Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 34, Number 52, Indianapolis, Marion County, 30 January 1889 — Page 4

THE INDIANA STATE SENTINEL. WEDNESDAY. JANUARY 30. 1SS9.

INDIANA STATE SENTINEL

ILutcrd at the Pontoffii-e at Indianapolis aa secondclasa matter. TERMS TER YEAR: Einl? copy.. ... St 00 V'c ask democrats to bear in mind and select their smn state prper when they come to take subscriptions and make np club. Aienta making np clubs send for any information desired. Adders INDIANAPOLIS SENTINEL, Indianapolis, ind. WEDNESDAY, JAN. GO. HARRISON'S CABINET. The Senüncrn'1 Gociting Contest Will Remain Open Until Feb. L. At the request of numerous readers, the contest forTH E Sentinel's fifty-dollar prize for the best "guess" on HaERLSOX's cabinet will be kept open until the 1st of February. The names of the cabinet will certainly not be known before that time, and probably not for thirty days longer. Fifty dollars in cash will be paid the person who eends to The Sentinel office, before Feb. 1, the best gueF on the cabinet. Each guess must be accompanied by the sum rf one dollar for which The &CNDAY SENTINEL will b mailed (postage prepaid) to any address, or delivered in the city, for the term of tix month?; or TnE Indiana State SentiM:l (weekly) will be mailed (postage prepaid) to any address fur the term of one year. The "guess" should give the names and positions of the seven cabinet officers, thus: Treasury . Interior - - War I.'Stoffioe Ju:ue (AUy.-Gen.) The premium will be awarded immediately efter the cabinet nominations have been confinned by the senate, and the award will be based upon the cabinet, as confirmed. This ofTer is open to the whole world, and af ords an excelled opportunity for shrewd political cuessinj. The enesser will receive in any event the full value of his money in The Sunday Sentinel or The Indiana State SiZNTiNEL; and if he makes the best guess will f et 5C0 in cub, and establish his reputation as a keen political observer and a clever student cf she signs of the times. Now send in your guesses, ladies and gentlemen democrats, republicans, prohibitionists, rrecnbackers. mugwumps and political nondescripts. You all have a chance. Our Senator and the Tariff. We have the highest regard for Senator Yoorhee? as i man ami as a democrat. "Ye admire him for his ability, his eloquence and his courage, and we take pride in the fame which his public services have gained for hira. It is therefore not an agreeable duty to pass criticism upon the senator for what we conceive to be a eerious error in casting a vote in the fenafe against the abolition of the duty on coal. We printed yesterday, from the Vwj nmonal Record, the remarks made by the senator upon the occasion of casting that vote, in order that the people of Indiana might understand the grounds upon which he based this action. To our mind, the reasons given by the senator for his vote are insufficient, lie declares that as a member of the St. Louis convention he heard what in know n as the Mills bill indorsed in special terms; that bill contained a provision levying a duty of 75 cents a ton on coal, and the senator says he feels bound "to stand by the authorized expressions of his party until they are rescinded." We submit that this is unworthy of .Senator Voorhees;. The St. Louis platform did not indorse the Mills bill. After the platform was adopted Mr. Scott introduced a resolution that was unanimously adopted reciting ''that this convention indorse and recommend for early passage the bill for the reduction of the revenue now pending in the house of representatives." According to Senator Voohiiees logic, this declaration commits every democrat in the country to stand, for the next four ycr.rs, for the Mills I -ill r?rhitif.i ft literatim. He is bound, under this declaration, to oppose any increase of the free list above the free list of the Mills bill ; or a reduction of cny duty below the point fixed by that measure, or the change of a word or eyll?!;ie or a letter in any of it? provisions. A democrat must, according to Senator Yoor.irrcs' logic, he for just 40 per cent, tax !) more an 1 no less on cotton cloth; for just cents per pound no more and no less on ground mustard; for just 40 cents per cubic foot no more and no less on sawed marble, until another democratic convention meet., nearly four years hence, and issues new instructions. This is absurd, but it is what Senator 'Voorhees' contention implies. What the St. Louis convention declared for was a principle, not a schedule. It indorsed the Mills bill as a practical measure of tax reform, not as a erfect or final bill. 2o democrat everso considered it ; like all euch measures, it was the result of concession and compromise. Its free list was too EhorL and many of the duties it imposed were too high. But it was an intelligent and honest attempt to lighten the burdens of the people, and as such the St. Louis convention recommended its passage. That convention, however, said at the game time: "All unnecessary taxation is unjust taxation ;" "it is repugnant to the creed of democracy that by 6uch taxation the cost of the necessaries of lifeshould be unj jstiliably increased to all our people;" "ti e interests of the people are betrayed when, by unnecessary taxation, trusts and combines are permitted to exist, which, while unduly enriching the few that combine, rob the body ot our citizens by depriving them of the benefit of natural competition." ii Senator Voorhee- and Senator TceriE and every other democratic senator and representative will shape their course to conform to these declarations of bound principle, and not bother their heads about the details of the Mills bill, they will be sustained by every genuine democrat in the United States. A s to the 2,500 coal miners in Clay county, we know, and Senator Voorhees knows, and, we are glad to say, a majority of the miners themselves know, that they are not Ionefite4 to the extent of a single penny, and never have been, by the seventy-five-ccnt duty on coal. That has all gone to their employers, who, by virtue of the "protection" it gives them have been enabled to form one of the very combines or trust denounced by the St. Loui3 platfora; who live in

princely splendor in Chicago; who defraud their employes by "pluck-me stores" and "short weighing," and who, in the last campaign, even asserted the right to control their suil'rages. It is in the interest of these monopolists that the seventy-five-cent tax on soft coal is maintained; and we call the attention of Senators Voorhees and Turpie to the fact, that notwithstanding this "protection," Clay county is to-day tilled with idle miners, and those who are employed can hardly earn enough to keep body and soul together. What wo have said in this matter is said in no unkind spirit

toward Senator Voorhees, or Senator Tirpie, who also voted asainst the repeal of the duty on coal. Both we believe to be sincere tariff reformers, and we regard their votes on this coal question as a mere error of judgment, made without due reflection, and not as an indication that they are not sound upon the great question of taxation which remains the vital issue between the two parties, as it will be until it has been settled right. In the battle between the monopolies and the people we expect that the distinguished senators from Indiana will continue to bear an honorable and conspicuous part; and we feel great confidence that they will not again permit themselves to be betrayed for a moment into an attitude which may appear inconsistent with the great principles to which the democratic party is irrevocably committed. A Wail of Disgust. The president-elect is disgusted and disheartened with tho republican officeseekers. Through his organ he utters a pitiful wail, which ought to excite the sympathy even of those who have no admiration for the man or for the principles he represent?. "If Gen. Harrison is not broken down in health before his term of office begins," says the organ, "it will be due to his constitutional vigor and endurance, and not to the consideration of his countrymen. Tle prrwire on lien is very great and conttnntly iirrrasirq. It takes the dual form of an immense mail and a constant stream of visitors. ? From any reasonable point of view it is disgusting, e i'he average office-seeker is utterly inconsiderate and implacable. No interest, public or private, can, at all compare, in his estimation, with the importance cf his claim for an office being brought to the personal attention of the president-elect with the least possible delaj-, either by letter or in person. Thus the never-ending and ever-increasing army of office-seekers combine to make the pressure incessant, insistent and intolerable, and the time and strength of the president-elect are continually exhausted." It is Gen. Harrison's misfortune that he belongs to a party which regards public office, not as a public trust, but as a private snap. It is an aggregation of very thirsty and very hungry place-seekers. Subtract the '"never ending and ever increasing army" of spoils-hunters from its ranks, and there will be little left but an array of monopolists and jobbers and a mass of ignorant negroes. There are democrats who are not wholly insensible to the allurements of a commission in the public service, but neither in number nor in voracity are they to be compared with the grand army of republican "patriots" who are making Benjamin Harrison's life a burden with their ceaseless and unblushing importunities for office. The amiable gentlemen who imagined that the republican party afforded a promising agency for the reform of the civil service w ill find much food for reflection in the organic deliverance from which we have quoted. The Pity or It. The plundering of the people by the school-book trust is not by any means the most serious injury it inflicts upon the state. It is bad enough to rob the people, but it is infinitely worse to systematically debauch those who are intrusted with their educational interests, and who oucrht to be moral exemplars fortbeir communities. It is a notorious fact that many county and city superintendents, township trustees, members of school-boards, and instructors, including even principals of high-schools and officers and professors of our higher institutions of learning, are hand in glove with the trust. Their influence is obtained by various methods, none of which will bear close scrutiny, and is systematically utilized to promote the ends of the monopoly. This influence will be brought to bear upon the legislature to prevent any action against the trust. It is already making itself felt. We are informed that remonstrances are being circulated throughout the state by persons having official connection with our schools against any interference by the legislature with the text-book monopoly. What all this means it is unnecessary to point out. What it imports of moral obliquity on the part of those who are charged with the care cf the youth of the state during the period when their minds are most plastic and their characters are being formed is really appalling to those w ho realize that integrity is the foundation o all that is good in manhood and womanhood. An Organization which is systematically corrupting the teachers of our children is doing an amount of evil which cannot be measured in dollars and cents. It is sowing the seeds of moral disease in the community, which will by and by produce; a rich harvest of theft, peculation and bribery. If the school book trust, therefore, were not making a penny out of the people, it would still be a great public evil. The crying sin of the day is not intemperance, nor licentiousness, nor profanity nor any of the transgressions that are most declaimed against by our religious and moral teachers; it is dishonesty. The standard of personal integrity in the United States has greatly declined during the last few years. Not only in the public business but in the affairs of great corporations, and of large commercial and financial enterprises of every kind, is this fact made glaringly mannest. It is evidenced by the growth of bribery in our elections; and by the increased potency of money in such bodies a9 city councils, boards of commissioners, school trustees, state legislatures and even in the national congress; by the frequent lapses of our judiciary ; and by the immense number of dedications, embezzlements and breaches of trusts by those charged with fiduciary duties. If

our boys and girls are to grow up under the teaching of those whose moral sense is so blunted that they will betray the interests confided to their hands for the sake of a few paltry dollars, what may wo not expect of the next generation? These considerations deserve to have great weight with our law-makers. They should smash the school book trust, not only because it is robbing the people, but becauso it is poisoning the sources of popular integrity. They should smash it all to pieces. Republican Senators Indorse Bribery. The spectacle of twenty-two senators resisting an attempt to unseat one of their colleagues, in the face of overwhelming evidence that he obtained his seat by wholesale bribery, is not a pleasant one for lovers of a pure and honest government to contemplate. This spectacle has been on view in the senate of Indiana for two or three days past. The twenty-two senators who have thus placed themselves on record in support ot bribery and corruption are all republicans ; and their attitude illustrates the moral rottenness of their party as strikingly as Dudley's infamous manual of instructions for votebuyers, or William Woods' recent scandalous performance on the bencli. Gov. IIovey, in his inaugural message, said : "The demagogue who would buy the vote of his poor and needy neighbor is far more corrupt and vile than his victim, and will only wait his chances to sell the liberties of his country for a higher price. At a rule, he xoho buys a rote v:Ul sell his own." True, every word of it. And yet among the twenty-three senators of Gov. Hovey's party there is not one honest, or brave, or manly enough to demand the unseating of a fellow partisan whose title to membership is grounded on bribery and fraud. For the evidence against Carpenter is absolutely overwhelming. It has not been refuted, explained, or even denied by that individual. It established beyond the shadow of a doubt that his seat was obtained by systematic bribery. The senators who led the fight against his unseating, did not even attempt to break its force. They resorted to the tactics of a Tombs shyster quibbled and pettifogged, and played upon words in a manner that would have done honor to a Dudley judge "interpreting" the law. They advertised themselves as full subscribers to the theory upon which the recent campaign of their party was conductedthat "the end justifies the means;" that "everything is fair in politics," and that bribery is a legitimate weapon in political warfare. If anything were lacking after the Dudley revelations and the Woods scandal to 6how that the republican party is hopelessly corrupt, the twenty-three senators who voted to retain Caktenter in a purchased seat have supplied the want. The case against the g. o. p. is complete. It has reached the lowest depths of political degradation. The School Hook Question. The Journal is greatly wrought up over the book trust. It calls all opposition to it "the democratic idea." Gov. Hovey's message is mainly, therefore, "the democratic idea," in that honest and timely recommendation to the legislature, calling attention to the enormities of this oppressive book trust. We do not believe him to be "as corrupt already as possible," along with the democratic majority, which seems to be, and ought to be, opposed to the terrible book monopoly, whose agents "are known privately," only by The Sentinel. The Journal must take its choice now between defending or opposing the book trust, fairly and squarely before the outraged people of this state. Opposition to it, on the part of The Sentinel, and on the part of the governor, and by "the democratic majority already as corrupt as possible," does not prove the opposition to be political or partisan. There is no "ring" in the opposition, either, a3 alleged by the Journal; nor any "would-be-monopolists," unless you can class the republican governor in his message as part of the "ring," along Mith the honest men who are looking after the people's interest us against that of the book trust. What "ring" is meant? Is the state to be called "a ring" for the oppression of the people because its legislature proposes a measure by which the state shall manage the affairs of its public schools? Is the governor to be called a "ring'Meader of monopoly because he recommends such a measure to the legislature ? If the state is powerless to speak out plainly in the matter of school-book supplies, then let us give a six-year contract to Appleton or Van Antwerp, Bragg & Co. to supply the school-houses with desks and benches and stoves. Let us have a bill framed by a Journal correspondent or an "attorney" of some book-house and use our influence to pass it, which bill shall empower trustees to adopt a certain kind of stoves for six years; and provide in the bill that, when such kind of stove is once adopted, it shall remain in uniform use to the exclusion of every other kind of 6tove. This w the law, or an exact example of it, so far as it relates to school-books. And yet, the Journal fails to 6ee any room here for a ring or a compact, or a trust or a monopoly. The state has no right to stand by any such a stove and cry out that "the state law on school stoves leaves no room for monopolies to plunder the state or school treasury." As The Sentinel has already stated, the school law in every state has largely been framed by school-book lobbyists in everything relating to the supply of books. They did it under the guise of assisting to "render uniform and cheapen schoolbooks." They freely gave their time and labor "to help s'ate superintendents and all managers of schools to the knowledge of how to systematize the grand w ork of public education," and in thus "helping" they helped themselves and their firms to an easier and broader way of wealth, until to-day there is not a more powerful monopoly of money and brains on this continent. In Tennessee and Virginia and Kentucky and other states that had a poor public school system, or none at all after the war, it may be said to their credit that some of our large book firms did much good in helping the law into practical working in hundreds of counties and thousands of school districts, but always with an eye to "the main chance" in the near future. The near future came, and found the schools framed within on iron

frame of law and provisions hanging in every school-room, in every superintendent's home, from that of stato to that of village school. Those provisions were but the agents' passport. At all the great school gatherings in those hospitable old states no man was so prominently conspicuous as the schoolbook agent, "representative of the Messrs. A., B., C, D., L, F., etc., etc., etc., and publishers of the books used exclusively in the schools of eighteen states," besides "200 cities not named and outside their regular territory." County by county fell into the grasp of these conspicuous gentlemen, like ears of ripo wheat into the bend of the sickle. The harvest was gathered home to Boston, New York, Cincinnati and other great centers of control and publishers' headquarters. To-day these same conspicuous gentlemen stand in the corridors of our state house, and will dare to dictate to our press and our law-making power what they wish done. Yet, for heaven's sake, don't call them "monopoly," 6ays the Journal. Call the state a ring, call the opposition to the book trust, the republican governor included, a ring; but, pray, don't call the nineteen houses of the schoolbook syndicate a ring. Call it all "the democratic corruption idea." Remember your duty, legislators democrats and republicans. Stand together for the people of the state in this matter; and remember that it will not make you any more "corrupt". to vote your majorities on the side and in the interest of the people and their children in so gra e a matter as involves hundreds of thousands of dollars every six years you lease the state out. School Book Trust Literature. We have received a pamphlet entitled "Opinion of the Hon. Newton Batemas Against State Uniformity of Text-Books and Free Books." We are informed that the state is being literally flooded with this and similar publications. The contents of this pamphlet purport to be taken from an official report of Mr. Bateman as state superintendent of public instruction of the state of Illinois. Singularly enough the date of this report is not given. Prof. Batkman's "opinion" is well written, ingenious and clever in every way. lie bases his opposition to state uniformity of text books upon the grounds that a diversity of books is desirable; that what is suitable to the needs of one pupil is unsuitable to the needs of another; that one teacher may find a certain book useful to him, while another teacher may find the same book a hindrance; that the selection of school books for an entire state involves a greater responsibility than ought to be imposed upon any individual, and finally, that uniformity would increase rather than diminish- the expense of school books to the people. Mr. Bateman's arguments, plausible as they appear on the surface, are not good. In the first place the objection to uniformity of text books throughout the state has equal force as against uniformity of text books, in a county, township or school district. Mr. Batemas very truly says : The tendency to routine, to unbroken sameness, is very great in in our public schools. This is, in - fact, though, to a great degree inevitable, one of the greatest evils incident to any general system of public education. Wc are obliged to deal with pupils in masses; to prescribe rules and regulations, courses of study, text-books, discipline, checks and spurs, restraints, incentives, etc., för groups, classes, averages, aggregates of scholars, rather than for individuals. We cannot consult or regard the special aptitudes, idiosyncrasies, needs, talents, tastes or temperaments of particular pupils, to any very great extent, in the instruc tion and management of common schools. In thse respects all state systems of free schools are necessarily more or less rigid, indexible, stereotyped; they do not admit oi that facile adaptation of particular ends; of that special application of forces, restrictive, incentive, or admonitory, according to the mental, moral, spiritual or physical wants or biases of each separat; pupil may require, which is always desirable, but which is fully practicable ouly iri private instruction or in very small schools. The governing unit in public education, as has been said, is the mass, the ageregate, the 6rhool; it cannot be the individual, to but a limited extent. Hence, as already remarked, the tendency is to a sameness of development, that is not so favorable to the evolution of the most and the best ot which each individual pupil is capable. Ami this, as has also been remarked, is to some extent inevitable in any general system ot common schools, or even in any school. Mr. Bateman says that this evil would be enhanced by making text-books uniform throughout the state. This is a glaring von scuitur. So long as it is impossible, as he admits it is, to consult the individual tastes, aptitudes and idiosyncrasies of teachers and pupils in the choice of text books, what difference does it make whether the text-books are selected by the state or county officials? Better books, we should imagine, might be expected from the former than from the latter, for as a rule they would be men of more experience and capacity. Mr. Bvteman says: Under the present independence of the local districts in respect to a c hoice of books, while there is, or should be, strict uniformity in the schools of each separate district, there is the greatest diversity in different districts, towns and counties: so, that pupils passing from one district, town fr county to another, may escape from the ruts of routiue books and methods, of which they had become weary, to fresh books and methods, which, even though perhaps intrinsically no better, serve to inspire the pupils with fresh life and spirit. Under the plan of state uniformity, on the other hand, there would be no escape from the routine and stagnation of old books and bookmethods, without leaving the public schools altogether; the same unvarying monotony would be found, in this respect, in every school of the state, til! it should phase the state authorities to make a change. So that in order to get the assured advantages of diversity in text books under the present system a pupil has to pass "from one district, town or county to another," does he? Well, it would be interesting to know how many pupilsdopass from one district, town or county to another in Indiana. Probably not one in a thousand ; and even this one will lind eighty chances out of ninety-two against getting a change in text books by a change of residence, since a single firm, Van Antwerp, Bkai.o A: Co., are said to control the supply of books in eighty out of the ninety-two counties in this state. So it will be seen that Mr. Bateman's specious argument cgainst stato uniformity of text books falls to the ground of its own weight. State uniformity is not more obnoxious to the objection he urges than county or township uniformity, and, anyhow, it practically exists today, under the manipulation of the schoolbook trust. As to the claim that school-books furnished by the state would cost the people more than under the present system, it is thoroughly exploded by the experienco of California. What has been successfully accomplished in , California can be jtibtaa successfully accomplished in In-

j diana. And the fact that the school-book ; trust can afford to expend thousands of

dollars in the circulation of such literature as Mr. Bateman's "opinion" is sufficient evidence of the necessity of a change in the present system. Law Books and School Books. ' When passing a bill to relieve the lawyers by providing for state publication of the supreme court reports the legislature should not fail also to pass a bill to relieve the working men and the farmers from the oppressive burden of school liook extortion. Since the office was created tho reporter of the supreme court has had a monopoly of the court reports, which he is allowed by law to sell for So.50 per volume. This has been a heavy burden for the lawyers, and now they propose to have the state publish the reports by contract and sell them to lawyers at an advance of twenty-five cents per volume over the contract price. The secretary ' of state is to be the storekeeper, and through him the lawyers will be supplied. By this system the state will gain instead of losing and the lawyers will save at least $2 per volume. The books are to be printed on as good paper and in the same style of binding as at present, and not to contain less than 700 pages. The estimated cost of publishing these reports, which are to be printed on heavy paper und bound in leather, is S1.23 per volume and only l.StK) copies of each edition are to be printed. If a book of 700 pages for which the reporter now gets $3.50 can be published by the state for $1.20 in editions of 1,500, for bow much can the state publish an edition of 100,000 geographies containing less than '200 pages bound in paper for which the book firm of Van Antwerp, Bragg & Co. now tax the people SI. 10? If state publication is good for the lawyers is it not good for the people at large ? A bill to give the lawyers cheap reports should pass, but the legislature should not lose sight ot over half a million children, the majority of whom belong to men who earn less than $1.50 a day, who are more in need of cheap school books than 1,500 lawyers are of cheap court reports. If the lawyers are justly relieved from the monopoly Oi"t he supreme court reporter by the present legislature, and the working men and farmers are left to the mercy of the school book trust, then there can be but one inference drawn and that is, that the school book lobby is more powerful than the people. Nor will the people approve ot a sham relief bill. Laws to empower the state board of education to make a contract with publishers would be in the interest of the combine. Even if the majority of the state board was not controlled by the book trust, the trust would still regulate the price, as the combine prevents competition. This system has been tried and proven to be a failure in several states. Suppose that the Cincinnati octopus should get the contract to supply every county for ten years, what would be the result? The people would be comjelled to buy books printed on inferior paper and so poorly bound that they would fall to pieces before the end oi a school term. The books would be revised for other states but those supplied to Indiana under contract would remain unrevised and out of date. We believe that the state can furnish school-books to the people at cost just as easily as it can furnish court reports to the lawyers at cost, and that the people need relief even more than the law-j-ers do. Monopoly Predictions Unfulfilled. From the time that President Cleveland sent his great tariff reform message to congress until the recent election the republican newspapers and politicians were constantly asserting that the danger of a reduction of the tariff had unsettled trade, arrested development, checked great industrial and commercial enterprises, and deranged the whole business system of the country. If this danger this "threat," as they called it could be removed, business, they said, would instantly revive; confidence would be restored, new industrial enterprises would spring up on every hand, the demand for labor would be greatly increased, and wages would everywhere advance. Well, Harrison was elected, and with him a congress pledged not to reduce the tariff. The "threat" was removed on the tith day of November. There is no possibility of any reform of the tariff for at least three years to come. The high protectionists have assured control of every branch of the government for the next two years, and of the executive for four years. It is reasonably certain that a law will be enacted this year increasing the tariff all around. Prom the protectionist standpoint there is not a cloud on the political horizon. But where is the promised restoration of confidence? Where is the great revival of business that was to come w hen the "free traders" were overthrown? Where is the increased demand for labor and the great advance of wages that Harrison's election was to bring? They are not visible. On the contrary, business is languishing everywhere. Wages are declining. Mills and factories all over the country arq closing their doors or cutting down their forces. The values of farm products aro declining. Business failures are growing more numerous. Iast week IL G. Dun & Co. reported o!2 failures, against only 269 for the corresponding week of 18$, when President Cleveland had just mado his attack on the tariff. Dun teMs us that "the stato of trade is unusually perplexing," that there is "general complaint of dullness" and that "it is undeniable that the prevailing temper is one of disappointment at the result of business since the new year began, and this is not wholly explained by the steadily declining prices of products." There is serious disturbance in the great iron industry, and the Iron Age reports a "general weakening which there is no use in blinking at," and holds that furnaces which cannot face without serious loss a decline of fully $d from present prices may wisely suspend production. And the same kind of talk is heard in every department of industry and every branch of trade. What do the workingmen who voted for Harrison in order to secure steady employment at high wages think of the situation What do business men and farmers who voted for him in order to remove tho "menace" of tariff agitation from the material interests of the country think of

it? It may be said that Harrison is not president yet, but that is not the point. It was his election that was to give the country a "boom" by insuring tho perpetuation intact of our blessed tariff system. It is settled that the evil of lower taxes is not to come upon the country. It is settled that taxes are to be made higher and imports checked, as demanded by the Chicago platform. The wicked tariff reformers can do no mischief for a long time to come. Why are there more idle men, more business failures, more smokeless chimneys in our manufacturing centers, lower prices for farm products and greater depression in . commercial circles than a year ago, when the "free trade" agitation was in full tide, threatening to carry everything before it? The monopoly organs owe it to the people to explain these things. And the people ow e it to themselves to demand au explanation. The Question or Ballot lleform. We have received during the last fewdays a number of communications from different parts of the state presenting various plans for an election law. Without a single exception they propose the printing ot tickets by the state and counties, a 6ecret ballot and very small precincts. We have printed several hundred letters upon this subject since the election and are indisposed to burden our columns with any more, in view of the fact that the legislature is reasonably certain to enact a well-considered and judicious election law within the next few days. So far as we have been able to learn, there is a substantial agreement among the democratic members of both houses in favor of such a measure, and there will be no opposition to it from the majority side. Public sentiment as expressed through The Sentinel and the rest of the democratic press of the state has made itself felt upon this subject, and we do not believe there is a democrat in either house who is unmindful of the fact that it would be political suicide for him to oppose the enactment of a law which will come fully up to its requirements. Let us have precincts containing not to exceed 200 voters each ; tickets printed by the state and counties and distributed by the officials of the same ; an absolutely secret ballot; a system of challenges which will efiectually close the doors against illegal voting, while affording full protection to legal voters; and let the ballots, after the canvass has been completed, be destroyed, and Indiana will have, in our opinion, as perfect machinery for registering the popular vote as any state or country in Christendom. In addition to an act making the above provisions, a bill for the prevention and punishment of bribery, such as has been introduced by Senator Byrd, and prohibiting the use of money in primary meetings and conventions, such as Senator Barrett has introduced, ought to be passed. There are no other questions before the legislature of such profound and far-reaching importance as this question of election reform. The legislature should proceed, as speedily as possible, to dispose of it in a way that will meet the popular approval. A failure to do this would be a lasting : -proach to those who are responsible, and would disgrace the democratic party of Indiana before the country. But we are convinced that there will be no failure. The democratic, newspapers of the state, without a single exception, demand election reform, aud the democratic party sustains them in this dem and. The legislature will not fail to comply with it. The Tin Plate Job. In the debate in the senate on the proposed increase of duty on tin plate, the following colloquy occurred: Mr. Vance "Will not that Uri.T duty, if imposed, increase the price of the domestic article?" Mr. Aldrieh "If the increase of duty goes into etl'ect before the American producer secures a part or the whole of the American market, undoubtedly it will." Mr. Vance "Yes. Well, who will pay for that increased duty while the American producer is trying to tret hold of the market?" Mr. Aldrieh "The people Mho buv tin plate and consume tin plate will probably pay the additional cost." Here we have a frank admission by a leading high tariff senator that the consumer pays the cost of what is call protection. Uast summer and fall a lot of cheap politicians were running around Indiana trying to convince the people that they didn't have to pay the expense of protection. They succeeded in convincing a good many of- them; and now along comes Senator Aldrkii and gives their whole case away. It is very sad ! The New York Turns has made an estimate of what it will cost the American people to protect tin plate, as proposed. The present rate of duty about öl per cent. increased the cost of their tin plate last year more than $o000,000 It is proposed to increase this duty to 70 per cent, on the first day of next January. This will put an additional burden of $13,000,000 on the people next year. After that the industry may he "established" in this country, as the proponents of the duty predict, but if so we may be sure that a combination of manufacturers will be formed to extort excessive prices from the people, and their tin plate will continue to cost them every year many millions more than it is worth. A half dozen Pennsylvania capitalists will pocket these millions, and there will be a fresh source from which to replenish the republican campaign funds. But the people. will have to loot the bill. This is only one dish in the feast which the republican party is preparing to spread for the country. There is one feature of Mr. Moore's defalcation which illustrates Ma;ri(i' statement that "Time at length sets all things even." The jn-ople he pinched are eastern capitalists. This completes a circle. The eastern men, through conscienceless congressmen, maintain a high protective tarifi' and thereby rob the people of the West. With their ill-gotten gains they go into the insurance and loan business, and thereby still further drain money from the West. Then an enterprising western "financier" robs them. There seems no other way of getting even with the tariff robbers. We would not advocate embezzlement or similar crime, but if a western man proposes to yield to the temptation, by all means let him rob the Last. The White- Caps demolished three houses and committed other outrages at Children Cry for

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mm Absolutely Pure. ThUrvowlorrTer Tatiec A murret of rcrUr. trennt h and -h'niiin9i. Morewn"rai.a! th tlieor.Iinarr lc'ii'I. and can mt be sold la eom'tition with th Tnuititui of low tt, h'vrt we'.iht Iura or pnon'-nte nm i.r. SoM onlr It an Rotl Baki Powder Co.. lOi Wall tret V. T Teromeville, O., the other night. What do these fellows mean by such cond :ct S'j son after Gov. Fokaker had 'suppresed" them? In Memory of the rrrifesMnal Hr-norof W. A. V.'orJ, Which va Sacrificed Jin. IS, To fare W. W. PilIIpt- frrra j.m an 1 lawful indictment ir ai;?in- the corruption of the electors of In1i:ria. In'tita quao indecra. I. ANSWERS TO COR P. ES HON DENTS. A Si '(. i.ir.vr., Columbus, Iijd: We hare no iJoa now much it would e.-t to pet up a "good comedy company." hut wc know it would not cost so mtii'h to iret it up as to run it fitter i r Yrrw rrti'tnn n r V Ar rifiinlw wVn!.l j not advise anyone but a capitalist to euihark in the enterprise. A si'RscniDEK, Franklin, lud.: As a semral thing actors and actresses have to fitrnish their orrn stacre costume, flat this rule doc? not apply as to speetaeiilar nieces, the cosfm. s for which are provided by the managers. II. V. Bacuett, Willow Brandl, lud: Barne is a proper nnnie. The plural would 1; Barnsen, the possessive 1'arnes' or Barnes's. J. S. II.vi:rV, Whitestovn, Ind: When congress asembled after Vice-President Hendricks' death. John Sherman of Ohio was chosen president of the :enn;e. PERSONAL PARAGRAPHS. Dr. Chawot, the famous French doctor, h opposed to the admission of women to his profession. The emperor of China htis thirty physicians and surgeons in his household, notwithstanding which he is frequently ill. Lord Ditferix's eldest son Has beta slauhterin; tipers at a great pace in India; six on one expedition. Mr. Olapstone lunched in Jupiter's temple at Pompeii recently. While in the historic town the Homeric scholar witnessed an iateretiur excavation. M. Jacqits, who is opposing (ien. Boulanger in the parliamentary contest in the department of the Seine, ii a rich distiller, but politically he is comparatively unknown. 11. O. Wolcott, Colorado's new senator was born in Providence, It. I., where his father was a congregational minister, lis went to Colorado fifteen years aro as a school teacher, and then drilled into the practice of law. Jay Goi'LD has htm ordered to the South by his pl.vsieian, Pr. John P. Mann. His you n er children accompany him üs i;ir as in While Sulphur Jrj rintrs in Virginia. While no creat peril thnatens Mr. Gould's life, his physician wiil insist on an extended tour through the semitroptes. TheHcv. Moiher Mary Aloysin O'Connell lias just died in her seventy-third year, in the St. Berle's Convent of Mercy, Su.lvrland, Kngkind. She caine from Cork in lM atth foundation f the convent, und continued in charge un'il her death. She was a cousiu of the great Paniel O'Conuell J. C. V.'iNTON, a commission merchant of Pes Moines, lately niarriej Miss Iiekinon. On their bridal trip westward b discover! that she was the. d.tuchter of his first wife, a widow whom he married in Connecticut fifteen years aoand left because of a quarrel over his 6tep-tiausi;ier, this same young woman. Chief among Boston's capitalists is Montgomery Sears, hese vast hhlins of valuable real estate civc him a claim to be called the Astor of the modern Athens. 11c inherited i-jMKHlOiN) a few years ntro from his fattier, Joshua Sear, who came to Boston without penny and established a small erocery business. Tiik empress of Austria recently visited a small town, where the inhabitants were eo delighted that, to do her the highest honor po-M-ble, they elected her a member of the chamber of deputies, an honor she was obliged to decline. In recognition of this favor she sent quite a sum of money for the poor, but the mayor was obliged to decline the tritt, as thcr had not a pauper in the place. laterally, honors were easy. Puor. Ohaulfs Ei.iot Norton- of Harvard college has been visiting New York on an o.i 1 mission. He desires the rich men ofthat city to contribute $7.",000 to equip an expedition to excavate the site f the ancient temple of Apollo at !elphi. The Greek government ha given permission to the American school it Athens to undertake the work, and all now needed are the funds necessary to employ labor ami organize an expedition. A MAX, old, wes-ren-faced and shaking with paralysis, called at the Philadelphia niiut recently, and s;dd that hi name was A. Souirc, and that on Monday, June II, 1SÖÖ, l.e placed sj.iMl in the eare of the I. S. coverninent. He had a time-worn receipt with him which seeina to establish his claim against the mint, if h can prove he is rrully "A. Squires." He was a forty-niner in California nr.d has been k goldminer in that state since 1-S.V. It is probable that he wiil obtain Iiis sJ.lM, with interest, from the mint alter the usual red tape hai spun out. For a severe and acrsrravated couh accompanied by a sere ehest, I have used lr. Hull Couth Syrup with the most satisfactory results, obiaiiiiuv', as I did, speedy relief. Johx (iLoVEii, Portsmouth, Va. The Chill lilast That sets tl'.e iiaVL'J bnu U. a-pMverinj:, 's not !U by thp wealthy valetudinarian indoors, but not all the covering that can le piVl on his warin 1k?!, nr all the furnace Leat that anthracite can furnish, will warm his marrow when c-hills and fever runs if- icy finfers alnnj his spinal column. Ilosletter's Stomach Hitters is the I him; to infuse new warmth into his chilled and aüKoh tratur, 1, reroe!T tb fierce fever and exhausting sweats hich ait-rnat with the i hill. Piinib ague, aguo cake, bilious remittent in elmrt, every-known icrm of malarial disease is hubjiiKaU-d by this potrct, and at the am time wholesome and genial medicine. Pilioosneaa, eon-tipalioa, dvspepsia, si. k headaches, hs of appetite and fcl'-cp, kidney trouble, rhv-uiiiatixni and debility are also remedied hr it. Use it with persistence to rtfiTt a thorouch cure Pitcher's Castoria.

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