Indiana State Sentinel, Indianapolis, Marion County, 4 May 1892 — Page 4

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TIIE INDIANA STATE SENTINEL, WEDNESDAY MORNING, MAY 4, 1892-TWELYE PAGES.

INDIANA STATE SENTINEL 'm THE INDIANAPOLIS SENTINEL CO. S. E. MORSS. President.

IEntcrtd at the FosUffice at Indianapolis u second class matter. I TEIOIS I'EK YEARi Ein fie eopv (Invariably in AdTane.). ....1 OO Wak democrats to lar in mind and eleet tlwir (WB state paper when they coma to taVo subscrlpticusand Biake tip clubs. Afmts making up clubs send for nv Information ' OwreU. .Addess TUE LNI1A ArOLJS SKNTISEL , Indianapolis. Ind. WEDNESDAY. MAY 4. 1802. TWELVE PAGES. THE ENCYCLOPAEDIA BRITANNICA. ' INDIANAPOLIS SSNTIXEL COMPARY: We received the Kncyclopicdia Britannic" all right, and are highly pleased with it. It is much more than I expected, and i certainly a very excellent work. Please accept our thanks. Tours respectfully, Lkster L. Allison. Malott Park, April 2. r To thi Editor Sir: Having heen in possession or the revised Encyclopacd ia Britannica about two weeks I am highly pleased with it. I marvel at the extreme low price that you furnish St at. Being a student 1 llnd it of great benefit to me in the solution of a great many perplexing questions. I believe lhat all young readers of "The Sentinel" should have it, and many thanks to you for having been the medium through which I have been made able Vo procure eo useful a book, which I bonsider the best investment that I ever made for so small an amount of money. William D. Park. The assertion has been frequently made, n the newspapers of Indiana and other )Utes, that Mr. Cleveland ran behind he democratic state ticket in Indiana in iSSS. This ia not true. Although Mr. Ilevkland was running against an Indiana man, in whose behalf "state pride" fras earnestly enlisted, and although the flemocratic candidate for governor was Dol. Matsox, a gallant and popular soldier and the recognized champion of the pensioners in congress, Mr. Cleveland received more votes in Indiana than did Ihe latter. The official figures are : Cleveland 261,013 llATSON 2tti,994 So much for the statement that Mr. Cleveland "ran behind his ticket" in Indiana ia 1SS3. t Now that a state ticket has been nominated which every democrat can heartily upport in ita entirety, the work of organisation should proceed with renewed vigor in every quarter. Two menths yet remain before the republican ticket will be cade up, and that is abundant time in which to get clubs organized in every county, city, town, village, township and precinct in the state. Every earnest believer in tariff reform should appoint himself a committee of one on organization and go to work. Democrats should not wait for their county committeemen to act, but should take up the work individually and organize clubs, so that the party may be in thorough fighting trim when the raw recruits of the enemy step into the field at Fort Wayne on the 2Sth of June. The battle will be half won if the party ia thoroughly organized into clubs by the time the republican ticket is placed in the field. , There is no sense in the democratic party going East for a presidential candi- j date unless it takes Cleveland. Cleveland is strong, not because he lives in Jfew York, but in spite of that fact. It is what he is, and what he represents, that makes him the "logical candidate," and his residence in New York ia against him ratber than in his favor. If the conditions were not such as to make the rejection of Clxveland equivalent to a partial evasion of the great issue of the day the part of wisdom would obviously be to nominate a western man. In the very improbable event that the convention Juxns away from Cleveland, it will surely pick its candidate from the West, as it cught to do. The democratic party has aot named a candidate from the iVesteince 1SG0, and Stephen A. DocgXas was only the nominee of a faction. It ought not to name an eastern xan for some time to come, unlees overowering considerations of public policy ,mpel it to do so. The talk about Gorman, CSSELL, bLCKUM, FLOWER, WHITNEY, PaTrisoN et a)., in connection with the Chicago nomination, eaems to us a trifling with the situation. They are all good msu eome of them away above par but they are ineligible fcr the nomination because they live east of the Alieghenies. The only excuse for going to the region which has furnished all our candidatee tor a generation is to get a great Issue. In Mr. Cleveland we have one, and it is a winner. If the convention does not want a candidate who is in himself an issue, then geographical considerations should govern, and either Gray, or Palmer, or Boies, or Campbell or some other western statesman should be and we think will be chosen. The Chicago Herald seems to have a very bad taste in its mouth since it was sat down upon so effectually by the Illinois democratic convention at Springfield. The JIerald0"tte on dreadful," calls the democrats who made np the convention "an army of jackasses," and blackguards Col. Morrison, W. C. Gocdy and other eminent democrats of Illinois in scandalous fashion. The Herald, which has pretended to be for Palmer all along, but. which has really used his deserved popularity as a cover for its scheme to set up an anything-to-beat-Cleveland delegation from Illinois, even (alls to scolding the Illinois statesman like i fish-wife. It declares that "he wrote too much and he talked too much ;" that "in particular, he wrote and talked too much a favor of the ill-advised candidacy of Groves Cleveland," and says "he was taken at his word by his enemies, and his (riendi "d like sheep btfore his numerous epistles in behalf of the New York Impossibility." We are sorry for the Herald, but it ouf ht to know that however rich . and pnrse-proud and arrogant a newspaper may be, it xaust keep in touch with the people or it cannot assume to lead them. The Herald used to be a pretty good democratic newspaper, but prosperity appears to have spoiled it, and for the last year or so its sole political mission seems to have been to play the marplot in the democratic putj. When Gorernoi Fee made

his magnificent canvass in Wisconsin the Herald fought him at every step. For weeks it has been viciously assailing Judge Altgeld, who was nominated by the Illinois democrats for governor the other day by such a handsome majority. It has been misrepresenting the democratic sentiment of Illinois which, as in Indiana, is overwhelmingly for Cleveland, and the democratic convention responded by electing a Cleveland delegation on a Cleveland platform. The Herald doesn't seem to have much more influence with the democrats of Illinois than its prototype, the Cincinnati Enquirer, has with the Ohio democrats. The Tax Law a Success. The Journal prints another communication on the tax law from Mr. V. II. Lockwood, which is the first it has ventured since that gentleman demonstrated in its columns that the tariff is a tax, paid by the consumer. Mr. Lockwooi appears to have undergone a change of heart. When he first appeared on the scene, fresh from Michigan, where a law for the exemption of mortgaged land from taxation had recently been passed for the benefit of the farmer, his sole idea of tax reform was the exemption of mortgages. Since the supreme court of Michigan has decided that it is valid for the farmer to agree to pay all taxes assessed against the mortgage, in addition to interest, insurance and other charges, and inasmuch as all money-lenders require this agreement, it has become painfully apparent that the Michigan law merely exempts money-lenders, while the farmer not only pays all he did before, but also must pay more because the total value of taxable property has been reduced by the total amount of mortgages on record. Mr. Lockwood has now prudently dropped his mortgage exemption scheme and eeeks new worlds to conquer. His last effort is an attempt to demonstrate that the increase of revenues tor state .purposes does not fall on corporations, and .his method is a statement of the increased state taxes paid by other property. But he conveniently ignores the fact that about eight-ninths of the taxes paid in Indiana (aside from taxes for national purposes) are local taxes, and that every dollar of increase of state taxes from corporations means an increaso of eight dollars of local taxes from them, and where local officials have not increased local taxes, the amount paid on the property of individuals is decreased to the extent that the amount paid by corporations is increased. If the farmer, or any other citizen, pays a dollar more of state taxes with his right hand and a dollar less of lacal taxes with his left hand he is not injured, and the increase of state taxes really fails on the corporations, as the democratic platform 6tates. That is precisely the effect intended to be produced by the new tax law, and it is what has been actually produced, with a few exceptions, where local oiliqers have done their duty. Taking the entire ttate, the increase of taxes of corporations does equal the entire increase for state purposes, and thereby it is demonstrated that the new tax law is correct in principle. Mr. Lx KwiKiD also displays a convenient ignorance of the action of republican local officials, which he might easily remedy by inspecting the official returns on file in tho office of the auditor of 6tate.

By doing eo he will learn that while the new tax law called on forty-six republican counties for $G0f,755.13 of increased state taxes the local officials made a total increase of $1,SG5,030.$4 that is to say, they increased local taxes $l,255,2t3.71. The uniform character of this action in these counties ehows that it was done intentionally, and further proof of this infamous conspiracy is found in the fact that the republican officials of those counties unite with Mr. Lock wood in the cry: "A tax receipt will be very convincing evidence." That is what they contemplated from the first. These conspirators said among themselves, We will increase local taxes and blame the result on the tax law. We will unite in the cry, "Democracy is a tax; if you do not believe it, look at your tax receipt." For example. Fountain county is asked for $13,4$y.34 of increased state taxes, and the local officials make a total increase of $32,25.14; the increase of railroad taxes in this county is l6,515.f."5. In Jav county the state increase is $3,SsO.S, the total increase $13,424.02, the increase on railroads $11,507.90. In Lake county the state increase is $2S,97G.OO, the total increase $134,075.8, the increase on railroads $30,974.3-"). In Rush county the state increase is $14,922.21, the total increase $17,102, the increase on railoads $17,653.99. In Wayne county the state increase is $18,774.35, the total increase $68,340.17, the increase on railroads $22,602.24. Who increased the taxes in these counties? What does tho tax receipt prove? Is any tax-payer so stupid that he cannot see? The now law provided a method for securing increased revenue from corporations, and local republican officials sought to discredit it by a wanton increase of local taxes. The method provided by tho new law was equal appraisement of all property at true cash value. This method is assailed by Mr. Lockwood, and ho makes the following astounding statement as to the old system : During all these years the county and state boards of equalization have been trimming down the assessments which were too large and increasing those that were too small, working each year with the former year's work as a basis, so that it it believed a more equal and just assessment could not be made than the one in 1S00. Who believes any such thing? We would like to see some person of common intelligence who believes it was just to appraise one lone railroad at more than the actual market value of its stock and bonds, and appraise others at all sorts of rates, down to one-tenth of their actual market value. Mr. Lock wood cannot cite a single authority, from the various tax commissions and students of taxation Mho have examined the question of assessment, that will support his statements. They all agree that when the basis of true valuation is abandoned equality of taxation is lost; that any other system favors the rich as against the poor, the corporation as against the individual; and that the evils grow worse from year to year. This inequality was notorious In Indiana both as between localities and as between individuals. The changes made under the new assessment prove it. In Marion county, for example, it has been shown by

actual examination that 549 tax-payers own half the property in the county and that their appraisements have been increased on an average 75 per cent, while the remaining property, owned by over 35.000 tax-payers, has had an increase of only 55 per cent, in appraisement. But there is no such increase in taxes. The total taxes levied in Marion county are $40,096.10 more than last year, but' as the railroads in this county pay $05,344.02 more than last year, other property pays $55,247.92 less than last year. That is to say, any increase of individual taxes in Marion county is due to equalization only, and means that tho same amount is taken off the taxes of other people who had unjustly been burdened with it in the past. The democratic party is not afraid to do justice. It is not afraid to compel the rich and powerful to pay their just share of taxes. It has accomplished that result by this law, and it glories in its achievement.

Tariff Reform First. The London J-Jconomitt of April 2, in a review of prices, finds a general decline in most commodities during the first quarter of the present year. The range of British prices on Jan. 1 was 21 per cent, lower than in I860, and the decline in the three months following brings the range within about 2 per cent, of the lowest range of prices ever recorded. Among the commodities notably reduced are pig; iron, cotton, yarn, silk, hemp, wheat, barley, beef, potatoes, sugar, tea and petroleum. This decline of prices is one of great significance, and one that has an important bearing on the financial policy of this conntry, when it is remembered that all of western Europe, which largely controls the prices of the world, is now practically using the single gold standard in coinage, and this country is doing the same thing under the present silver law which treats silver merely as a commodity. The meaning of a general fall in the price of commodities is well stated by Prof. Taussig of Harvard university, who, with many other leading economists, occupies a conservative position on the coinage question. He says: In truth, both the bimetallists and their opponents seem to confuse the question when they speak of the appreciation of gold as causing lower prices. The appreciation of gold is the general fall in prices. The two are not related as cause and effect; they are simply two names for one and the same thing namely, a different rate of exchange between gold on the one hand and commodities in general on the other, by which the same amount of gold buys more commodities than before.When the general fail in prices is admitted, the case of the b'tnetallists as to the appreciation of gold is established once for all. With this truth in mind an examination of recorded statistics demonstrates that the so-called fluctuation of silver during its period of demonetization has been almost constantly a movement in accordance with the price of commodities in general. In other words, while silver has been a commodity it has maintained steadily the same relative va'ue to gold that all other commodities have, and that therefore tho Uuctuation has been in the gold and not in the silver. During the entire period, therefore, silver would have been much the more stable currency. This is shown conclusively by Prof. Soethkek's tables comparing the average annual prices of 114 commodities and the average annual price of silver during the period, as follows: Ar frage of Price Ter (Jnieral Ounce of S tvtr Prices. in Uold. 1571 127.01 $U26 1572 13.-..02 1.322 173 174 175 176 .... .... 1877 17$ 179 10. 11 1SS2 183 14 1." lrj 17 18$ , ISM 138.2S 13i.20 129.85 128.33 127.70 120.00 117.10 121.89 121.07 122.14 122.24 114.25 10. 72 103.'.9 102.20 101.13 106.13 108.13 1.2H.S 1.273 1.210 1.15 1.201 1.152 1.123 1.149 1.13$ 1.135 1.110 1.113 1.0 !5 .9'.'5 .97$ .939 .3." 1.040 These average prices are based on the annual average of 1847-50, which is made the standard at 100, the figures given showing the average increaso and decrease. In 1S47-50 the average price per ounce of silver, in gold, was $1.287. It will be observed from the tables that after the first sharp decline caused by demonetization, the variation in the price of silver has been almost constant with that of other commodities, and its present low price ia a continuation of the came condition. Tho second, and more important meaning of this decline in price of commodities, including silver, is that wo are largely instrumental in producing it by onr tariff laws. By making many of our duties prohibitory we have forced payment for our exports in things that are free from duty. Gold is not dutiable, and it is universally conceded that we should have had large imports of gold had it not been that many of our private and public securities were held abroad, and were returned to this country. These, it must be remembered, are merely credits, and are on the monometallic gold basis. This demand for gold and securities readily convertible into gold, necessarily causes a decline in the price of commodities. The principle is familiar to everyone. If in any community the demand for money is doubled, the interest rate increases and larger quantities of commodities are offered for sale to secure money. Markets become glutted and prices fall. And this condition is certain to grow worse, for as we exhaust our securities held abroad, and force the payment of the balance of trade in gold, prices will necessarily decrease until the condition of equilibrium is reached, or the current turned in the opposite direction. That is to say the more we export the less we will receive for our products, for, as we have seen, the decrease of prices and the appreciation of gold are one and the same thing. It is therefore necessary to maintain prices that the interchange of commodities should be resumed, and the restriction of our sales to money payment be abolished. Inasmuch as silver, under the present circumstances, follows the price of other commodities, and as the so-called fluctuation in the valuo of silver is the greatest practical obstacle to its full remonetizntion, free silver men should realize the fact that the procuring of tariff reform it a n xetsary prerequisite to the free coinag; eftilver. Under our system of government it is

necessary that a majority of the people in a majority of the states, or their representatives, should agree to a proposition before it can be adopted, and it is practically impossible to make the necessary number understand the situation while gold remains in its abnormally appreciated condition. The world has been so long accustomed to gold as a standard of value, and it is at present so absolutely the only standard of value, that it will require a return to more normal conditions before the meaning of freo coinage will be generally understood. Under existing circumstances tho price of silver will necessarily decline with the price of other commodities, and every step of its decline will be made an argument against its free use as money, which will have force with the unreflecting Therefore a free coinago advocate can do no greater service for his cause than to labor for tariff reform. When that is secured the greatest obstaclo to free coinage will disappear. Indiana Manufactures Under Free Trade. The Sentinel remarked a day or two ago that the manufacturing industries of Indiana "had their birth and their greatest development under trie democratic policy of free trade," and that "ten years of free trade would do for the manufactures of Indiana what a similar period of free trade did for them before, viz., double them." To which the Journal responds: To this preposterous statement we reply that in lsnj Indiana had, all told, 5,110 manufacturing establishments, which used $26,613.038 worth of raw material and turned out $41,840,434 worth of products. In 1880 she had 11.198 establishments, which used $100,262,917 worth of materials and turned out $148,(06,411 worth of products. The increase during twenty years of protection, from 1860 to 1880, was far greater than it had been ouring the entire period from the admission of the state" in 1816 to 1860, most of which was under democratic free trade or tariff for revenue only. The Journal pronounces The Sentinel's statement as to tho growth of the manufactures of Indiana under democratic free trade as "preposterous," but it does not attempt to disprove it. The statement was based upon tho official figures on pages 930 and 931 of the "Compendium of the Tenth Census," which have been frequently set forth in these columns. They 6how that under the Walker free trade tariff the capital invested in manufactures in Indiana, increased from $7,750,-

402 in 1S"0 to $18,451,121, an increase of 213 per cent.; that the amount paid in waiies increased from $ 5.728,841 to $6,318,3:;"), or nearly 100 per cent.; the value of materials used from $10,369,700 to 517,142,517, or about 275 per cent.; the value of output from $1725,423 to $42.M3, 160, or about 220 per cent. This is the way in which manufactures flourished in Indiana under the Walker free trade tariff, aud we had no natural gas either. From 1870 to 1SS0, under the highest tari'.l ever known before the McKinley abomination was spawned, the number of manufacturing institutions in Indiana actually declined. (The big fish swallowed tho little ones.) The capital invested increased only about 25 per cent., asasainst 240 per cent, between 1850 and 1860; the amount paid in wages only about 16 per cent., against nearly 100 per cent, iu the free trade decade ; the value of materials about 50 per cent., as compared with 275 per cent, from 1850 to 18t0; the product leBS than 40 per cent., as against 220 per cent, during the ten years 1850 to 1S60. The manufacturing industries of Indiana were literally born under free trade. They grew to maturity under free trade. They have everything to gain and nothing to lose from the abandonment of McKinleyism. All Indiana needs is a fair field and no favors to make her one of the greatest manufacturing communities on earth. Untax the raw materials of her manufacturers, open up the great markets of the world to her people, cease to bolster ud her competitors with protective tariffs, eo that she can have the full benefit of her extrordinary natural resources, and her manufacturing interests will show an expansion during the next ten years equal to that which was witne'seed between 1850 and 1S60. Unmasking the Batteries. The fire upon Geovek Cleveland is all coming from masked batteries; not a democratic opponent dares emerge from cover in any part of the country and make an open and above board antiCleveland fight. Senator Hill tried that in February, and the prompt response of the democratic masses of the country quickly convinced tho opponents of the ex-president's renomination that whatever thoy were to accomplish in future must be accomplished by trickery and sharp practice, from ambush in the darkness and not by open battle in the broad light of publicity. Since the democratic masses of the country rose as one man to resist the assault of David B. Hill and his Tammany cohorts not an anti-Cleveland man anywhere has dared to publicly declare himself. The February convention r.nd the once famous but now almost forgotten southern tour of New York's junior senator were carefully planned. It was then proposed to carry the Cleveland position by storrn ; to create a sudden landslide to "the man who redeemed New York." It was thought that the great mass of the democracy which is democratic for a principle, and a principle whose best representative is the ex-president could be carried off its feet by this wave of manufactured enthusiasm. At this time no other candidates than Cleveland or Hill were anywhere seriously talked of. "State pride" was an al most unheard of and wholly unconsidered quantity in the contest. But the great stalwart mass of the democracy met the wave of Hill senti ment without a tremor ; it struck harmless and was dashed into spray against the great rock of democratic principle, which stood unshaken as before. Then the opposition tactics changed. The anti-Cleveland men were soon found standing side by side with honest followers of lesser candidates and drowning the latter's voices with their "state pride" shouts. Everywhere attempts were made to use the candidates of the states as weapons against the candidato of the nation. Ho thoroughly did strictly anti-Cleveland men identify themselves with movements in behalf of various state candidates that it was often diffi cult to distinguish between them and hon est followers of local idols. But time idantißaa them, and all over

the country the sheep are gradually being separated from the goats in the public view. The action of the Illinois democratic convention yesterday proved a great assorter. In that 6tate the anti-Cleveland people had taken up Senator Palmer, an old and honored patriot, and, by raising the "state pride" cry, had sought to secure on anti-Cleveland delegation to the Chicago convention. In this they seem to have failed owing to the joint efforts of the genuine Palmer men and the admirers of Cleveland. By this means the objects of the conspirators thoe who merely desired tho advancement of Palmer in so far as it would 6erye to defeat Cleveland were defeated. The action of the conven

tion was strictly in accord with the wishes of Senator Palmer himself, as expressed in the following letter, to which he re ferred in his dispatches no later than Wednesday evening as squarely and un equivocally indicating his desires: I have steadily acted upon the idea that Mr. Cleveland is logically the proner can didate to be nominated, and I have no idea that my friends in Illinois will allow any appearance of antagonism in the stuto convention. They will have sufficient 6trenKth in the Btate convention to put the resolutions which will refer to Mr. Cleveland and to me in language that will satisfy them and that wiil noi ailow those opposed to me to place us in false position. The action ot the convention, being in etrict accordance with the wishes of Sena tor Palmer as aboveexpressed, has served to unmask the anti-Cleveland batteries in Illinois. Immediately after the New York convention, when the democracy of the land raised its voice in protest against the snap judgment of that body, and just as soon as it became apparent that Senator Hill's southern tour was to be a disastrous failure, the Chicago Herald, the leading western organof the spoils section of the democracy, began to rend the air with its frantic ehouts for Palmer. It has asserted that state pride should dictate his indorsement and has demanded, over the protests oi Mr. Palmer himself, that the delegagation be instructed for the senator. Dur ing the preliminary canpaign it has used a dozen arguments against Cleveland for every one in favor of Palmer. In every conceivable way it has shown that its aim was not the nomination of Palmer, but the defeat of Cleveland. But the Illinois democrats were too wide awake and too keeneighted to be led into the quagmire by the false lights of the "state pride" varietr. They had "state pride" of the right sort. They had a noble leader and they looked to him for advico. He gave it, as heretofore quoted, and they followed it to the letter. Naturally this makes the Herald mad. Its chiefest indignation is because five of the six dele-gates-at-large are friendly to Mr. Cleveland and because a majority of the district delegates are ot like sentiment. Iu brief, the Her ill is wroth because the purpose of the delegation is not what tho Jfcm'd wished it to be ostensibly the nomination of Palmer, but really the defeat of Cleveland. The Herald is now rapidly losing interest in Palmer, and will probably completely lose it when it reads what th3 senator hunseli has to say on subject. One by one the batteries are being unmasked. In Massachusetts the antiCleveland movement tried to work the "state pride" issue in behalf of Governor Kcssei.l, who promptly suppressed it; Governor Pattison put his foot on the movement to use him as a tool in Pennsylvania; Senator Palmer has effectually Bquelched the effort to misrepresent the Illinois democracy in the Chicago convention; Senator Gorman from Maryland says to Mr. Cleveland, "After you." It begins to look as if the Hill-Tammany combine will have to come out from its ambush and make its fight in the open field if that fight is to be made at all. Tammany and the Presidency. We reproduce elsewhere from the New York Evening Post some account of Tammany's performances at democratic national conventions in recent years. At the St. Louis convention, in 1876, a placard at John Kelly's headquarters proclaimed that Tilden could not carry New York, and a circular to the same effect was scattered broadcast bearing the names of such distinguished democrats as ex-Governor Hoffman, S. S. Cox, Acgcst Belmont, Augustus Schell, Erastus Brooks, Fernando Wood, Sanford E. Chuech, William C. Fargo, Erastus Corning and Horatio Seymour, jr. But the convention wisely ienored these demonstrations and nominated Mr. Tilden, and he carried New York by 33,000 majority. In 180 the national convention at Cincinnati was again warned by Tammany that Mr. Tilden could not carry New York, and that hia nomination would bo fatal to the party. This convention was made of different material than that of 1876. It permitted itseli to be bulldozed by Tammany. "Name any other democrat but Mr. Tilden," said Tammany, "and we will guarantee him the electoral vote of New York." The convention named Gen. Hancock, and John Kelly and John R. Fellows took the platform and pledged him New York, the latter fixing the majority at 50,000. Gen. Hancock lout New York by 21,0ft). In 1S84 Tammany told the national democracy that Mr. Cleveland, if nominated, would be beaten in New York. He was nominated and he carried the state over the most popular republican living, and against tremendous odds. In 18S8 Tammany acquiesced in Mr. Cleveland's nomination, and he was defeated in New York by methods which the country fully understands. The very best reason for believing that Mr. Cleveland can carry New York this year is that a few Tammany politicians say he can't. But the Tammany opposition to him is by no means so bitter as it was in 1884, or as it was to Mr. Tilden in 1876 and 1880. Such representative Tammany leaders as Richard Choker, Hugh Grant and Thomas Gilroy say that while Tammany prefers Senator Hill or Senator Gorman, it will give Mr. Cleveland a loyal and vigorous support if he is nominated. There is every reason to believe that he can poll a larger vote in New York than any other democrat who has been suggested for the nomination. Wli.ii TraTtlinj Whether on pleasure bent, or business, take on every trin a bottle of Svrup of I-'igs, as it acts most pleasantly and effect ively on the kidneys, liver and bowels, Jreventing fevers, headaches and other orms of sickness. For sale in fifty-cent and one-dollar bottles by all leading uruffffuta.

NO FEAR OF TAMMANY.

ITS RECORD IN PAST PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGNS. Ia 1876 Tatnmanr Said Tll1n Could Not Carry New York, but Uo Did-Io 1880 It Pl.dfed Now York to llaneook br CO.OOO and IIo Loit the ritato In 1884 It SKt Cleveland Would Lose Now Vuik if N uminolod and IIo Crrlod It. IN. Y. Evening Po.t, Feb. f!, i?2. As the contrary is being told a great deal just now about the seriousness of the Tammany-Hill opposition to the nomination of Mr. Cleveland this year for president, it i3 worth while to recall former instances of similar opposition in recent years. When Mr. Tilden was tha most prominent candidate in 187G, with a nearly 6olid New York state delegation behind him, John Kelly, as boss of Tammany hall, went to the St. Louis convention with a special train of 150 followers. He ODC-ned a headquarters and hung out a placard with this inscription: The city of New York, the hirgest democratic city in the Union, is uncompromisingly opposed to the nomination ot Samuel J. Tilden for the presidency, because he cannot carry the mate of 2ew York. As a final effort, after personally visiting all the other state delegations and arguing his case, Kelly distributed the following circular: As the friends of Governor Tilden from New York are industriously circulating a report among the delegates to the contention from other states that the opposition in the state of New York to his nomination emanates from parties either without personal character or having little political influence, it is proper that the facts should be laid before the deleKates aiseruMed, that they be enabled to judge in an intelligent and impartial manner of the truth of these statements, and shape their actions accordingly. The tollowiug partial and very incomplete list of prominent New York democrats who oppose Mr. Tilden's nomination, on the ground that he cannot carry his own state or the country, is the best answer to these Statement, anl is all the evidence it 19 deemed necessary to furnish, viz.: Augustus Scbe'I, j.Tames .-. Tbaver, John Kelly, I.Iu igo.T. il. ( lute, William K. Travers, it'. A. Walratb. Maj.-Cien. Henry, (SiUuey Vl't. r, August Belmont, l-l..sle Wolf, W. filocum, KUuor! P. Ko, Juilce (iilbert, H. O. Cbe;ebr, llomtio Seymour, 1r.t Lx-Auorney.-Gen. L B. Chaneollor.1. V. L. Truyn,' C haplin, Mr. Wheaton, j.upi. 1. O. Howell, Do WUt C. West, tuii. (teorge Ma.'ee, Kx-.tty.-ien. I'an Tratt, Th Messrs. Aruott, Eraftus Coming, .1. 15. Parsons, S Cox, M. C. I.uac Mo4'on;he, Fernando Wood, M. C., LMes Warren, Judge C'oms'OiJfc, jllof'ort H. Waterman, K'V-r A. l'ryor, -William Ii. Kit.crts, Ex-Gueruor HoS'man, K L. Ihvinely, Chief Justice Saaford E. Frederick in?th, Chiir'-h, .!uili;; Cbarlei Holmes, Justice Alien, Senator W. Lamont, J ustice Miiler, oi. ."-amiifl Nortb, I). C. Lilt e;ohn. Frank Abbott, I.U-Uot. A lieu C Peach, ;. W. Ml!i.nugh, Jude" Charles Louobue, John Kaokin, Wiiliaia C. Fargo, .1. t.?art Wells, Aui:ia J. 1'arlE, J. M NeNon, K. . lrn:i, s. L. May Lev, J. I). W'nilchonse, Sherburne J!. Piper, C harles J'. Walker, M. C. ( larks T. I'uryea, Erastui Brook, .hitc John 1. Jle.-il. and numerous other leading and rejrt-utr.tive denn cr i;.-. When the convention assembled Kellv endeavored to have this circular read to it, but was prevented. Mr. Tilden carried the Ftate of New York by :!i).0!)i democratic majority. In ISMJ.John Kelly vent to tho Cincinnati convention at the ntad of a Tammany delegation etronjjlv opposed to Mr. Tilden and in faor oi ( !en, Hancock as tho candidate. Mr. Tilden withdrew his name before the balloting betran, and Gen. liancocK was nominated. Alter the nomination John Kelly mounted the platform and made a epeeeh, in which he sp.id : Your chairman has told you that, by your action today iu nominating Gen. Hancock, you hare united the democracy of the state of New York, lie has told you truly. The treat state of New York cannot be carried unless there be united democracy in that state. Now, that e are united, I think that it will be safe for me to say to this convention that there can be no doubt as to what the result will he in that state in November next. Let me again pledge to the convention that ther can be no question whatever as to the result. Col. John H. Fellows, representing then the county democracy, was called to the platform, where he ehook hands with Kelly and made a speech, in which he said: Gentlfmen of the United States Yonr action of today has been superb. You bare re stored all diiierences existing in the ranks of the democratio party. I only slop to say that New York has Lut one response to ranks to democratio nominations; she gives democratic majorities. U e wi.l write ou our banner in November 50,0 0 majority in the name of a united democracy as the tribute of the Lmpire state. Gen. Hancock lost the state of New York and Garfield carried it by 21,1)00 ma jority. In LSS4 John Kelly, at tne nead 01 a Tammany delegation, went to Chicago and bitterly opposed Mr. Cleveland's nomination. His spokesmen were "Tom" Grady and Bourke Cockran, both of whom assured the convention when Cleveland was put in nomination that he could not carry the state of New York. It is conceded that Tamniuny, under Kelly's lead, "knifed" the national democratic ticket of PROTECT

The machinery of the law has not been put to work too speedily against the fraudulent use of ammonia and alum in Baking Powders. Both health and the pocket of the people are demanding protection. The legislatures of New York, Illinois and Minnesota have taken this matter of adulteration up, and especially that of Baking Powders. It will be in the interest of public health when their sale is made a misdemeanor in every State in the UNION, and the penalties of the law are rigidly enforced. There is no article of human food more wickedly adulterated than that of Baking Powder. Dr. Price's Cream Baking Powder is the only pure cream of tartar powder having a general sale that is free from ammonia, alum or taint of any kind of impurity. It makes the sweetest and lightest bread, biscuit and cake that are perfectly digestible whether hot or cold. It costs more to manufacture Dr. 'Price's than any other baking powder. It is superior to every other known and the j.U JjBatfdard for forty years

t .

Dr. Price's Cream Baking Powder is reported by all authorities as free from Ammonia, Alum, or any other adulterant. In fact, the purity of this ideal powder has never ueen questioned.

Cleveland and Hendricks in the election of that year, but Cleveland carried the state in spite of that treachery. InlSSs Cleveland was renominated br acclamation, and there was no, opposition, in New York or any other slate. The republicans carried New York in that year by 14,(mj0 majoritv.and Mr. Hill carried it for governor by l'.'.CHX) majority, for reasons which have been made plain in the subdivision of his record, which is enti tied; "How He Was Re-e ected in lSS." He will not be able to ee l a presidency for a governorship this year, as no governor ia to be chosen. ET CETERA.

Trince Bismarck received 3,000 congratulatory telegrams on his birthday, an I 12,000 viRit'"rs called at Friedricheruhe to pay their respects to the veteran. Is lSVJ fifty llocapartiBt journals flourished in r ranee, but this number haa neen now reduced to five, the others bavin;: turned in favor of the republic. One of the leadinc New York journals pays that "Ir. l'arkhurt hiis done more toward reforniinp the- eviis and abuses that exit in this city than any one man in a quarter of a century. This one fact sweeps away a mountain of adverse criticism." Col. Jltiome Bonaparte is described by Kate Field as a man with the most correct tast1 in the matter of dining of any man in Washington. Kate adds that ho is one of tho-e tersons who will nlways carry a walking etick, but will never need it. The defeated candidates in the Louisiana election now burden the air with complaints of fraud, bulldozing and ballotbox etutlini:. This is an item of news which may be stereotyped and kept standing lor use after every Louisiana election. Chicago Time. Bishop Taylor of Liberia, who arrived in New York a week ago on his way to attend the niethodiet general conference at Omaha, brought with him two colored missionaries, who are also delegates to the conference. The bishop is not in favor of colored emigration from this country to Africa. The child-king of Spain sleeps under extraordinary conditions, his chamber beina watched and surrounded all night by the Monteros de F.epinosa, the royal bodyguard. This ancient force is recruited, br a tradition, from among natives of tho town of Kspinosa, who for 41K) years have chimed the privilege of guarding tho king's person, and the royal urchin is ia blissful ignorance of the whole business. The must wonderful woodpile on rec ord is owned by a man of Oxford county, Missouri. In the pile of eight cords, all cut from one piece of forest, are no fewer than twenty diiferent kinds oi wood, viz.: White birch, yellow birch, white maple, rock maple, white ash, brown ash, black ctierry, wild cherry, apple tree, elder, beerh, moosewoo i, willow, fir, dowood, spruce, tugar plum, elm, poplar and hemlock. A new penny-in-the-slot machine has been fitted up in r'ng'.an-. for the collection of letters. It is in electrical connection with the postal telegraph otiice opp sitt? the station. On dropping a penny into the slot and puiiing out the slids a brown colored envelope containing another envelope and a card appear". The act of withdrawing the elide sends the cr!I signal to the telegraph oilice, and a uh ?e:iger i. at once dispatched to tho station to take the message. ANSWERS TO CORRESPONDENTS. Mary Jackson, Alexandria: (1) Fostaee stamps were first used in England in Ls.7.. Rowland Hill fathered the bill and first contracted to manufacture postage stamps in England. (2) The New Y'ork Sanday-Bchool union originated the International Sunday-school lessons and questions about thirty years ago. (3) No city in America has schools where the manufacture of lace is taught. Limerick, Ireland, hag. (41 One reason given for the fact that the hands on dummy clocks used as jewelers' signs point to 8:18 o'clock is thus given by an authority: One house in New York makes all the dummy watches. The night President Lincoln died the proprietors determined that all dummy watches thereafter should have their hands point to the date ot the assassination of Lincoln, 8:13 o'clock. Blood poisoned by diphtheria, the Grip, typhoid fever, scarlet fever, etc., is made pure and healthy by Hood's Sarsapariila. George Graham, engineer on the ferry boat, Cincinnati, was killed at Jersey City by being thrown into the machinery. The Iiottou Star Says Dr. Kaufmann'a great book on disease, its causes and home cure, with fine colored plates, is the best work ever published. A copy wiil be sent free to anybody who St-nds three 2-cent stamps to pay "pptage, to A. P. Ordway & Co., Boston, -Ml!!. OUR BREAD.