-xtremely sensitive in his latter years cn the subjeot of his health, and carefully hid his ailments from his nearest relatives. One of the best traits in Prof. Tyndall's character is little known. He was one of th" most charitable nun in the world. Miss Hlen Nicolay, daughter of the Li.ieoln biographer, 's o:, of the cleverest of amateur artists, and her delicata little landscapes ar always well hung and hon.. red at picture e.xh:l itlons. Miss Nk-oiay is also an invaluable assistant to her father, ar.d h-lpi 1 wi'h the seven tini.s read proufs of the Lincoln biography. Charlotte M. Yonge, the novelist haa a pretty home in Hampshire, England. Her house lies at the foot of the most dangerous hills on th road :rom Suuthampu n to Winchester. The schoolhouses immediately opposite hr doors w-re b;:ilt from the proceeds of "Th3 Heir of lte-delyffe," and many sums are spfnt in unostentatious charity. Miss Oy Yoke, a young woman of Chinatown, San Francis o. is trying to :b!am a nvdieal education. For three years she has been supporting herself by nursing the sick among hr own peorle. S;o- has made implication at soma of the 'i Francisco hospitals, but the otlvfc- no'-ses have raised objections, and i o prevent trouble the directors have I.c:-n obliged b bar out the younj Chinese girl. Oy Yoke was sold to highbinders by her parents when a baby and brought to this country. While still a baby she was taken charge of by the Methodist mission. The Journeys of the emperor of Germany cost him a great deal of money. According to an article recently published in a German paper, over 800,000 marks, or ?200.0o0, were spent on the trip to Itaiy and Austria undertaken soon after he ascended the throne. A heavy trunk, in charge of a privy councillor on that occasion, contained eighty diamond rings, 150 deraticrs, many of them jewelled; fifty scarf pins, thirty necklaces, with diamond pendants; six handsome sabres, three large photographs of the emperor and his family, framed in gold; thirty gold watches and 100 gold elgar-hol d rs. with diamond ornaments. The emjieror pays his own expenses when traveling on German railways. Coal (inn and the YanUhing; Foreats. The scientists are devoting much attention to the widespread theory that the earth's atmosphere is becotr.irg seriouly affected by the enormous quantity I ef coal that is converted into carbonic acid gaa the natural enemy of human beings. Along with this pojpon gas which ia being generated in a thousand smoky cities and througa all sources all over the world, comes the steady cutting down of forests, the leave of which are the natural absorbents of the prisonous gas. Gen. Wistar, who is said to be the highest .authority in the matter. Is ro deeply interested in the subject that he is makiiig great efforts to call the attention of the scientific world to it, and he ielieves that the growing bronchial trouHles and epidemics like the grip aJl ocer the world have an ultimate connection with it. How much the present enormous generation of carbonic acid gas can effect the whole body of the atmosphere science will ascertain Just as soon as it applies its If to the problem in earnest. At all events the great efforts now being made to preserve the forests are worthy of every encouragement. The pl.mUiig )" trees in cities, the development of extensive and well-wooded rark systems, the planting of large groves of timber in the vicinity of towns and cities, are alt calculated to assist In "Jr absorption of the superabundance of carbonic acid pas with which, according to the scientists, our atmosphere is b coming dangerously overcharged. Min neailis Times. A Liberal Donntion. Sunday School Teacher "The superintendent suid he wanted all the children to earn the money they brought this Sunday. Did you earn all this?" Boy "Yes'm." "All bv yourself?" "Yes'm." "That's lovely. How did you do It? "I went around to r.ll the neighbors and told them I wouldn't play any tricks on e-m next Ilailoweve if they'd, give me some money f. ,r the poor children." Street & Smith'.- Goiv.i News. Evolution of root-Hull Little Dot "Mamma, us girls is gettin up a foot-ball team." Mamma "Horrors'." Little Dot "Oh. we won't play it Kk the boys do. a-tuinblin Hrmud like pu pies in a box no, indeed. We's only goin' to kick the ball. I suesp our sid will win, 'cause most of us knows the skirt dance." Street & Smith's Good News. I Cnre Dyspepsia, Constipation and Chronic Nervous diseases. Dr. Shoop's Restorative, the great Nerve Tonic, by a newly discovered principle, also cures stomach, liver and kidney diseases, through the nerves that govern these organs. Book and samples fre for 2c stamp. DR. SllOOP. Box X. Bacine, Wis. Honors World's Fair. KUH a u c