Indiana State Sentinel, Indianapolis, Marion County, 27 January 1892 — Page 4

THE INDIANA STATE SENTINEL, WEDNESDAY MORNING. JANUARY 27, 1892 TWELVE I'AGJiS.

INDIANA STATE SENTINEL

BY THE INDIANAPOLIS SENTINEL OC. S. E. MORSS, President. ITsttrtd at th Pottofilre at Indianapolis m second clans matter.) TEUMS l'EK YEAR HdrI ccpT (Invariably in AdTance.) Vi t k democrats to lar in mind and atleot thr-ir ti itate paper when they come to tako ubcripI.'oes and ranko up club. Agents niakinjf tip clubs wr3 for inr information tekircd. Ada. THL LN.LlA.rOLPs SUN TIN EL Tcdianaroüs. ind. WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 27. 1S92. TWELVE PAGES? i The Surgical Institute Horror. If ever a death-trap existed within the precincts of modem civilization; if ever there was a structure in which human "beings of the most helpless class were confined yes, practically confined where when assistance was most needed it was almost wholly impossible to render it ; that structure was the surgical Institute which burned Thursday night with euch horrible and sickening results. The catastrophe, which was the greatest and most appalling that has ever occurred in this city, was no greater than had been anticipated, though in its actual occurrence and reality it seems at this moment more terrible than even the most far-sighted had conceived that it would be. For years it had been expected and predicted, and the horrors of it drawn in word pictures practicady just as it occurred. It was rightly considered inevitable. It was known by ail to bo a mere matter of time till it occurred, until the people would be ehocked by the knowledge that the long-expocted and longdreadsd had happened, sickened with the details of its horror and stunned with the lerrible harvest death reapml by it. Again wo say it was no worse than expected. The people of Indianapolis have known what to expect and realized, a-? far as the human mind is capable of realizing future catastrophes, what it would be when it came. It has been talked about by them for year?, and they have impressed upon the minds of their children that the institution was a death-trap it h ich, sooner or later, would be the cause of a terrible loss of human life. Never perhaps have the imperfections of the law been brought to the minds of our citizens with such appalling force. "What was in reality a mere technicality of tho law prevented tho condemnation aid deitruction of the building. The walls of the structure were sound ; there was no danger of a collapse; the law was h elplese. It could take no cognizance of the narrow passages and insufficient stairways; It could take no cognizance of the purposo for which the building was used; of the helpless inmates little children, feeble women and helpless men whose chances of life were reduced to a minimum, almost practically wiped out by the conditions which surrounded them in case of fire. The law was helpless as it was spread on the statute; its arm was paralyzedjand it was like a man alone on the sea chore watching a helpless vessel driven by the wind upon the rocks of inevitable destruction. Could not some special legislation have been enacted? This is not a time to discuss that question. Xo eTort of man can change- what has been nothing can bend or shape the past. Cut the dangers were known no one can pay they were not ?nd were known.or should have been, to no ono better than to the men who conducted the institute. They knew that the scores of lives under their charge hung continually-in a trembling balance; were in jeopardy every day that passed over their heads; that a single spark of fire, an accidental combination of chemicals, or a frequently unavoidable laboratory explosion would cause results of the most appalling nature. Eut tho ins'itution was a gold mine for its owners ; fortunes have been made out of it. Now many of the patients have been relieved after tho most awful torture by death. For tTIisr, who is to blame? Let the law awake. The surgical institute was not the only death-trap that threatens the lives of the helpless. Other buildings there are, no doubt, filled witli persons more or less helpless, provided vith inadequate means of eacapo in euch an emergency as arcme and took euch a horrible form Thursday night. Let not the holocaust be duplicated. Precautionary measures are loudly demanded and must be taken in the immediate future. Let the press, which has been guilty of gross dereliction in not agitating this before, do its duty. The Sentinel bows its head in shame that it has not raised its voice long ago against this standing menace to human life. Some time ago it received an anonymous letter which called attention to the danger of euctr a catastrophe as has occurred. A reporter was instructed to investigate. Chief Webster told him he never heard a fire a'arni that be did not shudder at the thought that the surgical institute might be burning and that if it ever caught fire there would be an appalling loss of life. The reporter called on Dr. Allen or his assistant, and was assured that although the institute building was old and not well arranged, extraordinary precautions were exercised night and day against fire, and that there was no reason for apprehension as to the safety of the inmates. It was further stated that new buildings would be erected for the institute at an early day. As any publication challenging the gaiety of the institute would have destroyed its business and Involved The Sextinel in a grave legal responsibility, and as it would have caused great pain to relative and friends of inmates, the

editor of this paper' decided, although with many misgivings, not to make any publication on the subject. Tho result shows that he was wrong and that he should have followed his first impulses, shown up the institute as a death-trap and taken the consequences. Not the least impressive lesson of the appalling horror may be learned by the press, whose duty it is to protect the public against such calamities by timely warnings and exposure when perils can be foreseen. The Sentinel will not fail to proiit by this lesson and hopes it contemporaries will also take it to heart.

The lVficr Hill. To the E ITOH Sir: Since Senator Peefer has introduced his hundred-niill-ion-dohr bill into congress for the reiief of the Indiana farmer, many and various are the opinions and speculations indulged in, which of course are but the natural outgrowth of so novel a proposition. Not to go into any argument pro or con over it, there is still something about it that is worthy of notice and consideration. In the lirst place if such a bill could be made practical,, it evidently would be the means of betteiing not onlr the condition of the Indiana farmer, but every man, woman and child in the täte would to a more or less extent reap benefits from it. In the second place it would enhance the value of every farm in the state, and hence the general prosperity of the stato would be wonderfully increased. As the agricultural prosperity is the mainspring of ali other prosperity, and ihn object of the bill is to aid and strengten this interest, so in aiding and helping the farmer, all ether c'a-'s 's cannot help but fall in line and reap its benefit? also. Reason after reason couid b given in its behalf, but then, the question arise?, If such a bill would be good for Indiana, why not extend it to other Plates as well? And right here the idea grows into a kind of an "infinitum," I feir. for practical use. G. W. S. Dublin, Ind. Th difference between the limited and universal application of the principle goes not only to the "practical use," but also to the theoretical worth of the proposition. The bill mentioned is merely a new application of the theory of paternalism. The farmer, in common with others, is sneering from the effects of a paternalism that is for the benefit of certain manufacturing, mining and other interest. Th paternalist ears to him: "What you want is pat8rnaiiVu for your benefit." and suggests government lcan, unlimited expansion of credit currency, and similar favors. If restricted to certain classes c r certain region.-, such legislation is mere favoritism and is prohibited by many American constitutions as "class legislation." If made universal it becomes at once absurd and destructive. It is founded on the fallacy that the state is something distinct from and independent of the people that compose it, and has resources cf some kind not supplied by them. A republic or for that matter any other etato is composed of so many people, inhabiting so much territory. One man cannot make himself richer by giving himself fictitious wealth; neither can ten men banded together; neither can a nation. All tho funds of a nation arise from taxation or a reduction of the common property held in the name of the nation. A division of national funds does not increase national wealth, though it usually enriches individual beneficiaries at the expense of all other citizens. No stable currency can be issued unless it has intrinsic value or has credit back of it i. e., a promise to replace it with something of intrinsic value. A distribution of currency is equivalent to a distribution of funds. The arguments made in favor of such a bill are the same as those in support of any other class legislation. It is no moro absurd than tho tariff system. The idea that benefits will be transferred from tho immediato beneficiaries is called into prominence in support of all such legislation. It is commonly urged in support of extravagant pension granting that the money thus distributed will be useful to the whole people in the regions where it is paid the fact being overlooked that this same money must be raised from the whole people by taxation. There is something plausible about such argument to many minds, and in all countries there ari-e parties that favor schemes founded on such delusive bases. The facts that all such applications of paternalism on a universal basis have resulted in bankruptcy, repudiation and general ruin, and that all limited applications have resulted in enriching a few at the expense of tho many, seem to have little weight with, these enthusiasts. It i3 almost a waste of time to argue with them. They will not drink deeply enough of "the Ticrian spring" to appreciate the effects of their systems and from a superficial view their arguments seem unanswerable. The only refuge from them is in the common sense of the people and if that tails there is nothing left but the endurance of a repetition of the bitter experience of the past. "Fake" Correspondents. The South Bend Post says : For some time there has been much complaint about the matter sent to tho metropolitan journals from certain towns of northern Indiana. The Elkhart Jiaifw, however, is the lirst to mate specific charges. This is a serious thing and should be remedied by the journals themselves or by the citizens of the towns thus (mis)represented. There is little hope of a "fake" reporter reforming himself. The Review says: "The city press ought to be warned against the dispatches of their correspondents at Goshen, Valparaiso, Warsaw and Wabash. These men aro most unmitigated liars, sending telegrams that are based on silliest nonsense or utterly without foundation. The Goshen liar had a victim of an accident rush out into "zero atmosphere" when the mercury had not been to freezing for a week. The Valparaiso man polishes up telegrams out of local items in papers riftv miles away, the Warsaw man kills oil' the residents of that place as easily as he clicks the telegraph key, and the Wabash man knows no restraint to his imagination. The news from these places is utterly unreliable." The abuse of which the Po?t and the Review complain is really becoming a eerious one, and it ought to be reformed. A very large proportion of the so-called "news" sent from Indiana to the Chicago and Cincinnati papers is either bald invention or gross exaggeration. Much of it, too, ia of a character to do tho state serious injury abroad. The correspondents write to "make space," and as there s a great demand for startling and sensational stories, they endeavor to supply the demand, either by manufacturing these stories outright or by weavinsr wild and weird yarns out of the

material aSorded by ordinary, commonplace, every-dsy incidents. The Sentinel's state correspondents are, as a class, conscientious men, who are enterprising enough to obtain all the real news of their respective localities, but who wi 1 not dish ap "fakes" with which to humbug the public. It occasionally happens that The Sentinel is accused of missing an important piece of Indiana news appearing in the Chicago and Cincinnati papers, when such "news" is manufactured out of whole cloth end does not record any actual occurrence. On the other hand The Sentinel is sometimes although rarely imposed upon by a "fake." Some of the stories of "white cap outrages" in southern Indiana, which we have published ingood faith, were, as we have Deen assured by persons of veracity, sheer inventions. They were manufactured by conscienceless reprobates to supply the Chicago and Cincinnati demand, and have been scattered broadcast through the country to tlie infinite damage of Indiana. They were palmed off upon The Sentinel, but if it had not been for the frenzied call from outside the state for a daily grist of "sensations" they would not have been concocted. The peop'e of every community in the state should unite to suppress the lying correspondent. This can be done. Every time they see a false or exaggerated story from their locality in a metropolitan paper let them write to the editor and expose the same. In due time this wiil result in the correction of the abuse. The Sentinel's instructions to its correspondents are to send only facts. These instructions, we have reason to believe, are rarely disregarded. When they aro we shall be obliged to our readers who are acquainted with the facts if they wiil advise us promptly. We have no use whatever for "fake"' correspondents. The Wool Blowers. That remarkable reproduction of the "three tailors of Tooley street" (who resolved "We, the.people ot England, etc."), commonly known as the wool growers' association of Indiana, baa resoluted voluminously and emphatically on tho tarilF question, and among the rest as follows: The duties on foreign wool, established by the tariff of IM), have given a stimulus to tht wool industry and au encouragement to farmers generally to entae in sheep husbandry to an extent never witntssed in this country before. To destroy the protection ailorded that great industry by repealing the law would be to strike down, at ono blow, one of tho largest and most rapidly growing interests ot the husbandman, without benefit to hny one except the ioreign wool grower and the importer of his product. This wonderful effect of the McKinley bill doubtless accounts for the conversion of Mr. C. A. Howlanp, the presidentof the association, who said in his opening address: I am net one of those citizens that asks that my business should bo protected for protection's sake, but as w must have revenue for our government, and as all tax on foreign articles enhances the value of the same articles that are not produced in quantities sufficient to supply home demands, and as there are butfew artic es that the stock raiser and farmer produce that can be produced cheaper in foreign countries than in the United States, I claim that under no circumstances should congress reduce the tax on foreign wools. At the present time a number of congressmen aro endeavoring to place wool on the free list, claiming that it will 4yie the American citizen cheap woolen goods. Eomoving the tax on wool wdl not atfect the price unless you take the tarilf oil woolens. Evidently Mr. Howlanp wants to be protected for what there is in it to him, and yet in 1SSS, after his fellow wool growers had demonstrated that they were making 100 percent, profit on sheepgrowing, he said (Agricultural report, p. 418): This over-taxation is hurting the people. What was your conduct here yesterday? You declared you made 100 per cent. What kind of crops do you want? One hundred per cent., and still you cry for protection! Now, gentlemen, in all candor, I believe this wool growing does not need this unnecessary bolstering up. if you vote that it is profitable to raise sheep for wool and mutton alone and bring you a hundred per cent, profit, and after this you ask for protection! Why don't you cattle mon and hog men cry protection ? Why should we have advantages over other interests? You eay you want protection on wheat; there is nothing in it. The farmer who is crying high protection is playing with a rope to hang himself. It will be interesting to note wherein consists the "stimulus to the wool industry," which calls forth these resolutions and makes Mr. Howland swallow bis principles of 1888. Is it in the price of wool? The following table of prices for 1891, compiled by the Boston Commercial JJulUtin, answers the question: Jan. 3. Apr. S. July. Oct. Po. 31. Ohio XX Jj-Jo ?3o S2o 81J.J0 ?.!0 Miihitfan X SO 29 21 J7 Main oombins. 3i 3'J 2S fJ 2i line warp Montana ol'hn Gö 67 63 61 61 Fine med Wyoming clean 60 60 53 53 5S Good A ai:per clean PS 61 60 65 CI LcwBiuperoUaa. 4t) 43 4) 42 40 This is the actual result, although the various wool growers' associations and woolen manufacturers' associations and other protectionists assured the farmers that the increased duties of the McKinley bill would eurely increase the price of wool. But if the "stimulus" does not appear in the price of wool, it will perhaps be seen in an increased demand for domestic wools and a falling off of importations. Let us see. The importation of foreign wools for the ten months ending Nov. 1, 1891, amounted to 119,182,733 pounds, against an aggregate of 88,044,194 pounds for the eame period of the preceding year, or nn increase of 31,133.539 pounds. What is worse, the greater part of this increase was in the class of wools that competes with tho American product. In the Boston market the sales of foreign wools during the year were 10,000,0(00 pounds greater than in the preceding year, while the sale of domestic wools was 2,500,000 pounds less. It cannot be said that this was not due to actual consumption, for at the end of the year there were on hand in that city only 1,000,000 pounds of foreign wool, whilo there were 28,705,000 pounds of domestic wool. But if the "stimulus" cannot be seen either in the price or the demand it may be sought in the i i.erease of sheep husbandry. Unhappily it is not there, InlSMthe number of sheep in the country declined more than 1,000,000, and in a recent careful estimate made by the secretary of the wool manufacturers' association it is said "a further decline (over tht of 1S90) ia generally prophesied." If there is any other possible Dointat w hie hi the "stimu

lus" referred to could make itself manifest we are not informed of it. The wool growers evidently need to look up the facts or renovato their consciences before they enter on the resolution business, and this not only as to wools, but also as to woolen goods, which they say may be obtained "at a cost to customers less than ever before in the history of the countr)-." There was nevei a time in tho history of the country when the adulteration of woolen goods with cotton and shoddy was so universal as.it is now, or when genuine "all wool'.' goods were much dearer.

The Gerrymander Ilvil. We are not complaining of the republican gerrymander proposed in Ohio. Turn about is fair play ; but the scheme that has been evolved at Columbus is almost funny in its eweep. The democrats are given four congressional districts, and in these all the democratic counties are thrown so that the majorities in them wid be as follows: Fifth district, 10,000; Seventh, 8,000; Ninth, 12,000; Sixteenth, 10,000. The republicans take the oilier seventeen districts by majorities from 1,000 upward. Naturally tho democrats of New York in apportioning the thhtvfour districts in that state will be in-pired by the Ohio model. But our frier.ds the enemy will not enjoy that particular gerrymander to the same extent as the Ohio sample. Pittsburg I Vf. We sincerely regret that so honest and able a paper as our contemporary should take this position. If what has been reported concerning election reform sentiment in Pennsylvania be true, the W is not abreast of public feeling in its own state. C'ertaiuly it is not in touch with the general sentiment of the country. The almost universal desire for honest elections that found expression in the ballot reform movement has not exhausted itsolf. It will go further, and tho ''gerrymander" is one of the evils that it wiil reach. It must do so. What is a gerrymander? 1 1 is a piece ot trickery to evade the will of the jn-ople. It is a subversion of tho fundamental principles cf our government. Its sole object is to prevent thti legitimate majority of the people from controlling the government. Next to tho bribery and intimidation cf voters, it is the most dangerous form of assault on our institutions that can be imagined. It makes a mockery of popular government. It destroys the eons-j of responsibility to tho people that ought to exist in the minds of legislators. It insures the perpetuation oi machine rule. Tho situation in Chio presents the evil in its most revolting shape. Here is a legislature strongly republican. It has just shown itself an administration legislature by electing John Siieuman to the senate. Tho president has just appealed to the country to put a stop to the evil of gerrymandering. That he ruibt have enough influence to secure a beginning of the reform in Ohio is very probable, but no one expects that he will make any effort to exert that influence. If the administration made half the effort to obtain a fair apportionment in Ohio that it did to elect John Siieuman it could secure a fair bill, but it will not. The administration papers of the country, which applauded the president's remarks concerning the gerrymander, and which have exerted all their influence to eiect John Shekman, will not attempt to prevent the passage of tho scandalous apportionment bill now proposed in Ohio. They will not venture to condemn it. What they object to is democratic gerrymanders. And this presents to democrats the question whether they intend to do better than the republicans, or are satisfied to do as badly and defend themselves by saying that they are no worse than their opponent-. The first opportunity to answer this question is presented -in tho state of New York. Putting the matter on the lowest plane, it would be good politics to pass a fair apportionment bill there. There is no more to be gained by a democratic gerrymander in New York than by a republican gerrymander in Ohio. Tho state is democratic and the legislature will be democratic as long as the party behaves with anything like decency. The only gain would bo a few moro legislative ollices, and they would be a source ot weakness. There is no greater danger to tho party than an unwieldy majority. At the same time the party would largely strengthen ils hold on the people by taking a justifiable position. There is notoriously in New York a largo clement that desires honest government and is far from eatisfied with the course of either party in the past. A fair apportionment law and a stringent ballot law would do more to make them reliable democrats than anything else that could be done. Moreover, such action would largely increase the influence oi New York throughout the country. It would relieve the New York democracy of much of the odium that has been fastened upon it in the past. Because it contains the metropolis of the nation and is the center of very many industries, New York has long stood peculiarly as an example to the rest of the country, and too often has been a "frightful example." Here is an opportunity for redemption and for advancement to a more creditable position. It woaldbeableflsingif New York politicians should be wise enough to boo their opportunity. Information Wanted. In the course of an editorial article concerning the new tax law tho Lafayette Courir says: Taking the Courier's representations as a guide the republican state central committee is causing a like investigation and publication to bo made in the various counties of the state, and a similar condition of affairs is found to exist everywhere. It has been urged by certain democratic oracles and newspapers that the new law was aimed at rich corporations and wealthy individual and that the farmers would be benefited by the operation. The falsity of that proposition is glaring, and time will vindicate the asertion that the agricultural interests will sui'er most by the new system of appraisements. The fact that the republican committee has undertaken the collection of information of this kind is sudicient reason why the democratic committee should do the same thing. It is certain that the republicans will use only the figures favorable to themselves, and that they will garble their statistics in order to create an impression unfavorable to tho new law. This must be met by the full and exact truth, and we have not the slightest doubt that it can be so met in every instance. It will be remembered that the opposition undertook this same attack during the last city campaign in Indianapolis, and they had everr reason to believe it would be ef

fective here if anywhere, for the increase of assessment in Marion county was S4ß,öl 7,030, and of this amouut ?41,591,lt5 was in Center township. The Journal published columns of names of persons whose taxes had been increased and claimed that every one was similarly affected, but The Sentinel easily expose d its misrepresentations by showing that whenever there had been a large increase on private individuals it was due either to improvements placed on the property since the last assessment, or to a just increase on suburban property held for speculative purposes, or to fair valuation of property of wealthy citizens which had heretofore been undervalued. Tho result of the campaign is well known, and there is no reason to doubt that the same result will occur elsewhere if the subject is thoroughly ventilated. The important thing is to know the exact facts, and the collection of information by the republicans makes this imperative now. Any one can twist statistics so as to make a formidable showing in almost any direction, and it wi 1 have an effect on many minds unless it is counteracted by full explanation and exposure. If we ars correct in our belief that the tax law is in tho main a beneficial measure, its actual results will demonstrate it, but the actual remits must be known in order to be used. An illustration from the Courier t argument will show this more pointedly. It says: The best example of the absurdity of tho claim that the new law is beneficial to tho farmers is to bo found in the practical results in the n.v order of things in tlie adjoining county of Boone. It is essentially an agricultural county. It has comparatively few tidies of railroad, and no manufacturing interests worth mentioning. The people are neither rich nor poor, but rather enjoy the happy medium of being moderate and prosperous landholders. Although ono of the most populous counties in Indiana, there is not a millionaire among the taxpayers, and not half a dozen men whoso wealth will reach an hundred thousand dollars. It will therefore be seen that tho values are equally distributed f.nd is mostly represented by farm land, other investments being too iuL"iseouential to enter into caeiuiat!ons in this connection. Iho Lebanon J'atrint has made a critical examination of the records, and the result shows that while the county paid a total tax in 1VJJ of ;-17"212 the levy lor 1MU is cilu7,542. an increase of 632,32-j! Every townehip in the county is shown to bo alike atlected, and it is demonstrated beyond cavil that the farmers are the sufferers by the most mostrous imposition. We do not believe this statement to te correct and we are prepared to refute it in part, but we should be able to refute it entirely if it is incorrect either in statemeat or inference. As to tlie railroads in Boone county, we know that the Inst assessment was $I,3SS00", while in 1MH) it was only Sö91,S(i3 an increase of $790,202. If the average tax in Boone county were only $1 on the $U0, which is a low estimate, this would account for $7,9(52 of the increase, or nearly one-fourth of the entire amount. Where does the remainder fall ? Doubtless on the wealthier men and the corporations, but this could easily be ascertained beyond question. We published a few days ago tho result of on investigation by the assessor of this township as to the eHect of the new law on taxpayers assessed at over $2"),000, which showed that there were only 549 persons of this class in the township, that they owned over one-half of the property in the township, and that their assessments had increased on the average over 73 per cent., while those of the remainder of our citizens ha 1 increased on the average only i5 per cent. A similar test as to persons assessed at between $10,000 and $23.000 would probably dispose of the remainder of the increase, for we have shown that in hundreds of case3 the taxes of small holders have been decreased. This investigation and comparison could easily b made in every county in the ßtate, but even if it should not be made there is a large amount of valuable information that could easily be collec ted and tabulated ; such as the total assessments and total levies for 1S'0 and 1S01 with explanation why the local levies were not reduced, if they were not, and which party the persons making the levy belonged to. These facts, with some additional information, have already been collected and published in nearly all the counties, but they ought to be brought together and tabulated so that the effect of the law throughout the state can bo readily seen. And this is important not only for campaign purposes, but also for use by the legislature. No one claims that the present tax law is perfect, and, ia order to perfect it, it will be necessary to know just what the effect of the new measure has been. When that Is known its defects and the remedies for them will be more readily seen. We are all interested in getting the best tax law possible. The question of taxation will, of course, affect politics, but it can never be a merely political question. Democrats are just as much interested in having a good tax law as republicans. Chicago Selected. In full sympathy with all enterprising citizens of this large and growing city we deeply regret the decision of the national democratic committee reached Thursday night in Washington in not selecting Indianapolis for the meeting of the national convention. That body will meet in Chicago as announced in our dispatches this morning. Following a commendable regret over the disappointment and its attending results there comes the compensation that a large, splendid city, as Chicago undoubtedly is, was lucky enough to win the prize. Another thought in connection with this comes uppermost that the battle cry of the democratic hosts this presidential year will bo beyond ail else "tariff reform," and we feel confident that this supreme hope w ill not be clogged or embarrassed in any way by the friendly surroundings and influences which doubtless prevail in the great metropolis of the West. The stockholders of the American sugar refining company have held their annual meeting and learned that their affairs were reasonably prosperous notwithstanding the intense hostility of the present administration to trusts of all kinds. The net profits of the year were only $3,073,002.17, of which $3,750,000 was paid out in dividends. A resolution was adopted to increase the capital stock of the concern from $30,000,000 to $75,000,000, and a quiet intimation was given that this move meant the absorption of the sugar refiner-

fc.it Philadelphia not ow included Ii. j the trust. The refining company of can J Francisco was taken in during the past j

year at a capital valuation oi $1,500,000. j What could be a more gratifying indica- j tion of the rapid development of the coun- j try under the beneficient influence of a 1 protective tariff policy? The Kvaii.ville Tax Cac The decision of Judge Hic;ia;:ison in the Evaneville tax case, brought to test the right of the state board of tax commissioners to increase the assessment of that city and Pigeon township, is a notable victory for the new tax law. The wort feature ot prece ling laws, so far as state taxation is concerned, was the impossibility of securing any equalisation between the counties. An ellort was madmany years ago to reach this by giving ample power to the state board, but the law was so drawn that no constitutional action could ever be taken by the board. An amendment was then made by which the state board was practically shorn of all power, and under this the process of unequalizing went forward till it reached the disgraceful state existing when the new law went into force. The great question was whether any law could be passed that would be const. tutional, and yet give the board sufficient power to perform the work assigned to it. The decision is to the eilect that this has been accomplished, and it is evident that it was accomplished by giving the board very broad discretionary power. The court says: Tho state board of commissioner?, as to the value of the property to be equalized, is not confined in fixing th proper value of the property to the returns of any officer. They may hear other evidence and act upon other knowledge. They mu.-t t i necessity take into consideration many elements in the process of equalization. The population, tho industries, situation and location of counties, citits, towns and lands in comparison with other cities, towns, counties and lands, in the btate uro to be considered in the process of equalizing values. " This court has nothing to do with fixing the values of property for taxation. That power belongs to another branch of the govern uu nt. It i not a question with this court whether the values of property in the city of Evmisville and l'igeon township are too high or too low. The authority which ie authorized by law to fix this value and maktlits assessment has acted, and though their action may be, and is, in many respects informal, irreguhir and etrontous, yet to justify a court to lay its hands upon an assessment there must be violations of fundamental rights and principles. Errors, irregularities and informalities may be, and have been, in this case corrected. It must be evident to every reflecting man that if you are to have a just equalization of taxation you must lodge this discretionary power somewhere. Equalization is essentially a work of judgment, and some judgment must be trusted to perform it. There can be no Euch thing as a tax law that will operate itself. Tho court apparently realized this fact very fully, and expressed it thus: The court is not unmindful of the importance and gravity of the questions involved in this case. It can only declare wbat it believes to be the law and let the consequences follow as they may. The taxing power is of grave and vital concern to the state and the people, and may be abused in various ways without the courts being able to aflord relief. The main reliance of the tax-payers for protection, is the prompt and intelligent discharge of duty by elhcient and conscientious public officials. We believe that the power was located In safe hands, and that the people aro well satisfied with its discharge. Of course there will ba some dissatisfaction in some localities not because any property has been assessed at more than its actual value, but because the people in some localities will believe that taey have been assessed higher than those of other localities. We do not think that any injustice has been done in this case, but the republican press of Evansville asserts that there has, and there will always be found demagogues ready to make this assertion in other localities and some persons ready to believe them. The important lesson which this local clamor ought to teach is the necessity of finding some source for state revenue entirely independent of the sources of county revenue. J ust as long as state and county taxes are lavied on the eame property, eo long will there be this endeavor of counties and localities to assess at less than other counties and localities. Until this incentive to undervaluation is removed there will be no end to the bickering and jealousy and contention between different counties a to the justice of their assessments. But when tho valuation in a county affects only the people of that county they will not care how other counties may be valued. The only way to perpetuate the benefits already secured by tho new tax law is to find some separate source for state revenue. The joint committee of the Maspachusetts legislature has decided to recommend the adoption of the Terrens land system in that state. This system secures the registration of titles in the simplest conceivable form. Tho entire title appears on one page of the record-boon and is guaranteed by the government to be correct, or more properly, the government makes the title recorded absolutely indefeasible, and if any error should be found in it the government pays the injured party, while the titlo ptands as recorded. Hence a person w ho buys land thus recorded is certain of bis title. It cannot be overthrown for any reason or in any way. The protection against land swindlers is complete and the danger of mistake as to titles which exists as to all real estate under our present system is done away with. The reform is of Australian origin but is rapidly spreading through English-speaking countries. It is certain to be adopted in the United States, A coroner's jury in Chicago has returned a verdict of manslaughter against Warken Jsi-kingek, owner of the building 1 in which the fatal boiler explosion recently occurred, resulting in the death of five men. He is a wealthy man, but preferred moro weath to the safety ol bis employes. He had been warned by the boiler inspector of the unsafe condition of his boilers.' Catarrh is not a local but a constitutional disease and requires a constitutional remedy like Hood's ISarsaparilla to elfect a cure. The McKinley tariff, arranged so that e very bod v can understand it, w;Jl be found in tiiK Sentinel's "Indiana Almanac for 1S92." Trice 23 cents.

A FINE HISTORY OF INDIANA

"THE SENTINEL'S" GREAT PREMIUM FOH 1692. What Fx-Prai4nt nvlnd and Senator Vuorbeca and Turple Saf of It. SI' Maptx-Avf.. New Yoi:k, Nor. 3, 1?JL ) My Pevr Mp. Mo !:- l'Iea-e accept my thanks for the "History of Indiana" which you kindly sent me. Tlie examination I have been able to give it is euilicunt '.o justify me in expressing the opinion that it contains ft great amount cf historical information presented to the reader in a most pleasant way. I do not see why it should not prori itself a very useful book. Yours truly. WLat Snntor VuorhrM ftaya. UsiTEr? States Senate, ) Washington, 1. C, Oct. 33. Indiana; oils Seuiiuel Company: Oentlemen I am just in receipt of tlie "History of Indiana" which has just boen given to the public by Mrs. Thomas A. Hendricks. I have loLiked through it with some care, and say tincereiy that I am delighted with it. It ought to go in the hands of all our people. The young w ill receive instruction from it, ami thoe advanced in life will be pleased by thj reeodections it awakens. The people ot Indiana I think are not ßulliciently awaro of the real growth and greatness of their state. It require:-, in fact, but little study to ascertain, and not much eifort to chow, that Indiana according to area is the greatest and most productive eWte in the Union, and possessed of greater and more extensive educational advantages than any othei commonwealth of equal population in the world. These facts should be taught everywhere among our people. I fully believe in tlie doctrine of state pride, especially when there is a solid foundation for it. Such a publication as the one now before me is well calculated to inspire the young and old alike oi Indiana with just and laudablo sentiments of pride and gratitu ie. It is indeed a most charming book. The likenesses, taken altogether, are the Lest I have ever seen in engravings of their character, l'lease accept my sincere thanks and believe me al ways very faithfully yours, WmX Senator Törpt Snya. Ixpiaxaivm.is, Nov. 7. S. E. Morss, Esq., Indianapolis, In J : My Ier .Sin I have carefuhy real "The Popular History of Indiana," and have verified its data by comparison with older and largor wo'-'is. It is an excellent abridgement of our state annals, elegant, accurate, in style admirably adapted tc the character of ths book. The table of contents and list of illustrations make i very complete index, adding to its practical use for rrjady reference. Yours truly, TVhnt Kx-Ginior Gray S.rt. Indianapolis, Ind., Xov. 11, 1S91. Tbe Sentinel Company. Iq Jionspoll, Indiana; Gentlemen I have examined a copy of your illustrated "Popular History of Indiana." It is in my judgment an admirable epitome of leading events and mentioa of personages in both territorial and state history. It appears to have been carefully and intelligently compiled, and certainly will be inspiring and instructive to the young reader, as well as favorably received by all who feel a patriotic interest in tho subject to which it pertains, I trust it may obtain a wide circula tion. Yery respectfully, ANSWERS TO CORRESPONDENTS. G. C. G., F.ristol, Ind.: William A. Woods of Elkhart county was appointed judge of the U. S. district court for Indiana in lbS2 by President Arthur to succeed Walter Q. Gresham, who resigned to accept the office of postmaster-general. Gresham recommended Woods as his successor on the bench. Harrison, as senator, claimed the appointment as so much patronage and insisted upon the appointment of one of his law partners, Mr. Ilines. Woods was appointed, however, and the little man in the white house to this day has not forgiven Gresham for having robbed him of what he considered "senatorial patronage." When Secretary Folger died Gresham was promoted from the postotlico to the treasury derr.rtmenr. In October, 1S84. be resigned the office of secretary of the treasury to accent the circuit judgeship of the Fifth district, composed of In iiana, Illinois and Wisconsin. It soon became necessary for Circuit Judge Gresham to overrule a number ol listrict Judge Woods' arbitrary rulings. This caused Woods to become an enemy to the man who had made him judge, and he joined Harrison to crush Gresham politically. Frank Ilatton, now editor of the Washington Pott, succeeded Gresham as postmaster-general and Hugh McCulloch became secretary of the treasury, when Gresham retired from the cabinet G. A. Anpelson, Pcrkinsville, Ind.: In case of the death of Governor Chase the present pro tern, president of the senate, Senator Griffiths of Switzerland county, would succeed him. We mail you a copy of the constitution of the state. Frank I Littleton, Anderson, Ind.: There are 475 acres in Crown Hill cemetery. One-third of this is improved and about two-thirds of the one-third have been sold for burial purposes. W, J. !., Centerville, Ind.: Grover Cleveland never recommended the adoption of a single cold standard in his mesr sage to congress.

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