Indiana State Sentinel, Indianapolis, Marion County, 14 January 1891 — Page 4

THE INDIANA STATE SENTINEL, .WEDNESDAY MORNING, JANUARY 14, 1891 TWELVE PAGES.

INDIANA STATE SENTINEL by the indianapolTs SENTINEL CO. S. E. MORSS, President.

lEatcrcdatthaPoetofficeatlndlaaapolia m second claaa matter.) TEKMS PER YEARt S Ijgle copy (InTtrUbly in AdTince.) 81 00 We as democrat to bear in mind and select their cvn date paper when they coma to talis aubscr!ptiens and make up clubs. -Agent making np clubs send for any it form at Ion .ceaired. Addes THE I"DLA AFOLIS BEUTINEL Indianapolis, ind. WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 14. TWELVE PAGES. Work Before the Legislature, It does not seem to us that a great variety of subjects demands the attention of the legislature. The last legislature did its work very thoroughly, and, for the most part, the questions with which the present' body will be called upon to deal are those which have come to the front during the last two years. A great volume of legislation will not be required. There are too many laws passed in this country. There is too much blind faith in the potency of statutory enactments. Few legislatures do too little; most of them do too much. It is quality, not quantity, that the people demand from the present legislature. There are not very many questions requiring consideration at its hands, but those which do are of very great importance. The most vital question, by far, which presents itself, is that of state finances. This is a very large question and one which will demand the best thought and the most careful attention of the legislature. It is in no sense a partisan question. The campaign charges of the republican press and the republican state officers that the democrats had improvidently created a large debt and made no provision for protecting it, were true only in ttyi sense that the condition of the slate finances is the result of our unjust, illogical and chaotic revenue system, which neither party has ever seriously undertaken to reform, probably because the task was one of appalling magnitude. No inure blame for this attaches to the democratic than to the re publican party. But the time has cone when this work can be no longer delayed. The responsibility falls upon the demo cratic party, and it must meet it bravely and honestly. The revenues and expenditures of the state must be equalized, and if a temporary increase of the tax levy is necessary, it must be courageously made. It is to be hoped, however, that this may not prove necessary. There are many sources of revenue, now wholly or partly neglected, which ought to be brought under contribution to the state. The corporations should be made to bear their fair share of the burdens of government. Efforts should be made to reach large classes of property which now escape taxation altogether. The system of equalizing assessments should be changed, and we think one of the first things the legislature should do is to create a special committee, consisting of the ablest and best men in both houses, to frame a scientific revenue system for the state. We believe that a system can be devised which will obviate the necessity of more than a temporary increase in the levy upon property already taxed. The next most important question to come before the legislature will be that of fees and salaries, rublic sentiment is ripe for a radical reform of the present pyEterr.. All parties stand pledged, in their last platforms, to the policy of depriving all officials, state and local, of fees and perquisites, and placing them upon fixed salaries. This must and will be done by the present legislature. A fair, reasonable and just, bill will be passed. The date of its taking effect a year or two sooner or later does not so much matter. The reform will be a far-reaching one and will be permanent. It will be the crowning distinction of this legislature, as election reform was of the last legislature. Questions which, it is to be hoped, will receive proper attention, relate to the administration of the benevolent, reformatory and penal institutions of the state. The present system is a wretched failure. What is needed is a sharp concentration of responsibility for the management of these institutions.and a direct official supervision of all of them. Our prison system is twenty-five years behind the times. It needs to be verv materially changed. The recommendations of Warden Mckdock and the board of trustees of the northern prison upon this subject are full of wisdom, and we trust they may be followed by the legislature. Vigorous legislation to arrest the waste of natural gas is demanded, and will no doubt be enacted. The road laws of the state are as bad as they could possibly be made. They need a thorough overhauling, and it is hoped will receive it. Amendments to the school-book law, which will enlarge its scope, and simplify somewhat its operations, are needed. The election law also requires amendment as to some details. The state board of charities law can perhaps be improved in some respect. The material interests of the state demand well-guarded legislation authorizing the incorporation of trust and guarantee companies, establishing a savings bank system, and providing for the rigid inspection of building, loan and savings associations. The question of the apportionment of school revenues is an important one, and will no doubt absorb considerable time. Indianapolis is chiefly interested in the adoption of a new city charter. The instrument which was proposed by the citizens' committee meets with almost universal popular approval, and as it is indorsed by the Marion county delegation we presume there is no reason to doubt its enactment. It in fortunate that the senatorial election will involve no loss of time. The peopl s have settled that matter in advance. They have decreed the return of Danizl W; Vooriiees to the senate and the execution of that decree by the legislature will bejsimply matter of form. There are several constitutional amendments, proposed by the last legislature, to be considered ; the congressional and legIs La ti re apportion men ta are to be made.and

various projects of legislation, i - addition to those enumerated, will, of course, be brought forward. . . . " It ought to be, and w ill "be, no doubt, strictly a business session: No great multiplicity of new laws is expected or wanted at ita hands, but the people ask and expect a dozen or more well-digested laws upon the subjects indicated above, and, perhaps, upon oue or two other matters. Governor Hovey Attack on the Election Law. i There is no doubt in the world that the republican leaders in this state have determined to break down the election law before 1802. They realize that they can never carry Indiana so long as this law remains in force. As Mr. W. T. Brush told the republican conference the other day, some way must be devised of using boodle at the polls, else the grand old party will have no chance to carry the state in 1892. But there is no way by which votes can be bought, on any large scale, so long as this law is in operation. The republican managers have therefore determined to break it down, if possible, before 1892. Any one who doubts this assertion has only to cast his eye over the country and note the desperate and lawless methods which republican politicians in the various states are now employing to hold the power which the people have said they should surrender. Look at New Hampshire, Connecticut, Minnesota, Kansas, Montana and half a dozen other states, and conspiracies to nullify the people's w 11, and reverse their verdict as expressed at the polls, w ill be found in full llower. The Indiina republican politicians are fully as unscupulous as those of any other state, as 18S0 and 1S83 demonstrated. It is clear that they have formed a conspiracy to rob the people of the safeguards afforded them by the existing law, and it looks as if Governor IIovey were a party to it. In his message he attacks the election law in its vital feature, the provision which requires all ballots to be printed by the state, and which prohibits the voter from writing names upon the bollot, or putting any other distinguishing mark upon it. Under this provision any man who has the ghost of a chance to be elected to any office within the gift of the people can have his name printed, at the public expense, upon the official ballots, and can be voted for at the election. . Governor Hovey makes the amazing statement that he "did not, at that time when he approved the election bill, consider the question as to the constitutionality of any of its provisions." This is indeed a startling confession for the governor of a great state to make. He signs a bill of supreme public importance the great measure of a legislature a bill which revolutionizes the election system of the state, and introduces innovations of the most radical character without considering whether it was constitutional or not! This would seem incredible, and we should decline to believe the statement if made by any one but the governor himself. It becomes the more amazing when we consider that this same governor makes a specialty of constitutional law; and that he minutely scrutinized a number of acts of comparatively small importance, passed by the same legislature which enacted the election law, and succeeded in discovering real or imaginary constitutional defects, upon the strength of which he vetoed them. What an astounding sort of a governor our governor is, to be sure ! He now professes to have discovered that "the right to vote for any man for any office in this state, whether the person voted for was nominated or not," is a very precious one to the citizen ; that it is guaranteed by tho constitution of the state; that to deprive him of this great privilege is ''neither republican nor democraiic," and "might lead to very grave consequences." This provision of the law has, indeed, already led to very grave consequences to the grand old boodle party to which Governor Hovey belongs. Rut it has been a great blessing to the state. It has entirely broken up the blocks-of-five business. It has made Dudley and Dorsey practices impossible, and it has done, and can do, no wrong to any citizen of Indiana. The pretence that it in any way infringes upon the constitutional guarantees to citizens is very flimsy. The constitution provides simply that "all elections shall be free and equal" and that "all elections by the people shall be by ballot." To pretend that an election is not free and equal, because votes cast for a man who cannot get twenty-five persons to recommend him for an office are not counted, is to insult the popular intelligence. We have information from the most trustworthy sources that the republican managers depend upon their supreme court to set aside this provision of the election law before the election of 1892. If this is done the doors wiil be thrown wide open for the bribery of voters. If tickets can be identified by the writing of names uion them, Dudleyism will again flourish in Indiana. Governor HoVey's action in appointing a republican to the supreme bench who had been overwhelmingly rejected by the people, and thus making the court solidly republican, was probably taken to facilitate the overturning of the law. The attack upon the law in his message was doubtless made with a view to preparing the public mind for a decision against the law. We are of the opinion, however, that it will be a colder day for the republican party of Indiana than was the 4th of last November, when its supreme court "knocks out" the election law. Vale, Force Bill. The infamous force bill is dead, and probably beyond all hope of resurrection. The blow which it received Monday in the senate would have proved fatal to a measure possessing much more yita'ity than that project of partisan iniquity has had since the elections of Nov. 4. On motion of a republican (Stewabt of Nevada) the senate, by a vote of thirty-four to twenty-nine, laid aside the bill and took up the pending financial bill, which was reported some days ago by the finance committee. The financial bill thus becomes the regular order of business, and the force bill can only be taken tip again by a majority vote of the senate." It is scarcely within the range of possibility that such vote can be secured between now and March 4. Indeed,' the partisans of the bill seem to have abandoned all hope of passing it, judging from , the remarks mads Monday evening by Senator

Edmunds, one of its warmest advocates. The failure ofj'this" measure is a serious blow to the administration, but it is a distinct triumph of patriotism, justice and decency. The bill was a transparent fraud. It was conceived in sin and brought forth in iniquity. It was a product of cant, hypocrisy and false pretenses. Urged in the ostensible interest of free and honest elections, its real purpose was to perpetuate the republican party in power regardless of the popular will, by methods as obnoxious to free institutions and by agencies as odious as those which prevailed to deprive the country of its choice for president in 1876-77. It involved a terrible menace against the peace and prosperity of the entire republic. Public sentiment was everywhere overwhelmingly against it. It was emphatically repudiated by the country on Nov. 4. Its death is an event upon which the American people, without regard to party, may well be congratulated. The Republican Wreck In Indiana. The city was ringing yesterday with the echoes of. the speech made on Tuesday by Mr. W. T. Brush before the republican politicians who assembled to consider the state of the party. Mr. Brush is a lawyer of Crawfordsville, Baid to be a man of ability and a fairly reputable man, as Indiana republican politicians ago. The report of his speech, printed in The Sentine yesterday morning, was the sensation of the day in political circles. We can vouch editorially for the substantial accuracy of that report. We did not print all that Mr. Brush said, but what we did print was what he actually said, and as he said it. The truthfulness of our report has not been challenged. It may be denied, but it cannot be successfully denied, as something like a hundred well-known republicans heard the ppeech and a number of them, speaking independently of each other, gave the information to the editor of The Sentinel which was published in these columns yesterday. The fact that these several statements, coming from independent sources, were identical in all essential respects, establishes the accuracy of The Sentinel's report beyond question. We are informed, upon the best of authority, that when Mr. Brush was remonstrated with, after the meeting, for his plain speaking, he remarked that there was no use of trying to "beat the devil around the stump," or seeking to conceal what everybody knew. We are also informed on like authority, that when Mr. Brush, in that assemblage of a hundred or more republicans, said that Indiana was carried for Harrison in 1SSS with boodle, there was no one to say him nay. The incident was an interesting one. It brought out, in striking relief, the shocking moral condition of the grand old party in Indiana. Of course Mr. Brush only said what every person in Indiana, who has any information whatever about matters political, already knew. His candor, however, was, under the circumstances, commendable. But as he said, there is no use in trying to "beat the devil around the stump." It is matter of common notoriety that Indiana was carried for Harrison by systematic and shameless corruption. The facts of the campaign of 1683 are historical. Mr. Harrison's personal appea's, at the Denison hotel, to republicans specially summoned from different par a of the state to raise money for the election, are well remembered. The dispatch to Chicago of his own son, and his present attorney-general, Mr. Miller, within a weekpr so of the election, to secure money from the millionaires of th it city "for use in getting votes into the ballot bozes," was an emphatic and scandalous illustration of his anxiety to carry the state regardless of the methods employed to that end. The blocks-of-fivo letter of William Wade Dudley has taken rank as a classic in the literature of political corruption. The appointment of Smiley N. Chambers to the post of U. S. district attorney.and the joint efforts of that interesting specimen of republican officialism and of Judge William A. Woods, sanctioned at every step by the administration of Mr. Harrison, to shield Dudley and his fellow rascals from punishment for their crimes, complete this shameful record of political knavery. The utterly demoralized condition of the republican party of Indiana today, as so strikingly manifested on Tuesday, is the logical result of the boodleism and sheksixism which have prevailed in its management for years past. The party is today a complete wreck. No self-respecting man of state reputation could be induced to take the chairmanship of ita organization, which was on Tuesday conferred upon a peanut politician from Rush county, whose obscurity is probably a correct measure of his capacity. The party is rent with the struggles of conflicting factions. It is divided into an administration camp and an anti-administration camp, and these rival camps are each in turn subdivided into a dozen factions. It is "every man for himself and the devil take the hindmost," from the man into the white house down to the meanest and raggedest blower and striker in the ranks. Huston has been remanded to the limbo of political incapables. Miciieneu, disappointed in his cabinet aspirations, has deserted the party chip and established himself an a pension-shark and all-round lobbyist at Washington. The existence of the Australian election law has put success in Indiana ivholly out of reach of the party, until it radically changes its character and its methods, which must be the work of years. The out ook for the party fn this state is, indeed, as dismal as it could possibly be, and the situation was correctly diagnosed on Tuesday, when Mr. Brush told the assembled patriots that, unless some way could be devised of beating the Australian election law in 1812, the party's case was hopeless. It is indeed, as we said, an interesting situation, aiid one which is pregnant with lessons of political decency and morality that should not be lost upon the politicians of any party. Indiana Legislatures. The Cincinnati Pott indulges in some criticisms of the last Indiana legislature which the JVu of this city reproduces with approving editorial comments, although they are entirely unwarranted by the facts. The Port is evidently in dense ignorance as to the character and extent of the work performed by the last legislature. It has passed Into history as the most useful legislature that ever sat in Indiana; as the legislature that made more

good laws and fewer bad laws than any of its predecessors ; as the legislature which gave the people election reform and smashed the school-book ring, and the Pout's comparison of it with the average Ohio legislature is a piece of newspaper recklessness which should havo met with rebuke instead of indorsement at the hands of the AVtr.. The Pod says : The Indiana law-makers take up the question of state finances at a point that would appall the most clear-headed financier. With an immense pub.ic debt; state institutions, swamped for want of running expenses; state officers unpaid, even the governor being obliged to sue for his salary, there will be no room for a repetition of some of the demagoguery displayed in the last session. The appointment of twenty-eight doorkeepers to salary a lot of hungry pie-grabbers, and the creation of "Supreme Court Commissions" won't go down with the taxpayers. Neither will a rehearsal of the prize ring tactics of that memorable cast be indorsed by the voters; no more will a lot of looselv constructed laws that must be pronounced, one after another, illegal, win the approval of the masses. What the Post says as to state finances isamereechoof exploded republican libels. What it says about "the loosely constructed laws" that "were pronounced illegal, oue afteranother," has as little basis in fact as the average republican campaign document. What are the facts? The legislature of 1SS9 was in session sixty days, and in that time passed 237 laws and five resolutions. Of these, 219 received the approval of Governor Hovey ; seven " were permitted by him to become laws by lapse of time, without his signature, and eleven were passed over his veto. Of this large number of laws only seven were held unconstitutional by the republican supremo court ; and six of these seven were measures which it was to the interest of the republican party to have set aside. The partisan character of these decisions is notorious. The oldest and ablest republican judge on the supreme bench dissented from all but one of them ; and so far from the masses approving them, they took the very first opportunity offered to repudiate them. The democratic state convention denounced these partisan decisions, and appealed from them to the grand tribunal of the people. The response was a popular majority of over 20,000 against the republicans. The record of the last legislature has been approved by the people of Indiana. It has proved a tower of strength to the democracy, and a blessing to the state. If the present legislature, or any future legislature, labors as earnestly, as honestly, as intelligently, as patriotically and aa successfully for the public good as did the legislature of 1S89, the people of Indiana will be more than satisfied. The Pvrt, by the way, warns our law-makers against "unduly protracted sessions." Evidently it is unaware of the fact that our constitution limits regular sessions to sixty days once in two years, and that special sessions arc rarely called in this state. We think the Pod would better confine its legislative moralizing to its own state, and that the Xcm might be in better business than giving currency to its stupid and mendacious criticisms upon a body which distinguished itself so highly as did the last Indiana legislature.

The So-called Indian Problem. According to a bulletin just issued by the census bureau the total Indian population of the United States (exclusive of Alaska) is 244,704. -Probably there is little more confidence, .if any, to be placed in the census bureau's ' figures regarding the Indians than in those relating to the whites. But it is 6afe to conclude that the figures are not exaggerated, indeed many tribes are complaining that they have not been fully enumerated. The Indian population of the country may therefore be set down, in round numbers, as a quarter of a million. There is a popular impression that the Indians of today are a mere insignificant remnant of what was once a vast population. The impression is erroneous. We have heard so much from poets and orators about the fading away of the noble red man before the advances of civilization that we have formed an exaggerated idea of the Indian strength before the white man had begun his career of conquest in America. It is doubtful if at any time since the discovery of America the Indian population of the territory now embraced in the United States has been very much greater than it is at present. "The earlier visitors to North America," says Hildketh in his history of the United States, "formed very exaggerated notions of the number of the native inhabitants. From the sea coast back to the falls of the rivers seems to have been by far the most populous part of the continent. This district had a resource in abundant supplies of fish, for the most part wanting in the interior. Great tracts among and beyond the mountains seem to have been destitute of resident inhabitants, serving as occasional huntinggrounds for distant tribes. The prairies of the far West did not originally possess those herds of wild horses which have added so much to the pleasure and the power, and probably, also, to the numbers of the Western tribes. The most powerful confederacies, the Iroquois or Five Nations, the Ch Tokees, the Creeks, the Choctaws, the Chippewas of Lake Superior, never could boast more than three, four or five thousand warriors, and the warriors were ueua ly reckoned a fourth part of the whole number. From tho more accurate knowledge of existing tribes," continues Hildreth, "compared with the facts stated by the earlier observers, we have no reason to suppose that the total Indian population within the territory of the United States east of tho Rocky mountains, at any time subsequent to the discovery of America, exceeded, if indeed it ever reached, 300,000 individ uals." The fact is that the same causes which have operated since the settlement of this country to keep down the Indian population were active before the white men came. 'The scanty and uncertain supply of food" (quoting I Iildkkth again), "and more especif'l the hardships and severe labor to whit n the Indian women were subjected, contributed to keep the population in check. Few exceeded the number of three or four children. Asa - general rule the Indians were not long lived. Many perished prematurely by consumption and fevers, t6 which the sudden vicissitudes of the climate and their habits of

life particularly exposed them. Toothache, one of the epidemic disorders of the United States, is noticed by an early observer as a very common affliction, bringing tears into the eyes of the stoutest warriors. Whole tribes were sometimes swept away by famine or pestilential disorders. Europeans introduced the smallpox and other diseases, which proved very fatal." It will be seen that the numbers of the Indians, in proportion to the numbers of the whites, for a century at least, was not great enough to make the Indian "probblem," so called, a verv serious one. Today the Indians, numerically, are to the whites as 2-30,000 is to, say 5(3,000,000 whites, or as one to 224. That is to say, for every Indian there are 224 whit persons, and of these Indians the majority have made considerable progress in civilization, and are living in orderly and quiet relations, practicing the arts of peace, and as free from crime and turbulence as an average white community. The idea that the government, representing 56,000,000 white people, is unable to restrain and control the few thousand savage Indians, without recurring scenes of bloodshed and pillage, without resorting to the wholesale slaughter of Indian women and children, and ordering such cold-blooded crimes as the murder of Sitting Bull, is preposterous. If this is true the Caucasian is, indeed, as Truthful .'ami's remarked, "played out." He is "no goo l." The veneerlHig upon the savage instincts derived from his ancestors is very thin. But it is not true. If the rules of humanity, honesty and fair dea'ing had been observed from the beginning by the white men toward the Indians we should have inherited no Indian problem. It is a problem which the whites have made, and which they can solve only by the application, in their dealings with the Indians, of the precepts of Christianity, and the principles which prevail in their relations with each other. There is really no necessity for the gunpowder treatment. There never has been such a necessity. The curse of the exisiting system, which was largely mitigated under the Cleveland administration, is the prostitution of the Indian service to the ends of partisanship. When Benjamin Harrison, disregarding the protests of the most enlightened men and women of all parties, deliberately handed the Indian bureau over to the spoilsmen, he sowed the seeds from which a harvest of blood and misery is now being reaped in the Northwest. The Messiah delusion would have been harmless enough had it not been for the lying, the cheating, the stealingthe falsehood and greed and treachery and cruelty of the coarse and brutal political blowers and strikers whom Mr. Harris x placed in charge of the Dakota tribes with implied license to steal themselves rich before the end of his administration. The responsibility of the Northwestern horrors, of the sacrifice of so many human beings both w hite and Indians rests with the politicians. Theirs is the blood-guiltiness of which Mr. Voorhees spoke so eloquently in the senate a few weeks ago. The republicans in the senate Thursday indulged in a good deal of buncombe about economy. Talk is very cheap, but only actions tell. There never was a republican legislature or congress which showed the slightest regard for economy, and probably there never will be. The democrats in the senate yesterday cut down the pay-roll materially, as compared with previous' years, although we are free to say that they did not go so far as they should have done in that direction. It is the duty of both houses to exercise a wise and reasonable economy in these matters. There should be an adequate force of clerks and other employes in each branch, at fair wages, but there is no doubt, that former legislatures, both republican and democratic, have carried excessive pay rolls, and the present legislature 6hould reform this abuse. There is a happy medium between cheese-pariug and extravagance; between picayunishness and profligacy, and we hope the senate and house may strike it. Let there be enough competent men employed at decent wages to do the clerical and other work of the legislature accurately and expeditiously, but in Heaven's name don't fill up the aisles and lobbies with supernumeraries, who will have nothing to do but draw their pay, and who will be a hindrance instead of a help to public business. Above all. let not valuable time be wasted in splittinghairs about this business. There is much pnblic work of the highest importance to be done, and the time in which to do it is limited. - Let us hope that the question of employes may be settled as speedily as possible, with good feeling all around, so that the legislature may get down to serious business without a moment's unnecessary delay. Governor IIovey's recommendation of non-partisan management of the public institutions would probably have a good deal of weight if it came from an executive w ho had not appointed a partisan republican to every position in his gift when the law permitted him to do so. In view of his record in these matters, however, it carries no weight whatever. Think of the governor who appointed Judge McBride to a post which the people, by over twenty thousand majority, had declared that they did not want him to fill, recommending non-partisan boards for the public institutions 1 There is a good deal to be said in favor of non-partisan management of these institutions, but Governor Hovey is not the man to say it. His actions belie his words. Indiana has set the pace , for many of her sister states in the matter of legislation. Nearly every Western legislature now in session has one or more text book bills before it, modeled after the Indiana school-book law, and every governor who has sent in a message this winter has recommended the Australian election system, unless it was already in force in his state. 'At the republican conference in this city last week Mr. W. T. Brush of Crawfordsville, a very prominent member of the grand old party, frankly declared that Indiana was carried for Harrison in 18S3 with boodle. His assertion was not cballeng d by any of the hundred or more republicans who heard it. Mr. Brush also declared that unless some method could be devised of overturning or evading the

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. Used in Millions of Homes new election law, the republicans would 1892. This was very plain talk, but everybody who heard it realized that it was true, and no one seems to have ventured a suggestion that Indiana might possibly go republican at an honest election. It's a grand old party, if n't it? It is encouraging to find that the laws against trusts have proved stringent enough to break down the proposed harvester combine. When a thirty-five milliondollar combination goes to pieces because the laws are in its way, it shows that after all the people are stronger than wealth, and cannot be overcome by it when they choose to use the power. EuRor-E is "enjoying" a regular oldfashioned North American winter. In Central and Southern Europe the people are wholly unprepared for such extremities of cold as they are now experiencing, and the suffering resulting therefrom is of course very great. The winter is declared the severest that Europe has seen since 1813. We believe the people of Indiana were never so thoroughly united upon any question as they are now in support of the new proposition to put every public official, state and county, upon a fixed salary, all fees and perquisites to be turned into the public treasury. Pay all public officials fair salaries and compel them to turn all the fees into the public treasury. This is what the people of Indiana, with one voice, demand. The harvester trust has gone to pieces, but the barbed-wire combine is still in the ring. Speaking of street lighting, the best is none too good for Indianapolis. Fee and salarv reform is in the air. ET CETERA. Princess Beatrice prefers to be addressed as Princess Henry of Battenberg. Senator Carlisle's grandson and namesake, although only two years old, insists that his friends shall not call him "John" nor "Johnnie," but "John ( i." Ex-Secretary Hugh McCullocti, in his "Men and Measures of Half a Century," said of the late Gen. Spinner: "He was the best business officer I ever knew." Mr. Farjeon, the celebrated English novelist, whose writings have been ranked with Dickens', and who married a daughter of Joe Jelierson, jr., will visit this country. Miss Ida Lewis has an offer to go upon the stage, but it is hardiy likely that she will accept it. She is too good-natured a woman, and after saving so many lives on the rock-bound shores of Narragansett bay, would have no heart to paralyze people with her acting. Mrs. Charity Hathaway of Beemer Hill. Sullivan county, Pa., is the only woman trapper and raw fur dealer in the county. Last season she cleared nearly $450 from the sale of furs and ginseng rot. The animals from which the greater portion of the furs was obtained were trapped and skinned by Mrs. Hathaway. A negro in Chattanooga, who had killed a very large rat, was persuaded that it was a great delicacy with the Chinese and they would buy it. He took it to a laundryman and he barely escaped with his li e. The Chinaman threw flatirons and everything throwable about the place at the frightened negro, and chased him several blocks up the street. Ex-President Cleveland presided at a lecture given by the Rev. Dr. Paxton at the church of the Puritans, New York, on Tuesday evening. Dr. Paxton, in the course of his lecture, said: "I congratulate the chairman on being very much alive. In spite of bis modesty he . cannot be hid; like Banquo's ghost, he 'won't down.' Speaking as a republican, I think I shall yet see him lead my party to the frontiers and dismiss us to a long exile. I am much afraid 1 shall vote for him." Mr. Cleveland smiled, and the audience broke into loud applause. Benton Halstead, a brother of Murat Halstead. claims that he made the original typewriter in 1870. He r'uged up a machine, using types borrowed from his brother's office; keys whittled out of pine, and connections between type and key of hemp twine that were forever stretching, breaking and otherwise causing trouble. He used this rough affair in his own law office for many months, and pleadings prepared thereon were the admiration of the entire Cincinnati bar. A patent was secured, and a model of the machine, hemp . twine, pine keys and newspaper type, is nw in possession of Uncle Sam at V ashington. Mrs. JIenry McGowak of Barre, Vt., died from typhoid pneumonia recently. Twenty-four hours later her husband died of heart disease, while standing bv her coffin. The coffins containing the two were placed Bide by side in the same hearse. The funeral procession stopped first before the Roman catholic church, where a service was held over the body of Mrs. McGowan. Then the procession moved slowly to the other end of the village, to the universalis church, and there the coilin containing the husband's body was borne into the church. After service the coflins were again placed side by side and taken to the receiving tomb of the village cemetery. Miss Abbott was of a singularly impetuous temperament. About ten years ago Jennie Smith and Covert D. Bennett were condemned in New Jersey to be hanged for the murder of the woman's husband, a Jersey City policeman. The accused persons had had two trials and the gallows awaited them. Their counsel, however, said that if he could get $1,000 he could secure another trial and acquit them. Emma Abbott read this announcement in a newHpaper, and instantly calling a cab, she visited Judge Henry Hilton, August Belmont, sr., Henry Drexel and Other midionaires, soliciting aid for. Mrs. Smith and Bennett. She started on the tour atout 0 o'clock a. m., and at 2: 30 p. m. had the nvmy collected. She sent it to the Itev. Dr. liice of Jersey City, who devoted it to tho purpose intended. A new trial was granted the condemned people and they w ere acquitted.

n. vy 40 Years the Standai'd. , pgg ij) SALARY REFORM THE LEADING QUESTION OF THE DAY General Dlscnasoa of the Subject ia the State Pre Public Sentiment United la Favor of the Reform Vf hen Shall the Law Take Effect? Terre Haute Gazette The one imperative demand of the times, so far as legislative action goes, is for a just and fair salary bill. Let the fees be as now, but let the money collected go into the county treasury and all officers be paid salaries. They should be fair and just, and even liberal salaries, but they should be salaries, and the peop:e should know just what they are. Then the fees should be collected and turned over to the treasury. There ought, in fact, to be some system whereby these fees should be collected much more fully than they have been in the past. The court house ought to pay its way like a business establishment, litigants paying all expenses, as dancers pay for the music to which they dance. It will be easier and more just to make the law become operative after the terms of all officials now in office shall have expired. That it would be easier to have the law with that provision in it is obvious. That it will be jut to do it is scarcely less obvious because something in the nature of a contract exists between the people and the officials they have elected that the compensation should be whatever it w as at the time of the election. But the law must be carefully considered and pased and no subseouent legislature will dare rejeal or tamper with it. The people of the state are very much in earnest about this. The Gazfttf is sure of this statement, for it is in pretty close touch with the people, and besides, no matter what anybody else thinks, it is in favor of the bill because it is just and risrht. In this, as in all things, the democratic party stands by the plain people of the land. A NOVEL, PLAN. What a Correspond nt of the "Ohio Farmer Proposes. A correspondent of the Ohio Farmrr suggests a novel plan to settle the fee and i salary question. He proposes that the legislature pass the following bill: Section 1. Every person who shall offer himself as a candidate for his party for any of the following offices: county auditor, recorder, treasurer, survevor. sheriff. j and clerk of the circuit court, shall pub licly announce through at least one paper of general circulation in the county, for two weeks before the time set by his party for nominating it candidate for said office, that he is a candidate for said office and j that he will perform all of the duties perj taming to said office for a certain sum 'which he shall epecify in said advertisement. But this shall not be construed to its primary elections from nominating one who has not so advertised. See. 2. Any person going before the people as a candidate of any partv, or as an independent candidate for the offices named in this act, shall, one week befor the election of $nid officers, file a bond for the faithful performance of the duties of said offic, with the county commissioners, w hich bond shall state the amount for which he agrees to perform said duties. If the commissioners are satisfied thrt the bond is good and sufficient, thev shall certify thereof their acceptance of the same on condition that the candidate shall be elected and qualified for said office. Sec. 3. Every person whose name is placed on any ticket for election to any of the offices named iu this act shall have placed after ami opposite his name th exact sum for which he agrees to perform the duties of said office. Said sum to agree with the amount named on his bond filed with the commissioners. Sec. 4. If by enactment subsequent to his election any officer shall be required to perform additional iuties it shall be tho duty of the county commissioners to allow him a fair compensation therefor. The plan secures to each man his right as an individual and Il the advantages he may have as a man of character before his party and the public. It secures all parties their right as to thecandidate they will place before the public, and gives to the publ'c a full knowledge of what they have to pay, at the same time leaving them free "to choose as to the qualification of the different candidates. The bond before election is to prevent the election of irresponsible parties who might underbid those more responsible. FOR REFORM. Measures Which the People of Indiana Are Demand ng To the Editor Sir: We observe with much concern the efforts being made by some of the so-called democratic organs of the state of Indiana to block the wheels of salary reform, an I we n te with a treat deal of pride that The Sentinel has taken a bold stand for the tax payers on this important question as well as ona l others. lxt us assure you that the "evvet-t morsel" of salarv refbini which was promised to the farmers of the 6tate was the "Balm in Gilead" to thir tax oppressed souls. It was the promise of this reform that held thousands of democratic farmers in the ranks of the party, that, when the "school book ring ' got a grip on the people of this state which they believed could not be loosened, came forward, and. Sullivan like, "slugged it in the neck, and we hear its voice no longer in the land. Give us a goo 1 dose of this"6weet morsel" and we wiil say to the democratic par y of Indiana, "thrice b'eseed uf my father please enter into thy just reward, which will be a sweeping victory for "Cleveland and tariff reform" in '?J. In addition to salary reform let the democratic par;y give us a iaw requiring mortgages to bear a just proportion of the ' tax-s and tlmt all notes that are not given j in for taxation shall be "nu 1 and void," j and by so doing mil ious will be added to taxable property. The patrons of ind :stry ' of DcKalb county, have ad pted a set of ; principles w hich we of this county heartily . indorse, but will be satisfied with a ff w of these much needed reforms for the present. In conclusion let me say tha if the democratic partv, with its overwhelming majority in the legislature, fails to give us some of these reforms their majority will dwind e to a minoritv when the next legislature convenes. Yours for reform, T. Y. M. Mets, Steuben county, Ind., Jan. 6.