Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 34, Number 39, Indianapolis, Marion County, 31 October 1888 — Page 4

TTIE INDIANA STATE SENTINEL, WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 31, 188S.

INDIANA STATE .SENTINEL

Entered at tha Poatotfice at Indianapolis M scconJclaa matter. TER31S I'EU YKARi Single eery , .1 oo Wei'k democrat to bear in mind auJ select their 0tra cute paper wlie n they eotue to Uk subscription and make up clubs. Agents miking tip clubs send for any information desired. Adde IXDlANArVLI? SENTINEL, Indianapolis, tad. WEDNESDAY. OCT. 31. For President, CROVKK CLKVEUM) of w York. For Vice-President. ALLEN O. THURM AN of Ohl. DEMOCRATIC STATE TICKET. Governor Corrn-aKD '. Matso. Lieutenant-Governor Willi m K. Mrctt, tecretary of State Uorebt W. Mlitu Auditor olM.it CiikblksA. Mf?oi. Treaaurer of Mat Thoms B. liTaxas. Jieorter Supn-me Conrt Jon.1 W. Kebjc. Atiorney-Oeueral Johw R. Wilso.i. Superintendent Public Instruction. Elm KB . GurriTH. J u 5ee of Supreme Court lirat Irttrict Willia E. Niblacx. freoiTd District Ukorue V. Hows. Fourth D.airict allm Zoll aba. PBESIPEXTIAL ELKCTOU. At I.artze Thomas R. tonamJ Jok.i E. I-amh. Ural district, mmiel B. Vi.in; Second diatrict, Ovtlek S. Loi-Furs; Third district, (itOHUF. II. 1. Uibsos ; Fourth diatritt. Nicholas Cosset; Fifth diatrict, Jörn R. Last; Mith diatrict. Thomas J. f TVßT; Seventh district. PavipH. Uoodiüg; Kighth dirtTit. Samvkl l. Pvett; Ninth d.atrict, Jons KMcHk.h; Tetth district, lnv.p 1). Utkbmam; FleTenth d strict. Jon N. Ti'bvee; Twelub diatiict. Joh5 H. Kit: Thirteenth dimrirt. ASDBEW The Last Republican Trick. The republican scheme to get from the British minister at Washington an expression favorable to President Cleveland was a pretty campaign trick, but we hardly think it will make any votes for Bex Harbison. The facts are that a letter was written to his lordship by a California republican, under an assumed name, who falsely represented himself asanativeof Enzland, recently naturalized, who had intended to vote for Cleveland because of the latter's "friendship for England," but had become dotibtlnl as to what coarse he should purere since the president's retaliation message was fen t to congress He therefore i-i .i I-.H W:t' opinion as to the president's real intention toward Enzian 1, and as to the kind ot a vote tie ,th - writer) should c.i t at thö com .ig election. Lord West replied, declining to make any suggestion as to the vote his correspondent should cast. He said that any political party vliich openly favored the mother country at the present moment would lose popularity, and that the party in power ia fully aware of this fact. He thought the party was desirous of maintaining friendly relations with Great Britain, and of settling all questions with Canada amicably. lie paid it was impossible to predict what course President Cleveland may pursue in the matter of retaliation in th event of hi re-election ; but that there was every reason to believe that, while upholding the josition he has taken, he will manifest a spirit of conciliation in dealing with the question involved in his message. This was, of course, not what the republican sohvmer3 hoped to get from Lord West, but they see:n to think gome capital is to be made out of it, and, as they are very hard up for campaign ammunition, we presume they will make a desperate effort to influence some votes by it. If Lord West had advised his correspondent to vote for Cleveland, his letter might perhaps have been used with some effect to make voters believe that the English government was interested in democratic ßueecss; but as he carefully refrained from giving any advice, his letter, we think, will not have any effect. Certainly no sensible man will be influenced by it. The trick is chiefly significant as an evidence of republican desperation. The republican managers know that, aa the matter stands, Benjamin Harrison is beaten, and that unless voters can be stampeded by some strategetu the g. o. p. is eternally done for. We have no doubt other devices will be resorted to lietween now and election, but we do not believe they will accomplish their purpose. The country has its mind made up, and it will rot be induced to change it by any roorback sprung on the eve of election. Of course Lord West is an ass, and was guilty of a gross breach of diplomatic etiquette in expressing himself, even in an evasive and non-committal way, upon a matter of domestic politics. The Eng ish press says he has made a fool of himself, and that the personality of the next president is of no possible concern to the -op!e of Great Britain. The sensible American view is expressed by Secy. Byard when he says: "It is still to be hoped that we will to able to settle the issue involved in the pending canvass without the importation of foreign interference or intermeddling in our domestic affairs." Th Plea of a Demagogue. The spectacle presented by Be Harjuson. the Yanderbilt-Carnegie-Jay-Gould-Chauncey-Depew candidate for the presidency, telling the workinguaen of the country that their wages will bo reduced unless he is elected, is not an edifying one. In his speech yesterday he paid: The policy of the democratic party meant a r;it and sudden increase of importations. Ia U. re a man here Julias netto know that this ineaus diminished work in our American shops. If some one says that labor is Dot fully employed now, do you hope it will be more fully employed when you hare transferred one-third of the work done in our shop to foreign wurkhops? If some one tells me that lator is not uthcienily rewarded here, does he hope to have its reward increased by triking down ourprotective duties, and compelling our workmen to compete with the underpaid labor of Europe? I conclude by sarin that les work aid lower wages are the inevitable result of the triumph of the principles advocated by the democratic party. This is the plea of an unscrupulous demagogue who presumes without warrant upon the igorance of the working people of the country. But the great mass of our workingmen are better informed upon these questions than Ben Harrison imagines. Few of them do not know that under the republican taritT policy our importati n.? have been steadily increasing, l.ast year, for instance, they amounted to the enormous value of 5i'J',:J19,7(i8, the largest of any year in our history, with two exception1) (LS!2and If increased importations meant loss of employment and reduced wages, cur workingmen would have been reduced to destitution long aro. . But they don't, as even Be Harrison knows. Increased importations means increased exportation".. Increased exportations means more employment for labor. When we import largely we export largely, because it ia aly by cxpvrta that we can )

pay for our imports. Foreign nations do not give us the goods they Bend ns. They sell them to us. We do not pay for them in money, nor can we do so. There is not money enough In tho country to pay for a year's itnportit ions: We pay for' them with the products of American labor. When we import heavily it is a sign we are prosperous. Intimes of panic and commercial depression our imports alwavg fall Off. These aro not theories, but elemental facts in economic science. Ben Harrison knows them to bo facts. He thinks the working people are too ignorant to know them, but, as we said, he is mistaken. If the democratic tari.'f policy means increased iraportationsitis because it means increased production, and that ' means increased exportation?, more work and better wags for laboring men and a higher degree of prosperity for the entire country. You can't scare the workingmen any longer with the low wages cry. Gen. Harrison. They know that if the democratic policy means lower wages it would be warmly supported by Govld, Vanderbilt and Carnec.ie; by Atkins and Millard, and the rest of the bulldozing manufacturers. They have had their eye-teeth cut, and cannot be humbugged any longer. The "Union Iator Party." The "union labor party" is running a presidential ticket, at the head of which is Mr. Streeter. The republican managers, in their desperation, have been making

strenuous efforts to capture the organiza-' tion of this party, and from appearances have partially succeeded. There is good reason to believe that large amounts from the republican campaign fund have been used in manipulating the "union labor" movement. The fc'trceter campaign is being prosecuted as vigorously as possible in democratic counties, while in republican counties not much effort seems to be making to push it. There are thousandsof workingmen and old green backers in Indiana who could not be induced to vote for Ben H arrison, if he were the only candidate in the field. Many of them are of republican antecedents, and are very much incline"!, notwithstanding their old prejuiices, to vote, for Cleveland and Tiicjiman, lower taxes and honest governincnt. The republican scheme is to switch as many of them as possible into the union-labor party, where they will count half a vote each for Ben Harrison, the candidate, of the rnony power, which these men have so long been resisting. We are informed that some of the men who are going through the state ostensibly in the interest of the union-labor ticket are really in the pay of the republican campaign com in it tee; that they confine their efforts solely to inducing men who are favorably inclined to Cleveland to vote for s'tpee ter ; that to this end they dis6e?:iin;ite the most outrageous miurepresentations of the president and the democratic party; and that in every place they visit they get, if possible, a few republican f irmersand workingmen toco-operate with them by "joining the union labor party, " their purpose beincr to desert it on election day and vote for Harrison and Morton, while their deluded associates will, they hope, vote in good faith for Streeter. Ix-t no man who is opposed to monopoly; let no man who believes in the rule of the people; let no man who does not want to see this republic transformed into a plutocracy ; who does not want a governmen' of rich men by rich men and for rich men to take the place of the government instituted by "the fathers;" who does not want to give Yanpeüx.ilt, Jay Goild. Ca it nec. ik, Depew, Elk ins, Rockefeller and their fellow-millionaires the absolute control of our political destinies we say let no such man bo deceived by this plot. The contest, which is to Imj decided on the (th of November, is between the classes and tho masses; between monopoly and tho people; between the millionaires and the millions. There is no mid. He ground. He who is not for the people in this fight is against them. The trusts, combinations, monopolies and corporations; th' great railroad and iand ring's; the powerful timber and cattle thieves of the West who have grown inordinately wealthy through the opportunities' orfc-red them by a long line of republican administrations and who have been sternly called to account by Mr. Cleveland; the Wall-üt. gamblers and speculators: all tho forces of the lobby; every person, in fact, who is interested in having a corrupt, profligate and extravagant government, are moving heaven and earth to elect Br.N Harrison, the corporation attorney, and Levi P. Mouton, the London banker. Will the workingmen, whom Ben Harrison has always antagonized so bitterly the old greenb tckers, whom he wanted to consign to an idiot asylum will they aid in installing the money power again in the control of th government by casting their votes for Streeter, an impossible candidate? Will they walk into the trap set for them by their old enemies? There is one way, and one way only, to deal monopoly a' blow squarely between the eyes a blow that will paralyze the hideous monster and that is to re-elect Grover Cleveland, tho tried, faithful, fearless and incorruptible public servant and with him tiic grand old lloman and veteran tribune of the people, Allkn G. Tmurman, to preside over the senate of the United States. Down with monopoly taxes! The Irldailve Ticket. The republicans arc making desperate efforts to secure the legislature in Indiana. They want to gerrymander the state so as to enable them to elect a majority of congressmen with a minority of votes. They want to get control of the state institutions with a view to uung them as politca! machines. And they are particularly anxious to elect a successor to Senator VooRficEs two years hence, and to that end they are making a racial effort to get as many of the stat i senators as possible. This is all right, so far as legitimate means are employed. But th j democrats of Indiana should bi on their guard, and in their real for tho national, stato and congressional tickets slioul 1 not neglect tho legislature. In two or thrca senatorial districts there is said to hs somj opposition to theddinocraticsnatorial nominees, on personal grounds. Thi$ it a'l vroivj. No truo democrat will help tho enemy to gain control of tho legislature becauso ho has a personal grudje ü0'aiait a deuij;rn'.ic uoii-eo for

membership ia that boJy. Democrats who are making a fight on democratic candidates for the senate and house are doing all they can to send a republican to the U. S. senate, and to give the republicans euch advantages as niav enable them to ' at regain control of the state in tlie near fu ture. We say again, no true democrat will do this. The polls arc not the place to settle personal grudges when treat political interests are at stake. We trust every democrat in Indiana will rise above personal considerations, aa 1 givo his cordial and earnest support to the legislative nominees of his party. If all do this the democrats will have the next legislature by a snug majority, and the successor of Daniel W. Vooriiees in the U. S. senate will be a democrat. Down with monopoly taxes!

Harrison and the AYae Workers. Gen. Harrison in his speech yesterday afternoon at Tomlinson hall condescended, for the second time since this campaign opened, to refer to certain charges made against him by Indiana members of the K. of L. concerning his attitude during the great railroad strike of 1S77. To thene charges, in so far as they related to the exact language used by him at the famous meeting between the strikers' committee and the citizens' committee, be entered an emphatic denial. But he did not deny that during those troubles he was actively on the side of the corporations; that although he was drawing princely sums from one of them as their attorney he helped to organize and commanded a company of militia formed to put down the strike; or that he accepted membership in the citizens' committee, whose nominal purpose was to effect an adjustment botwmi the strikers and the railroad companies, and upon which he could not serve with impartiality, or with any sense of propriety, because of his relations to one of the parties to the controversy; nor that during his service on such committee he openly insulted the representatives of the strikers, who resented the affront by withdrawing in a body (a fact which does not rest upon rumor, but is attested by the reports of the incident printed in the Journal and Xetrs at the time.) Gen. Harrison did not denv any of these ttdngs, nor did he deny that after the strike was ended ho prosecuted four of the strikers and succeeded in getting them sent to jail. Neither did he deny that during all the years that have elapsed since the great railroad strike organized lat-orin Indiana has been antagonistic to him; that it protested against his return to the senate, not only because ai his record before he entered that body, but al.-o because of his votes as a senator in favor of corporations and of unrestricted Chinese immigration; nor that he owes his nomination to the presidency to the favor with which he is regarded by the great monopolists and corporation magnates of the country, who are recogniz.d throughout the lensrth and breadth of the land ns the unrelenting enemies of labor. We would not willingly do injustice to Ben Harrison, notwithstanding the infamous methods that have been employed by his campaign managers, and which he could nt any time have stopped with a single word. But no man who is familiar with his career can truthfully say that it is one to commend him to the favor of the toiling men and women of America; that he has ever manifested any sympathy for them in their struggles against the oppressions of capital ; that when his wageworking neighbors were engaged in a life and death struggle with eiant corporations he proved himself their friend; that in his public capacity he has ever shown any interest in or concern for the working people whose votes he is now begging for so abjectly; or that in his character of a citizen he has not studiously held aloof from those whom he regards as his social inferiors. Everybody who knows Ben Harrison knows him as a proud, exclusive, supercilious man, who has always avoided contact with his fellow-men as much as possible, except when he was seeking immediate political preferment. The question of whether he did or did not use the precise words attributed to him by some of the workingmen is not very material, when his whole career shows him to be on the sidü of corporations and capital and against labor. Wo do not understand that organized labor is against him, only because it is believed that on a ci rtain occasion he made use of very offensive language to its representatives. It is because his acts, in public and private life, show that he is not in sympathy with the wage earners of tho country; ljecau.su his associations are with the great monopolists who have grown rich and powerful by robbing labor of its rightful dues, and because he stands upon a platform, made in the interest of the trusts and combiues and against the interests of the great masses of the people. If his general record showed him to be a man of the people, a single unkind or offensive remark would not be treasured up against him. It is for what he is and has been, and for what he represents that the wageworkers of the countr will defeat Benjamin Harrison for president. Is Grcsbam a Kicking Republican? This is a question that is being discussed a good deal in Indiana at tho present time. John C. New says Gresuam is a "kicking republican" and that "his following is uncertain." We are quite familiar with Indiana politics and with Judge Uresiiam's career, and we cannot recall an instance when Judge Gresuam "kicked" as a republican. He has, of course, kicked against republican fraud and rascality, as John C. New happens to know. He has "kicked" repeately wheu individual republicans disgraced their party by odicial nusdoing. On the bench he has kicked very hard when attempts were made to use the machinery of the law to servo tho ends of plunderers. He kicked Jay GorLD so hard in his Wabash decision that Jay has hardly recovered yet. As soldier, ns cabinet minister and as judge, Walter Q. Gresham has done a great deal of "kicking" first and last, but to the best of our knowledge- and belief he always kicked at the right time, at the right place and in the right direction. That's the reason he was kicked out of the Chicago convention by tho monopolists alii L joJIcib who nominated Bln IIa tau -

son, and that's the reason that Boss New is now kicking him so viciously. - However, wo never heard Gresham's loyalty as a republican questioned. He voted for every republican candidate for president from Fremont to Blaine. Ho was the choice of the masses of his party in Indiana for the presidency. He has served hi3 country well and faithfully in the field, in the cabinet and on the bench. ?till John C. New says he is "a kicking republican" and that his tollowing is "uncertain." Down with monopoly taxes! A Manlj Course. Mr.E.B. M anning, president of the Manning, Bowman & Co. corporation, which has extensive factories at Meridcn, Conn., is a democratic candidate for clector-at-large in that state. He has caused the following notice to be conspicuously ported on every door in his mi'ls: We have no desire to attempt to influence you by covering your weekly pay envelopes with printed instructions concerning the issues ot the campaign, or, just as appropriately, what church you fchall attend, or the use you must make ot your money. I-ci each of us decile the question as h; thinks best. We thank all for so cheerfully standing by the company iu discharging their business obligations during the past three months, and now we propose to stand by you in discharging your political obligations to vour country according to your convictions. fe trust every man will vote conscientiously. L'se your own reasoning faculties. Don't vole the democratic, republican or prohibition ticket to please your employers, or because your brother votes it. or your "sisters, cousins and aunts" think well of it We know you will not sell your vote, but do not make a trade of any kind or be induced to Ptay away from the polls. .Maintain the courage of your political convictions, and when the poils close Nov. (j yuu will not be ashamed to jrive reasons for your action. The clear and emphatic exprcs-iou of your opinions will in the end compel vour employers and friends to

think vastly more of you, and will secure tor you that d-gree o esteem and respect we fill prize so highly. "Let us carry into politics the methods of honest men find the court sies of gentlemen."' We wish iL to be distinctly understood that any person calling at our factory orticc from the time the polls open until they close, be he democrat, republican or prohibitionist, cnu see and talk with the man called for. and perfect freedom of thought and action is guarauteed to every mac. We ask the workingmen of Indianapolis, who are being subjected by their republican employers to every species of bulldozing, intimidation and threats, to contrast the fair, manly and " patriotic s; irit manifested in the above circular with the armgant, brutal and criminal methods which are being so extensively employed in this city and by republican manufacturers, mine owners and railway oilicials in the interest ot the free-whisky-aionopoly-tax ticket. A Beantiful Story About Harrison. A friend ot The Sentinel, fi?mts the following extract from Z'ftrCs Hrraltt, an alleged religious paper which advocates free whisky and monopoly taxes: The following story Ls told of Hen. HARRISON ia connection with a public diuner given him on one occasion: At tin? r!oe ! tin ! inner one of the gentlemen Irjnlc his hil:h. The cner.i! pl"l,,r''l li.t toast tr drinking wter. Atiotli jr gontlenun o;le e I a to.isi antlsat.i: "t ienerrtl, will yu not lavur me by tna k'"1 of wine'."' Tho enerul, in a very entleiiianlv nar, Ivged t Ik excused. He wus a-aiti iir-gv i to ju;n in a g'a-s of wini This w;ij too niueh He ruse irom his seat and said, io the tilgst il'iriiilied nia mer: ''treiitlenieu, 1 have twit; rf:m.--i to partaU-of the wiin'-eup ; I hope th.it will be sufficient. Though ymi pre- the matter fV'T so m ich, not a drop uli.ill a- my lip-. 1 niata a resolve when I siartd In life t li.it I wmiM avoid strong drink. That vow I I'.y; never Lr.iUeu. I am one I a claK ot young me-v who graduated together. .Msteeu member of my cla.s now till drunk irds' graves, and all lri.iu the pernicious habit ot wineii rink in 2. 1 owe my health, uiy happiness and prosperity to that resolution." This is a beautiful story, intended purely for the consumption of temperance societies, Futiday-schools, etc. It is having a great run in the "religious"-free-vhisky press. The only trouble with it is that there is not a word of truth in it. The pathetic incident never occurred, nor anything like it. 1'rof. Swing of Chicago, one of the general's classmates, says that not one of their class tills a drunkard's grave. And, finally. Gen. Harrison is not a teetolar, but takes a drink when he feels like it. His favorite tipple is beer, but he likes good wine. Wo find no fault with him for this, but it is somewhat disgusting to see him represented as a rigid abstainer for the purpose of hoodwinking extreme temperance people into vot ing for hiin. An Old Monopoly Trick. The Bichmond Iivlq ii'lrnt contains the following: Col. William .Starr, of the hame factory near the Ninth-ct. railway crossing, received an extended order a few days since from a distance. The order was for a number of hanies, part of which were to be sent immcdiat. ly ami the balance were to be sent after Harrison's election, and if Hahrison was not elected they were not to lie vnt at all. Mr. Starr showed the order to his hands and explained to them how Harrison's election would secure them more employment, mid said that while he did not care lor nhoiu they cast their ballot, he would be obliged to dispense with the service of some of them if Cleveland was elected, and he would tire" those who helped to elect him. We doubt il Mr. Starr succeeded in intimidating his workhigmeu by this tncaus, which is very unfair. This is an old republican trick. It is worked in every presidential campaign. It was tried in 1?7', in and more extensively than ever before in 1SSL During the last month of the campaign of that year, republican newspapers were full of such stuff as the above. But the workingmen were not deceived, and thev elected Cleveland, and the monopolists cannot point to a single mill or factory in all this land that closed, or to a single reduction of wages that was made in consequence thereof. We don't believe Col Starr of Bichmond or any other person can humbug the working nen this year by 6uch transparent trickery. Harrison and Labor. The differ?nces which have existed for vears between the laboring men of this state and Gen. Harrison are very easy to understand when properly presented, and are, in brief, ns follows: Mr. Harrison is not a gracious m in. Politeness and delicate consideration for the feelings of others are not amrng his strong points. He is arrogant in uunn.T and aggressive in all things, unless where he is strongly impelled by self-interest to be otherwise. It is concede I on all sides that his nomination for the presidency has very much improved his manners. This has been altogether the most polite and agreeable spell that he has ever boon known to have. In 1877 there w as a railroad strike here iu Indianapolis, and some timid people feared trouble. There were some in favor of forcible means for the suppression of tha strike, and others favored compromise. Mr. Harrison favored both methods. Ho became captain of a company, and also a member of a citizens' compromise committee. At a meeting of this committee his o-caäiö taauncr get the better of

him, and be said some very harsh aivi I mean things to the strikers. He at once arrayed himself against them. Although Ostensibly a compromise committeeman he became so offensive that the strikers' committee ros-3 to leave the room, bu were induced bv their chairman to return. There was no politics in the matter. Gov. Porter, who, like Mr. Harrison, was a leading republican, rose and. according to the Actrs, a republican paper, took the other side of the case from Mr. Harrison. Mr. Harrison's contention with the men was that they were beinj. paid enough, and had no business to strike. Some of the men had previously said that they could only make a dollar a day at the rates offered by the companies To add to the indignation of the men it was discovered that Mr. Harrison was the regularly employed attorney of the O. cc M. railway, one of tho roads affected by the strike. They thought, and many oth ers also thought, that a proper sense o propriety would have prompted Gen. Harrison to decline a place upon th citizens' committee. The committee was one of arbitration, and the men argued that it should have been composed, as it was intended to be, ot disinterested persons. The railroad men were further outraged when, in his capacity as attorney for his road, Mr. Harrison prosecuted and succeeded in convicting and having committed to jail four of their numler. Tlu bitter feeling growing out of this transaction has grown from year to year, and the laboring men of Indiana of all parties have taken every opportunity to express their distrust of Gen. Harrison. They opposes him for the senate in 1SS0, but tlie repub licaus had tho legislature by a larg majority and he was elected over their protest. They opposed him in 18S6 with greater success tho three labor representatives in tho legislature.without whose votes no election could be had, declaring openly and above board that under no circumstances would they vote for Harrison. They opposed him again at Chicago (tho republican part of them) and served notice oa the republican national convention that they would oppose hin at the polls. Mr. Harrison and his friends have disputed a part of this record, butthedis--pute is merely as to particular words, no; as to general facts. Honest laboringmen who were present and who have had foi j-ears, and still have the entire confideno of their fellows and the esteem of the communities - in which they live, have made oath to the truth of the statements they offered to the public. These Mr. II prison and his friends have refused to notice, on the eround that the parties making them were not sufficiently responsible, although they are as responsible in a financial way as wor kingraen's opportunities will permit them to be. One of them ow ns his own house and is the treasurer of his town, elected by the people. The Linseed Oil Trust. The New York Timts says: During the year !Ss7 the price of linseed oil was raised about 37 per reut., or trom 38 to ,"2 cents a callon, by the practical suppression o: competition through the formation of a linseed oil trust in the West. The price since the close of 1887 has been even higher than 52 cents. The duty is 25 cents a callon, or about .Vi per cent, of the value of foreign oil. This is the barrier behind which the combination raises the price for consumers in the home market. The duty has beeo prohibitory, for it is shown by the treasury reports that in the fiscal year ending on June 30, 1SS7, the entire quantity imported was only '5,277 gallons, while the annual production in this country is 2S, oui.ixx or 30.01 KiH.rO gallons. The price of foreign oil having been in that year about forty-five cents, or 70 cents with the duty paid, the combination may be able by and by to raise the price for the home market still higher. What has Mr. SHERMAN'S committee done in the way of "u reduction of duty" in this case? Absolutely nothing. It retains the present duty. The arguments of the trust were convincing. The Mills bill would reduce the duty from 25 to lr cents a gallon.. Even Randall's bill would ntlord more relief in this respect than this bill of the senate committee, for in his bid the reduction proposed is from 25 to 20 cents. There is a wealthy firm in Fort Wayne S. Bash & Co. which has a practical monopoly of the grain and produce business of that city. This firm also runs an oil mill, which has been idle for some time, the trust paying the proprietors more for keeping the mill closed than they could make by running it. Meantime, the member of the firm who manages the mill is in Europe with his family. Tho trust, of course, by killing competition among the buyers of flaxseed, enables the members of the trust to mutually control its prices. It dictates the price which it will pav farmers for the raw material, and also the price at which it will sell its products to consumers. It is emphatically a "soft thing" for its members, and The Sentinel is not surprised to learn that S. Bash & Co. are loadingdown every farmer who visits their warehouse with high tariff documents 'and working' like Trojans to get votes for free whisky and monopoly taxes from those who deal with them. If the Mills bill becomes a law the linseed oil trust w ill be "busted." The senate bill, however, "protects" the trust fully, by leaving the 55 per cent, duty, which has made the trust possible, untouched. This is pretty rough on all who use paints, which includes nearly everybody, but it is very nice for S. Bash & Co., who agree with James G. Blaine, that trusts are private affairs, with which the public has no right to interfere.

Specimen Republican Railroad Men. Becauso the railroad men are opposing Gen. Harrison's candidacy, on account of his . well-known hostility to orcanized labor, the Journal cannot refrain from vi Iii fying some of the most prominent labor leaders of this city for their activity in explaining Harrison's connection with the railroad strike of 1S77. One thing that can be said in their behalf they arc genuine railroad men; and not alleged railroad men, as those who are now in the employ of the republican state committee, to go about the state for the purpose of organizing sham railroad clubs. One Frank W. Ar.NOi.Dof Columbus, 0., is a fair specimen of Harrison's laboring men. He has not been connected with a railroad for ten years. Once he was grand master of the brotherhood of firemen, and during his term of office tried to sell the order to General Manager McCrea for a pass, and for which reason he failed of re-elecion nt the ensuing convention in Philadelphia. His letter to McCrea, in which he said that the "laboring man sells the bottom of the flour barrel while the rich luan scoops iu

the flour" is still remembered by the boys, ince his downfall in the brotherhood be Uas been sponging off the republican ;arty, having held various minor positions. in Columbus, 0. Being out of a soft job tnd unwilling to soil his hands, he has accepted services under Hcston nt $3.09 a lay and expenses, with promise of a fat tfice in the remote event of Gen. IIarhson's election. His duty is to go where ie is not known and pass as a workingman md organize alleged railroad clubs for .Iariuson. If some of the toys will take the troubleto look up his standing Mth rhe brotherhood, they will find out that he was once expelled for non-payment of dues.

HeanlnRof Ncw's Attack on Grcsbam. It is probably not altogether a coincilence that Mr. John C. New's attack on fudge Gresham was printed the day before Vanderbilt and Dkpew arrived in Indianapolis. It is a notorious fact that Jresham was beaten at Chicago because the great corporations of the country deuanded his defeat. The convention recogaized the fact that he was the strongest man before the people of all who were the candidates for the nomination; but the monopolists who controlled the convention served notice that if Greshvm was put at the head of the ticket they would furnish no money to secure his election. And that settled it. Without the financial iiacking of the great corporations and the Wail-st. magnates, no republican would -land the slightest chance to be elected president in the existing temper of the jieople. The delegates to Chicago understood this perfectly well; and they theretore dropped Gresii m like a hot potato as oon as they learned the strength and bitterness of the opposition to hitn. Gresham's nomination was demanded by the work ingmen, but the convention preferred to hazard their displeasure rather than that of the monopolists; and so they chose the man "nearest the corporations and l'arthestirom the peopie." Gresham's friends in Indiana whose name is legion were very bitter over the failure of their candidate, and especially because of the means employed for his overthrow. Dasperate efforts have bc-en made to bring them into line for Harrison, but with very meager success. Most of them are still sullen and refuse to lend their helptothe Harrison campaign. However, it has been reported in the East that they had all become reconciled and were workiug zealously for H a rrison's election. It has also been reported that their support had been secured by pledges that Gresham should be recognized in the composition of the cabinet and in the distribution of the Indiana patronage in the event of Harrison's election. The reports were untrue, of course, but they displeased the New York monopolists, and several of their leading representatives started to Indianapolis to see Harrison in person. There is little doubt that one of the objects of their visit was to secure pledges that the Gresham influence should not be felt in the administration should Harrison be elected. New's interview was printed and telegraphed all over the country before they could reach Indianapolis, to convince them (as well as the monopolists generally) that the Gresham element was being ignored in Indiana, and would bo ignored if Harrison became president. In this connection the Chicago Tribun s enumeration of the forces which dictated Harrison's nomination at Chicago is pertinent: 1. Jay GotTLD and the Wabash wrecking crew, thirsting for revenge against CilM.sH am for removing from control of the '".system" Gocld'8 right-hand man, Gen. G. M. 1oD.e, formerly of Iowa, who w:u ou the ground early and deep in the secrets of every nnti-Greshain caucus. Little seen by the public, no man exercised a more po'ent influence ou the result than Got'LD's most efficient and capable lieutenant. Goi'LDts.M as arrayed against Gresham represented m.),OuO, ou of capital. 2. The Central Pacific tan:ord-Crockcr-Huntington ring, with its able, plausible attorney,"C'RKED llAYMOND, at the head of the California dclega'ion. The firm has in its possession .1.V(M',ioO of railroad plunder which a president of the Gresham stamp might compel it to disgorge. Naturally it fought hard to prevent the nomination of any such man. 3. The Cnion Pacific ere lit-mol.ilier crowd, represented by Lawyer TllCRsrox, who is shrewd, brainy and nervy, and a packed delegation grossly misrepresenting the granger state of Nebraska. This ring has $ 15o, XM,MJ worth of railroad credit-moMlier and oilier boodle to protect. It i deeply in debt to the government, draws dividends on debts which it never intends to pay d ariug the litctime of unv human being now in existi-nre. It wants Mr. I'AVID Lin LER's free-and-easy-eighty year bill passed, w hich it knows CLEVELAND lavors, and it feared that Gresuam never would, as he is not that sort of man. Hence it fought him to the death, using the power of the granger state of Nebraska, nine-tenths of whose population indorse him to defeat GR1ham. It now laughs like .'( stophts over the success of its Scheines. 4. Chai ncey M. Depew, the railroad attorney and oflicial head of the great Vaicierb.lt railroad syndicate, with its . l.ut n i.pj of capital, and its doctrine of "the public be d d." With Depew as helpers were Tom PLATT and Wood-Pulp MILLER. 5. The great Wisconsin railroads were represented by Senator John C. Spooner, the welltrained railroad attorney, who manipulated the Wisconsin delcgatiou and put its totes where they would do the "most good." And the popular sentiment of theMatefor (ikksuam was ignored and disregarded with the utmost sang-froid. An Unconscionable Blackguard. Blaine's recklessness in making charges against his democratic opponents excites the amazement of the country. In his Chicago speech last Sat urilay e ening he deliberately asserted that for the purpose of promoting the political interests of Speaker Carlisle, the treasury department had placed :?XX),000 of public funds on deposit in the four national banks in Covington, Ky. The charge is without the slightest shadow of foundation, and is utterly lacking in verisimilitude The -qnireroi yesterday shows that of theso four banks all the olficers of two of them are republicans, the officers of one are divided politically.and only one is o l lice red by democrats. It prints interviews with these gentlemen, who declare that Mr. Blaine's charges were utterly baseless. Col. Amos Siiinki.e, president of the Eiist national bank, who is described as the leading republican in Covington, says that his bank was made a national depository in 1H(V), long before Mr. Carlisle was in congress. It obtained some government deposits upon the pledge of 4 per cent, bonds, under precisely tho same conditions as deposits were made in other banks throughout the country. Col. Siiinkle says there was not and could j not have been any olitical favoritism inj tho transaction, and that Mr. Carlisle had alolutely nothing to do with it. The ollicers of all the other banks of Covington corroborate Col. Sh inkle. What object Blaine can have in mak

ing statements which are so easily disproved it is dllücult to understand. The man from Maine eecms to have lost all sense of decency and propriety since his association with the aristocrats of Europe. He has shown himself, in his recent speeches, a malicious, wanton and unblushing slanderer, an unmitigated liar and a shameless blackguard. He has forfeited all rights to the courtesy which his political opponents would bo g'al to accord one who has occupied so prominent a position before the country, if he had not transcended all the rules of comLaoa decency. Down with monopoly taxes! Tlie Iron Hoof Robbers. The Jonrnil, having most miserably failed to produce any intelligent discussion of the tariff question of its own, seeks to supply the deficiency by an interview with C. A. Scott, of the firm of Scott fcCo. of Cincinnati, iron roofers, in opposition to Mr. Bv.M'M. Of course Scott & Co. want the tariff arranged so that they can niak'j as much money as possible out of the people of the country. Their best way to accomplish it is to get a high duty on tin plates, which are extensively used for roofing, thereby increasing the cost of tin-roonng to sucD an extent that iron-roofing will take its place. Tin-roofing is lighter, cheaper and better for al ordinary uses than iron-roofing; but these greedy manufacturers care nothing for the expense and inconvenience of the people if they can forca a market for their expensive iron-roofing, and make more money. They do not care that the price of all tinware of every kind would betrreatlv increased bv this same added

tax. They have been trying to secure this outrageous legislation for years. Scott & Co. and other iron-roofing firms went tofore the tariff commission in 1SSS and demanded an increased tax on tinplates, and the commission recommended it ; but congress republican senate, too saw through the game and reduced the tax instead of increasing it. Mr. Scott is reported as saying that his firm was prevented from establishing works here bv the Mills bill. We do not believe a word of it. The statement is of the same stripe as the numerous threats of republican manufacturers to close their 6hops if Cleveland was elected four years ago. He was elected, and the shops kept open jut the same. It is the same old style of bulldozimr, but it doesn't work any more. Like those other "chestnuts" that "the negroes would be put back into slavery," "the rebel war debt would be paid," etc., it has had its day. These men from outside states seem to have an idea that Iloosiers are ad fools, and can bo imposed on by any kind of statements. They are mistaken. If Mr. Scott had read the Sentinel, which is the only Indianapolis paper that has had the nerve and honesty to tell the people the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth, about the tariff, he would have learned that wages increased faster here under a low tariff than under a high tariff; and so did wealth, and commerce, and every other fruit of prosperity. Mr. Scott's statement that 02 per cent, of the farm products of this country are consumed in the home market is a falsehood, which has been exposed heretofore in these columns. The "tariff tract," from w hich he got his information (published by the bounty-fed manufacturers of New England and Pennsylvania) does not say so. It claims that per cent, of all the products of the country are consumed here, but the per cent, is raised moro than one third by protected mining and mannfactui inr products, controlled by trusts which refuse to export at reasonable profits. Whenever the home market is glutted these people shut down their mines and factories, throw their employes out of work, and wait till the demand again raises the price of their products. Not much more than half of the staple farm product of this country is consumed at home, and more than half of what is consumed here is consumed by farmers. Mr. Scott's talk about protection of farmers from the pauper lator ot Canada and other countries is idiotic as well as untrue. Canadian labor is no cheaper than our own. Our farmers now compete with the "pauper labor" of the word in ali our agricultural product that goes abroad, and the price received abroad fixes the price here. When a farmer sells Iiis wheat he doe.s not know whether it is going to a foreign country or not, and he . gets the same price exact!-, no matter " w here it goes. We do not care to follow Mr. Scott farther. His talk is a rehash of the hog-wash which has been poured over the state by the repub'ican managers. There are 10,013 school boys in Indiana who could recite if as glibly as Mr. Scott does. We will add, how ever, that as Mr. Scott says he is going to publish a pamphlet, we would to giad to receive a copy. We will take great pleasure in reviewing it for him. Down with monopoly taxes! TarirT-i and Wages Again. " A reader of The Sentinel at Eaton, 0., sends us these extracts from a republican pater printed in that town. From a table compiled from our last cen'is report and from British official statements, w have a comparison of the Amer can and British wages iu 1:2 kinds of work, which show th average to be $i.27 per week in Great Britain, and in the United States 12.05 ahnost twice as much. These figures outweigh a thousaud demairogne utterances about high taxes and the robbery of labor under our protective system. We hnve a table before us. from the last census, w hich shows that American wages increased per cent, on protected industries from IS'y to lSs ). What w ill democracy say to this? Truftt, or Uooily hirt The figures as to the difference in wog'-s between this country and England were grossly inaccurate. On an average wages reckoned in money are probably to '-'ö per cent, higher in this country than in England. In some occupatious the difference is less, in others greater. The smallest difference is in the wages of ,.i.:iv..i l-.i . t-i-i. . i i not much less in Ln-rland than in tht . ..... ".,. .: !.. . i.ül. . I. ...! . . . I . T I . uiccuauic emizraic' in n tun i nil L 1 1, .-. T. -i, , !.!.- A.-vdniw.. I. .n i Uli,.. not much opportunity tor them to be meir eonu.uon nere. uonsuiering .1 difference in the purchasing pow monev. me avenüTt ski ei nice ia .i - i , nbout as well off in England as her( But it would prove nothing against tariff reform if w ages r times as high hero as in England j in all the high tariff countries of I' Germany, Auitria, France, Sj? and llustia wages axe very tn