Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 34, Number 37, Indianapolis, Marion County, 17 October 1888 — Page 8

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THE INDIANA STATE SENTINEL, WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 17, 1883.

A REAL IIOOSIER WELC03IE

GIVEN GOV. HILL LAST NIGHT. Tomliason Hall tb Scene of One of th 31 out Itemarknble 3Innlfestiitlona of Knthnsiasm Known to the History of th fctat Tlia Speech. Like the roar of Mijjara to the clatter of a mill-wheel was the applause which greeted Ciov. II ill Friday night, when compared with that bestowed upon Blaine the evening previous. It was such an ovation as no man, with the exception of the lamented Hendricks, ever received in Indiana. The diptingnished visitor arrived in the city a ehort time after 8 o'clock. He was met at the dejot by the Hendricks and other clubs and a crowd of two or three thousand citizen?. 1 le stopped down from the car arm in arm with Gov. Gray. They were followed by Senator Haines, Secretary of Hate Cook, Adjt.- n. Port r, Col. McKwan, (Vl. Junes, XV. XV. "Whitney, jr., Hindi Hastings and Julian ltalph. The appearance of the prominent New Yorker elicited a loud demonstration. Gov. Hill removed his hat as lie passed on through the crowd into the depot. Tho party immediately took rarria.iX" and drove direct to Tomlinson ha!l, escorted by the Hendricks club. Then an audience that crowded the building in every part awaited the governor's coming, listening in the meantime to speeches by the Hon. J( hn XV. Kern and others. As Gov. 1 1 ill and escort appeared upon the platform the audience tairlv went wild with enthusiasm. Cheers and shouts blended into an uproar that was heard far out on the streets. Men stool upon chairs waving hats and umbrellas frantically, while from the galleries bandanas and flags were tossed about on the trembling air. The applause was, time and again, renewed, and silence could not bo obtained for several minutes. Finally the blushing Tom Taggart, chairman of the county committee, tstepped to the front of the platform and rapped for order. I le then Bai 1 : "I have the honor of presenting to you your permanent chairman, Gov. Isaac P. Gray." The audience again went wild. A hrr JoiiiontrHtion than botoro In-traii. Time and again it diminished, only to be renewed with greater vigor. "1 thank you," Gov. Gray finally had a chance to say, "for this greeting. " I have the honor and pleasure of introducing to you the governor of the Empire state, fcavid J. Hill." Mr. Hill slowly arose, slowly drew back his l'rin e Allwrt coat and "advanced to the front of the platform. He faced pandemonium. 1 It-cent eiiorts did not seem to have wearied the crowd, but only put them in trood practice. The members of the Hendricks club i-tuck their gray hats upon their canes and described circles with them. John XV. Kern from the platform waved aloft a huge bandana upon a cane. His example was quickly followed and bedlam was again let loose. In that one round of demonstration there was more genuine enthusiasm and exuberant ppirit than the whole combination of republican applause the night before. For fully five minutes the din continued. Gov. Hill made an attempt to quiet his auditors by a bow and wave of the hand. He was partially successful, when a man in the rear of the hall with a voice like a trumpet yelled "Hurrah for Hill." Loud laughter followed and the applause was redoubled. From sheer exhaustion the audience finally quieted, (iov. Hill then began his ppeech, which was frequently interrupted by wild applause. Gov. Hill ma le a most excellent impression on his hearers, lie is a forceful and at times eloquent speaker. His voice is clear ami resonant, and filled every nook and corner of the Luge hall. His manner is easy and extremely pleasant. He gesticulates but seldom, though eilVctively. His sentences are never involved or labored, and always clean-cut. Throughout his speech, (iov. Hill was frequently interrupted by applause. Especially wa-4 the enthusiasm significant when he referred to Cleveland's patriotism and the heroic courage he possesseil to do Lis duty. A MASTERLY EFFORT. The Speech AYhlch Kejt The Crowd ConMnntly theerinj. MR. PRESIDENT AND FELLOW CITIZENS I have heard considerable about the wild Vest bat this far exceeds my expectations. Jreat applause. I thank you for this kind ind flattering reception. I am proud to peak In the city that was the home of that distinguished statesman, Thoin-u A. Hendricks. Applause. I am likewise proud to speak in the city that i the Lome of your present able governor, Isaac V. Gray. Applause. The democracy ot the Empire state send greetings to the democracy of the state of Indiana. Applause. We are assembled this evening to hear discussed the issues of the hour. Waiving all preliminaries, permit me now to enter upon the principal topic to which I desire to call your attention. 1 need not inform an intellicent audience like this what the issue of the hour in. You have had meeting heretofore in this city, and I have no doubt that the great question known as the tariff question has been moat elaborately discussed before you. per mit me, lioweter, to call your attention at the eutnet of my remarks to this one peculiarity of this campaign to which I desire to slhi'le, and that is this: That this campaign diilcn from the campaigns of the pnät in presidential yean in this respect, that for the first time in twenty odd rears the people are engaged in the discussion of economic and industrial questions. And the first point that I desire to make, iu behalf Df the democratic party, is this: That we are Indebted to the wise, statesmanlike, and honest forre of (irover Cleveland Long continued cheerintrl for having the opportunity of presenting these questions, four years ago other 3'iestions occupied the attention of the people, he various sections of our country were arrayed against each other. We were fighting lo wr ver again. To-day. by reason ot three ind a hlf years of a national democratic administration, the country is entirely and completely pacified, and hence we are permitted to iisouss these questions that more intimately, roncer.n the people. Applause This result which has been accomplished was indeed worth ail the effort and all the labor it cost four yean ago to bring it about. What is the isuof the hoar? The rreat nesUoa is thall there he a re Juctiwa ox the

taxation in this country? I need not n.rjue before this intelligent audience of the danger to the people in an overflowing treasury. You have heard this auction discussed at length, and you, undoubtedly, have made up your mind on the question, but I say this and I but echo, I think, the sentiments of the American people that we do not believe that the best or truest interests of this country will longer be subserved by having an overflowing treasury. We believe, in a word, that the place for the surplus taxation is in the pockets of the people and not in the federal treasury. Great applause. We believe that in times of peace there should be no longer imposed upon us war taxes. Applause. We found ourselves at the advent into power of a democratic national administration with a system of taxation which was bringing into the federal tre-isury an amount far in excess of its needs. The question was" presented. It could not well be avoided. A less strong, a less brave, a less patriotic man than President Cleveland might nave avoided the issue. Applause', bnt it confronted him and he met it, grandly and nobly. And that question is now presented for the consideration of the American people. Ijut December in a message, which was bold and able, strong and patriotic, he presented the question to the American congre.. Jle pointed out the duty of that contress; he pointed out the needs of the people; he pointed the way for a relief for tax-payers and consumers of our country; certain recommendations were made iu the interest of the people. Following that, what was done in congress? I want to call your attention at the outset of my remarks to the attitude then assumed by our oppponentsiu and out of congress. The first response they made to that message was that there was no necessity for any action on the part of congress or the people. They said, and I appeal to you, my fellow-citiens, to examine the republican papers of that date in la December and see if I am not correct, they said to you: (1) That there was no surplus; (2) that i: there was a surplus it did not matter; 13) that any attempt to revise the tariil' would disturb the business interests of the country, and it ought not to be entered ujon. I do not mistake the republican position upon that question in and out of congress. They assumed to treat the question in a trifling manner. They did not think that the storm wis going to be a great one, and they imagined it would soon blow over. Mut, my friends, the storm that was then started lias not yet blown over; it is sweeping not only the prairies of the West, but it is sweeping all the middle states of our country. Applause. A measure was introduced in that congress known as the Mills bilL It is a bill in the interest of the people. It is a bill that attacks

selfishness in some places. It is a bill which ii intended to subserve the best and truest interests of our country. It may have its defects ; no measure is withont thorn; but in the main it is a bill free from reasonable objection ; a bill which is intended to do something for the relief practically of the tax-payers of the country. Applause. Ourgallant democratic coagressineu said to their opponents: "Assist us now in this measure for the relief of the country." But, my friends, you and I know that if this question had been proceeded with in a calm, quiet, impartial and nonpartisan way, there would have been no difficulty in framing a measure acceptable for the whole people, but what position was taken? You hare not forgotten the speeches that were made. They voted down at every opportunity the consideration of the question. The Mills bill was killed. When the final vote came in congress, no substitute was otlered for it, no other biils suggested in it place; a few amendments were otlered. The majority of the republican party took the position which they now occupy, namely, as the party of opposition that simply would oppose the democratic measure, but had nothing to substitute in its place for the benefit of the people. I claim because of these tilings that it is to the democracy in congress and to the democratic party that we are indebted for the advanced position assumed on this question. Applause. The bill finally passed the democratic house of representatives and went to a republican senate. I know not what that senate may do with this bill. Unquestionably it will be beaten. Hut I call your attention to the position of that republican senate. This question has now been before the American people since last December. How they have changed their position since then! Let me call your attention to a few points. The majority ot the finance committee of the senate made a report in which they said, substantially, "That the demand for a careful revision of our revneue laws is imperative. Second, to reduce the national revenues, which arc now excessive. Third, they desire to remedy the anomalies and incongruities which have been from time to time discovered in the present tariff schedules. It strikes me and you that we have heard all these suggestions before put in stronger terms in President Cleveland's message of December last. Applause. 1 insist that this position taken by the senate committee, and upon which they have now at the eleventh hour framed a bill to meet this imperative demand, is an entire change of front on the part of the republican party. Applause. I insist to you that this statement of the majority of the committee, followed by the presentation of their (ill. is in sum and substance a confession of judgment upon the whole question involved iu this campaign. Applause. I said I did not know what the republican icnate may do upon this qaestion; but before discussing this question further, permit me to branch oli'and give you one or two reasons why they will probably defeat it and why the re publicans to-day hold a majority in the U. h. senate. Permit me to branch oft upon this subject for a single moment. My friends, the senate of the United States does not to-day represent a majority of the people of this country. Applause. I desire to state that they maintain their ascendency in the senate of the United States by reason of means that will not beir honest investigation in three states of this Union. The. state of New York has been democratic now for several years. We have carried that state by majorities from l.lwto 3,000 and 0,(niO, and one year lon.ft.iO and over. Applause.l But notwithstanding that fact, our opponents keep control of the legislature of that state. Let me tell you how they do it. The constitution of our state requires that every ten years there shall be an enumeration of the inhabitants of the state, and that enumeration shall be followed by a reapportionment of the senate and assembly districts. And in defiance of those plain provisions of the constitution the republicans have retained control of the senate and assembly of our state, have refused to carry out their constituion.d obligations and refused to order an enumeration and refuse to reapportion the senate and assembly districts ot that state. And for that reason and that reason alone the great Empire state of the Union is misrepresented by two republican senators in the U. S. senate. Applause.l They don't reflect the honest sentiments ot the majority of the people of that state. Applause. In the state of Connecticut how dothey keep control and keep two U. S. senators there by the opjxjsite party? By a system of retaining borough representation, w hereby little towns having only from three to five hundred voters have as man representatives in the senate and assembly of that state as have the larje cities of New Haven and Hartford. And by that system of representation they keep control of that ftate, and keep two U. . senators to misrepresent the people of that state. Applause. 1 here is number state to which I desire to call attention, where they have kept two U. 8. senators in the senate of the United States to misrepresent the people. I point to the little state of Rhode Island, a state in New England. It is that section of the country where the diagnished gentleman who addressed the citizens of this city j esterday resides. In that state they keep control ot the legislature and the f:ivernment of that state by doing what? If insistins upon a property auaiitieation for

every foreign-born citizen residing in that state. Applause. And by means euch as thtse a blot upon the fair fame of that state they have managed to control. And by having the real estate owned largely by a few large land-ownersj who refuse to sell to honest foreigners desiring to live with them, they have kept control of that state. It is an outrage. It is the only state in the Union where such an outrage has heretofore been perpetuated. I am aware that some of the gentlemen who lull from that section of the country are very fond of coming west and coining to New York to tell our forcijn-born citizens how they ought to vote, but I think that if Mr. Blaine had wanted to do something for foreign-born citizens he might, a year or two ago, have stopped in that state and told his republican brethren they ought to do justice to the foreigu-born citizens lefore coming west to tell foreign-born citizens here how tliey ought to vote. Great applause. For these reasons, my friends, we have no expectations that this bill will pass the senate of the United States. I do not propose this evening to discuss the merits of the bill which they propose as a substitute in the senate. I simply say they have presented this issue too late. Whatever merit there may be in that bill, whether there is any or not, I do not propose now to discuss. But whatever merit there may be in thir bill the people and the taxplv of this country r indebted to the

democratic party for, because they hav forced the fighting upon this question. Applause. But for the position assumed by the president and a-s.su rued by the party, there wonld have been nothing accomplished upon this matter. What is the position of the democratic party npon the tariff question? We are willing, my friends, that our opponents shall interpre their own platform. We claim the 6ame poor privilege upon our part. I say that the democratic party is not a free trade party, and I will reiterate it wherever I go. f Applause. I deny that there is anything in the democratic platform that can he construed in favor of tree trade. But, my friends, it does not follow from that that the democratic party does not favor tarilf reform. It is altogether a ditlerent thing. We are opposed to excessive taxation, opposed to unnecessarily high tariff, we believe the time is come when, without injury to any interest in this country, taxes can be reduced. That is the democratic position. It is the position that is anassailable in this campaign, and all the clamor of the republican politicians simply to subserve party purposes cannot cliange the honest, fair, square, manly position of the democratic party. Applause. In framing a taritf in framing first a platformpermit me to say we cannot of course place in the platform all the details of the tari: measure. We can simply reiterate in our national platform in general terms the principles upon which we think tariff measures should be framed. The democratic platform states our position precisely. We believe that thera should be taritF duties sufficient to meet the expenses of the goverment economically administered. We do not believe that under our constitution the government has the right to impose taxes for any other express purpose. We believe further, that in the adjustment of the tariff, it should

be so adjusted that as far as possible and as may be iiecessary,every interest of labor should he protected and every reasonable protection afforded to our industries. Applause. But I desire to call your attention right hereto the much-abused Mills bill. It has been stated that it will destroy the industries of our country. I deny both proposition emphatically. I am now speaking of the articles placed on the free list. That is one question. I am speaking now of the articles manufactured and brought into this country upon which the duties are reduced. There is not a single manufactured article upon w hich the duty is reduced whereon there is not left by this much abused Mills bill a sufficient revenue to represent the whole cost of the labor involved in its production anywhere. Applause Therefore, the first position 1 take is that the democratic party favors thereby the protection of labor. But w p don't believe that when a sufficient tarilf is still left to represent the cost of the labor involved- in the production, that - it is necessary to still further burden the people simply to give an excessive profit to monopolists and manufacturers, t his position is plain, clear and readily nnderstood. Our oppouents, for party purposes, may misrepresent it. That is to be expected; but, my friends, every democratic orator reiterates this position, which is plainly stated in the democratio platform, that the reduetion which we propose can and must be effected without injury to a single industry in this country, and without a reduction of the wages of a single laborer in the laud. That is the democratic Ksition. Applause. But taking advantage of the desire of the American people to be just; taking advantage of their desire to be generous, there cre selfish interests clamoring for a higher tariff; clamoring that a sum shall be put upon goods unnecessary for the purpose of the government and unnecessary for protection of the laborer, and also unnecessary for reasonable protection to American industries. We say the time has come when the lines should be drawn, and when some legislation should be made in the interest of the people, and when the legislation of the past iu the interest of classes and in the interest of monopolies should cease hereafter. In framing this tariff we laid out two principles two principles w hich I submit to your candid judgment are sound. The first is that, as far as possible, the necessaries of life should be made free. Who can object to this? How w ill this injure the industries of your country? I fail to see. How will any laboring man be injured by having the necessaries of life made as cheap as possible? My friend, the cry of the other Bide is a false cry. It is a misleading cry; there is nothing upon which to base it. For instance, let me take one item the item of salt Tell nie, will you. why any laboring man should olject to this being put upon the free list? Will it injure any industry to any extent? Not nt all. Some of the very men engaged in the salt industry in this country favor putting salt on the free list. Once in a while, my friends, you find au honest manufacturer who will concede the propriety of the action taken in the Mills bill. And everywhere I go I find honest manufacturers coming to the front and sitting upon the platform und endorsing the Mills bill. Applause. The democratic party proposes to put this one article on the free list, the article of salt. It is an article used in every family in the land. It ought to be made as free as possible, and I don't kuow why anyone should object. It has been said there was a trust a salt trust. I never heard of it. It was discovered a day or two ago by a distinguished gentleman who spoke here. I care not whether there is or not; but if there is, so much the worse. Then let us place this salt upon the free list and tend, if we can, to destroy these other trusts. Applause. Let me call your nttention to the position taken by our opponent upon this question. A few years ago the distinguished candidate for vice-president was a member of congress from the city of New York. He didn't then have the vice-presidential bee in his bonnet, and I think he was honest with his own conscience, honest with his constituents. When the question came up a few years ago as to whether salt should he placed on the free list or not, Mr. Levi P. Morton voted to place salt upon the free list. Three years ago, w hen he was a candidate for U. S. senator in our state against Mr. Evarts, some of the republicans who were opposing Morton and favoring Mr. Evarts made tiie charge against him that it would not do to elect Mr. Morton U. S. senator because he was a free trader and they instanced the fact that he voted to put salt upon the free list, and at that time Mr. Morton came out in a card in which he said that it was unfair to him to call him a free trader because he voted to put salt upon the free list; he said he did this and he ought not to be blamed for it, because he did it in the interest of the farmers and dairymen of the state of New York, laughter and applause. lie was right, my friends, then; but how can he recoucile his attitude then with the attitude of the republican party now and the attitude taken in his own letter of acceptance? I read that letter of acceptance carefully the other day to see if he would not give us some gleam of hope that he would possibly vote for lree salt in the future, hut found not a word of it. Applause. When I made this statement the other night to an audience in New York City, a gentleman hallooed out: "tfalt won't save him this time." Immense laughter. Another article we propose to pnt upon the free list is the article ot wool. It seems to nie there can be no reason whatever why this article, which enters into the composition of your clothin;, should not he put upon the reo list. You have unquestionably heard the arguments here in favor of it and against it. I believe that the putting of this article upon the free list will stimulate the wool manufacture of this country. Applause. Pray tell me where and whence came this demand for wooL It is said that the democratic party is acting in the interest of England and that we desire to subserve the interest of Enclish manufacturers. I deny the statement. Why, my friends, the lirst demand of lateyeari that came from free wool came from a convention or gathering of woolen manufacturers themselves, held in this country, w herein they discussed their interests, and they unanimously resolved to petition congress to put wool upon the free list, thereby believing it would subserve the interests of the manufacturers themselves. Applause. Therefore the democratio party, in acceding to their request, is endeavoring to do something for the woolen manufacturers of our own country, and not simply to subserve the interest of the foreign manufacturers. What did they say? Of the tiS0,UX),0U0 pounds of wool used in this country, and necessary to be useJ, only 33 i,0u0,XX) pounds were grown in this country. Half of it nearly came from abroad, and necessarily comes from abroad. 8omc of it is of different quality from that used in this country; and these manufacturers said English manufacturers get their wools from Scotland and get them from Australia. They come into England free from duty. We cannot, however, get Australian wool except by payment of a duty, and we therefore cannot compete with English manufacturer; and for the purpose of relieving them from this unfair and unjust competition they petitioned congress for the placing of wool upon the free list You aee, my friends, when these things are explained you will discover that the Mills bill is a bill framed not only in the interest of the Cwuauuxr, bet alo, ia uauy respects, framed,

in the interests of our manufacturers themselves. The other night I was" addressing an audience in the village of Gloversville. N. Y. Upon the plat;orm sat three of the largest manufacturers of gloves in this country. The largest in the country is Mr. Daniel M. Judson; the other, next largest to him, I forget his name, sat mxt to him. These two men were democrats. The republicans had announced that they had left their party on this question. The third was the next largest manufacturer in this country and a republican. These three men sat upon that platform that night and informed me that they favored this 'Mills bill, although by the very terms of that bill there was a reduction of 10 per cent, upon glovea. Notwithstanding thfs,they said to me: "It is fair and right; the taritf is too high. It ought to be reduced. There is no reason why it should not be reduced. It will not hurt our industries to reduce it, and we favor this measure; and we favor President Cleveland because he had the honesty and courage to recommend iL" Tremendous applause. Another article placed npon the free list is the article of lumber. The tariff upon it is not very high, but, nevertheless, whatever it is the democratic party thinks it should be taken otf. My friends, now w ill it injure the material interests of this country? Our forests are disappearing fast. Will it not aid every poor man who desires to build a house? Will it not facilitate building? Will it not increase everywhere the interests of our country? You masons, you carpenters, you plasterers, you laboringmcn everywhere, why should you object to having free lumber? There isn't any earthly reason why you should. It is in your interest this bill is framed. It give you cheap homes; it facilitates cheap building; it is for your interest in every respect? I assume some of the lumber kings of Michigan possibly may object to it, but don't see why honest common people of the w hole country ought to object to it. Applause. It is said that the bill will affect wages. I deny it. In the first place the tariff has hut little efTect upon wages. This has been demonstrated over and over again, and I make the point right here that the workingmen of this country are not indebted either to the tariff or to any political party for the present high rate of wages they enjoy. In the lirst place the present high rate of wages in maintained because our workmen are more intelligent than those across the water; because on au average they turn out more work per day than the others; because they take more interest in their work? because they are identified with our free institutions; because by reason of their intelligent labor they are entitled to more wages and they deserve them. But there is another reason, my friends, and you know what it is, especially in many industries of our country. What has given the laboring men their high rate of wages which they now enjoy? It is because of the labor organisation which laboring men have formed. Immense applause. And permit me to suggest that these very labor organizations have been maintained for many years, and met the persistent and violent opposition, in many instances, of the very men who now go around the country wanting a high protective tariff in order to protect the poor workingmen in their employ. Great applause.l Wages don't depend on the taritf; they differ in this country. There is as much ditlerence between the difierent states iu this country upon the question of wages a there is between

this country and England. To-day the laborer in the state of Oregon by one day's work can earn a barrel of flour. In the state of New York it requires two days' work to earn a first-class barrel of flour. That shows that wages diäerin this country where there is free trade between the several states just as much as they diller between other countries and ours. Therefore, my friends, the great law of supply and demand regulates this question to a great extent, it has been well stated that when you find two workingmen after one boss wages are low, and when you find two bosses after one workingnian wages are high, aud that is the whole of it. Applause. That is the whole of it principle, theory and practice. Tne democratic party, my friends, entered upon no crusade to reduce the wages of workingmen. Ho wherever you please; see our democratic audiences as they gather together. More than one-half of them, as you will find, of the laboring men in nearly every section of the country belong to the democratic party. Applause. They are members ot the democratic party; and that party would be the last one in the world that w ould take any course to injure its own members. Cheers. A manufacturer w ho never lost an opportunity to cut down the wages of his men whenever he had a chance, called up one of his men the other day and said to him: "Pat, are you going to vote for Cleveland and Thunnan?" "Well," he says, "I think I willl." "Don't you know, if you vote for them, that vour wages w ill be reduced?" "No," he said, "I don't believe it; and if you thought that w ages would be reduced you would vote for them too." Great laughter and cheering. If the republican party had desired to do something for Ihn real protection of the laboring men, why did they assume the position which they did assume a few years ago upon what was known as the Chinese question? Apjdause and laughter. You have not forgotten the fact that when the bill was passed, it was mainly by democratic votes, with the aid of a few patriotic republicans. You recollect that bill was for the exclusion of Chinese immigration for a period of twenty years. You recollect that it wns the last republican president of the United States that vetoed that just and projn-r measure. Applause. The other day a democrat from the state of Pennsylvania Mr. Scott introduced a bill forever hereafter excluding the Chinese. The bill was introduced into the lower honse of congress, and without a moment's hesitation it promptly passed that democratic body. Cheers. It went to the republican senate. They hesitated, halted, referred it to a committee, debated it, and finally, with much reluctance. jasscd it. In my humble judgment nothing but the exigencies of the campaign and the record of some of their candidates induced them to pass this measure. Prolonged cheering and cries of "hit him again." Workingmen, I call your attention to this fact, that when that bill came into the executive mansion there was no hesitation, there was no faltering, but it promptly received the signature of vour friend, Grover Cleveland. Applause. It is said that we are disturbing the business interests of this country by the presentation of this question. Laughter. My friends, you know the predictions of disaster which they made four years ago. I need not reiterate them now. "l uu recollect what they were. Disturb the interests of the country by a mere discussion of the tariil question! It is nonsense. When was the last time the business interests of the country were greatly dUturbed? When was thelastgreat financial panic of this country? If I recollect right, it was in the year of 173. It was when we had a republican lower house of congress. It was when they had a republican U. S. senate. It was when they had a republican president; and it was when they had a high protective tari til Applause. Neither the statesmanship of the republican party nor the ettect of their tari J was sutlicient to prevent this great panic which we had in 1373. I know they accuse the president of a lack of patriotism. You hear it upon every hand. 1 know they quote day after day in their newspapers forged extracts from English papers saylug they take a great interest iu Grover Cleveland. A great many of them have been shown to be forgeries, and it can be proven that they are all forgeries. Talk about President Cleveland being a friend and tool of England! Why, my friends, he is an American boy Cheers and laughter born in thia country, identified with the institutions of this country. Every puliation of hij heart is American. He i American, every inch of , him Prolonged cheering and the republicans knOW U. JiC sought to sctile by honorable arbitration the dilliCulty with England and Canada upon the fisheries question. The senate, hi iu wisdom, 6av fit to reject the treaty proposed. I do not stop to discuss the details of that treaty. It is sufficient to iny they could have amended it; they could have changed it. But, as I said before, the republican party has simply become a party okf opposition. It simply opposes every, thing that the democratic party does. They contented themselves with voting down the treaty aiui rejecting it. Then what did the president do? This president that is the tool of England; this president that ia the friend of England; this president that wanted to subserve the interests of England, sent a message to congress a bolder, grander, better message than the one in December last, in which ne asked that congress should give him the necessary powers to enable him to retaliate in behalf of the righis of American fisheries and the right of American citizenship. Applause. Aud this cowardly republican senate refused to give him this reasonable aaid proper pow er that he asked, because they knew that he had the courage aud had the patriotism aud had the vigor, if they had given him the power, U nobly uphold the right of American citizenship. S Applause. I know what our republican riends say. They promise all sorts ot things Yihtü the are out of puwer, Grvut laughter

and applause. They are the boldest champions of civil service reform the minute they f et out of power. The principal thing in their platform now is that they want to give us 1 cent postage. They are not even a tu penny party; they are a one jienny party. Laughter. The natural inquiry would be, why didn't they eive us that when they were m power? Cheers. It was actually proposed by a democratic senator and voted down in the last three years by a republican senateThen their platform says, if I recollect it right. "We favor the restoration of our lost commerce and our merchant marine." Laughter. What has become of that commerce? It has been lost during the last twenty-tour years of republican rule. Our ship-building has vanished. Our commerce upon the high seas is gone all vanished under republican rule; and the moment they get out of iower they resolve that they favor a restoration of our merchant marine. Great laughter. In my humble opinion the American people have lost confidence in the republican party and its promises. I think we have satisfied the people in three and a half years of. democratic rule that we have endeavored to keep our promises which we made four years ago. Applause. I note that they say that this demand of the democracy for cheap goods is a false one. They try to belittle our demand for cheap clothing. Many of these same people who make this statement in reference to our demand for cheaper clothing pass most ot their time in traveling in Europe during the summer, and then while in Europe buy most of their clothing there, while us joor democrats have to stay here at home, and have to purchase our clothine, such as we have, and pay high prices for it. t Applause. Why, the record of the customouse shows that some of these aristocrats who spend most of their time abroad bring home thousands and tens of thousands dollars' worth of clothing for themselves and their wives, and it comes into the custom-house free of duty upon their making nliidavit simply to the ellcct that it is intended for their own personal use. Of course these people don't want cheap clothing at home because they buy their goods abroad. Why, a man I am not here to say w ho he was brought thirty-three trunk loads of goods home. Laughter and cries, "That's Blaiue." I am too good a gentleman to dispute you. Laughter. But I want to call your attention to one of the provisions of this so-called Mills bilL It proposes to stoj) this sort of thing, and by the provisions of this bill it limits the amount of the clothing that these pcojde can bring into this country to the amount of $")0. It is an honest, it is a just and it is a fair provision, and it is in the interest of t lie people, and we want that bill, my friends. This country has jirospered reasonably during the past three and a half years. Our interests have not been destroyed, the poor colored people have not been restored to blavery, the Confederate debt has not been perpetuated. Everywhere the people have been enjoying a reasonable degree of prosperity. The business interests of the country, in my judgment, will not be subserved by a change. In tlie great city of New York that is the view that poople are taking of it. Our merchants iu that city are selling more goods to the people of the South than they ever sold before since the war. Applause. And this shows whot the pacification of the country has brought about, and it shows that our people are prosperous under democratic rule. My friends, 1 don't propose to detain you longer to discuss this question. Cries of "Go on," "Go on." I come here simply to see the democracy of Indiana to see them face to face. A voice: "And they are good-looking." Laughter. I like the sturdy democracy of this great, old lloosier state. Applause. I come to bring you tidings of good cheer to tell you that there is no division among the democracy of the state of New York. Great applause.) I have traveled during the past six weeks in nearly every county of the stnte. I have seen the democracy and never knew them more aroused than they are to-day. They are united in favor of Grover Cleveland and Allen G. Thurman. Huge applause. It is no idle boast w hen I tell you tfiat it is as certain as election day comes that the electoral vote of the Empire state will be cast for the democratic ticket. Tremendous applause. I cannot speak to you of other states, but I do claim to know something of the spirit, of the enthusiasm and of the determination that characterize the democracy of the state of New York. A voice: Hooray for tiie Empire state. Three cheers. 1 need not urge you to your duty, because the democracy of Indiana always sees its duty. A voice: Hooray for the lloosier state. Three cheers. My friends, I will not detain you longer by any remarks. I simply want to thank you for this manifestation ot your kindness this evening. I saw the ju'ople of another portion of your state this aiternoon and I send to-morrow in still another section of your state. I know you will do your duty in this campaign as we propose to do ours. We never had a better ticket for the suffrages of the American people than we have now. Applause. We never were more right ujon the public questions of the day than we are now. Ap1lause. I believe the young men everywhere go are coming to the front for the democratic party. A voice: "That is right."J The democratic party, my friends, has ever been the champion of labor. It has ever maintained the rights of foreign-born citizens. It has favored the right of the people ever since the foundation of the government. Emphatically it is the people's party, and it deserves to be sustained by the people, and I have no question but that at this election we shall achieve an old-fashioned democratic victory. WHO PAYS THE TAX?

Several Illustrations or the Fact That It Is the Consumer. lltoMon lleraM.l A reader of the ILrald, residing in the Iioxbury district, asks us the question whether it is true that the foreigner pays the tax which our government exacts ujon goods imported into this country. We are aware that this statement has been repeatedy made by tho.se who are defending the present system of extravagant protection, but it is 60 palpably in contradiction with the everyday experience of hundreds of thousand of our citizens that it seems almost a gratuitous work to expose its falsity. One instance of tho ridiculousness of the assertion is shown in the fact that a very large amount of the merchandise imported from foreign countries is purchased in these countries by American dealers or manufacturers. For example, the treasurer of the Arlington mills of Lawrence, either directly on his own account or through agents whom he employs, purchases in London 100,000 pounds or more of Australian wool, lie pays for this wool the current price in the London market, and has it shipped to this country. Now, it is evident that tho foreign seller of this wool does not rejay to Treasurer Whitman a penny of tho duty that Mr. Whitman has to pay to the government when tho wool .trrivesat this 'port. The Arlington mills pays this duty, charges it to the cost of manufacture, ami iu selling tho products of its spindles and looms, reimburses itself by the increased price that it gets upon its goods. That is, the consumers of theso goods pay everv cent of tho duty, assuming that the goods are sold at a protit, which is what the business of the Arlington mills is carried on to obtain. If Treasurer Whitman could get the foreign seller of wool to pay the duty for him, he would, no doubt, speedily avail himself of such a money-saving operation. But, as wo have, just said, he buys this wool in the London market, and gets it at no lower prices than the Kngjish woolen manufacturers pay for what they buy at tho same time. AVo have taken this personal illustration for the reason that concrete examples of this kind are much easier to grasp than abstract forms of reasoning. Now for others of the same class. Messrs. Jordan, Marsh & Co., (J. F. Ilovey & Co., lt. II. White A Co.. Shepard, Norwell A Co., IL II. Stearns &. Co., and other leading dry goods houses in this city, send each year anywhere from one to a dozen representatives abroad to purchase the goods which they believo that their Boston customers are desirous of using. Some of these buyers mako two or three trips to Kurope each year, and no inconsiderable part of tho patronage of tho Uaiujathuitic eteaouers ia taad up of tho

ABSOLUTELY PURE. ypr quick raising, the Royal Taking TowCer Is superior to all other IeaTenlng agents. It is absolutely pure and wholesome and cf the highest leavening power. It Is .always tmifora in strength and qaaliiy end never fails to rcakc light, sweet, most palatable and nutritive food. Ercad, biscuits, EnfUns, cake, etc., raised with Eoyal Baking Towder may he eaten hot without distressing results to tha most delicate digestive organs. It will keep ia any climate without deterioration. ProL n. A. Mott, Ü. S. Government Chemist, after examining oScially tho principal bAkmg powders of the country, reported : "The I'oyal Baking Towdcr is absolutely pure, fcr I have to found it ia many tests made both for that company and the United States Government. " Because of the facilities that company have for obtaining pcriectly pure crcara of tartar, and far other reasons dependent upon the proper prepdrtion3 of the fame, and tho method of its preparation, tho Royal Baking Towdcr is undoubtedly the purest and most eliable baking powder offered to tho public "Da. HENRY A. Ü0TT, Tn. D.," U. 5. Government Chemist.

buyers of these and finiilar business lirms of the large cities of this country. These buyers go to F rance and Italy for their silks, to Germany Vir shawls and cloaks, to Kngland for certai.n varieties of woolen and cotton goods. They go to the manufacturing establishment of these various countries, make their selections and purchase precisely as if t -hey were buying for the Knglish, German or French trade ; pay for what they buy in accordance with the cash or credit system of the country, have the goods packed up and sent to'the United States. The interest in these goods of the foreign manufacturer ceases after he has delivered them in I'ngland. Franc? or Germany to the American purchaser, and when they arrive in Boston or New York, it is MeetTS. Jordan, Marsh tfc Co., It. I. White & Co. and others who are compelled to puy the duty upon them which is exacted under our customs regulations., These retail dealers in dry goods are out of pocket to the extent both of the foreign cost of tlsvdr goods and the duties paid upon then.1, and they must add both of these items to the selling price of their wares before the) can get back the money they have advanced, to say nothing of the profit they expect. Now for another Dlnstrationof a reverse character. A year ta" two ago the French parliament voted a protective duty of something like 15 evnts a bushel upon foreign-grown wheat, a Jaw aimed specially against the American armer. If the theory that foreigners pay taxes of this kind were true, our Amenca'n farmers would be compelled to sell their wheat in the French market at about 15 cents less per bushel than they would consider a fair price in the English market, where their products go in untaxed. But, as a matter of fact, they do nothing of the k ind. The price of wheat in Paris is, with very slight variations, the same as the price- of wheat in London, plus the French duty. That is to say, the American farmer tfies not contribute as much as one cent toward the payment of this French duty, ta Inch has to be paid by the consumers of yiieat in France. We might rest the case here, as the illustrations we have given represent the conditions under which all but a verv insiniheant part of the foreign trade of this country is carried on. But it now and then happens that goods are sent to a foreign market for sale by those who produce them. Thus a few years ago the cotton manufacturers of Fall River found that they had on hand a large surplus quantity of cotton cloth, which, if some way of "disjiosing of it could not be found, was likely to keep down the home market price of this commodity. They, therelore, arranged among themselves to relieve their market by sending to and selling in England a large quantity of the manufactured goods that they had on hand. It is possible that in this operation they sold their goods at a loss, for, necessarily, they were compelled to meet the English market price, whatever that price may have been. In the same way it occasionally happens that a foreign manufacturer linds that he has upon hand a larger stock of manufactured goods than the immediate demands of his home market justifies him in having, and, to relieve himself from the embarrassment of carrying these for an indefinite period, he sends them abroad, sometimes to this country, sometimes to other countries, and sells them, as the Fall River cotton manufacturers did, for whatever they will fetch. Under such circumstances, if he sends thee goods to the United States, he has to meet the American price, whatever that may be, and, in order to do this, he may at times be compelled to pay a part of the import duty himself. All transactions of this kind are of an entirely exceptional character, and have no more learing on the great current of international trade than the paddling of a child's hand would have on the great currents of the ocean. REPUBLICAN HYPOCRISY. The C. O. P. and the Prisoners of WarProfession vs. Practice. To the EniToa .S'l'r; I thank friend Bohal of company B, Twenty-second Indiana volunteers, for reminding me of some facts that sustain me when I say that if the ex-prisoners of war have to complain of cither of tho political parties they should complain of the republican party. My friend argues that I know it to be a fact that the rebels would not exchange us till we were so weak from starvation that one in ten would not live to reach home. Now. if his political prejudice does not totally eclipse his memory, he will recall the fact that there were a fe w hundred prisoners exchanged at Andersonvillo in 'August, lSdl, and the only men that were exchanged were a few robust, hearty men, who had been prisoners but a few days and were able for active service at once. The fact sustains me when I say that the republicans seemed to care nothing for us further than for our service, and as we were physically unable to tro into the ranks at once, their sympathies did not reach us, and it further proves that the rebels wero willing to exchange men that were able to meet them in arms at once. Why did not our commissioners of exchange say to them: "Hold our strong men; give us our sick and helpless, that we may administer to their wants." This would nave been more in keeping with their professed love for us. But rather than concede to the rebels the advantage of exchanging strong for weak men. we were suffered to remain in the dismal den, endure the pangs of starvation, sickness ami death, where no tear of sympathy or hand of pity was present to soothe the last moments. And yet twenty-three years have passed and the republican party has not so much as recognized the prisoners of war for this special service by any act of congress. Now, this cannot be charged to the democratic party. The government was in the hands of the republican party for a period of twenty years from tho close of the war, "and if it had been so interested in us as it has been trying to make us think, there would long .'! have bevm a law passed ia re-

" BAKINGa POWDER

cocnition of the prison suiTercrs. To say it is the fault of the democrats will nol answer. History will not prove it. There has never been a determined effort on the part of the republicans tobrinjr rrbout thia reMilt. Theyare just as negligent nliout that as they were about exchanging for us, and the soldier who suffers himself to bo gulled into the belief that tin republican party is his friend for any other; consideration than that of bis vote suffers himself to bo hoodwinked, and is liable, through predjudico, to vote against his own interest and that of his children cftfr him, as the issues are now concerning the future and not the pa.-t. As friend B alludes to President Cleveland having hired a substitute to send to the war, there is no proof that lie did not pay him every dollar he agreed to pay him. Neither is there j'roof, nor is it a fact, that he died in the poor-house. Tho resilient is no more to be held responsiIe for that than Hen. Harrison, even tliouszh it had leen a fact. The fact oi him having hired a substitute is certainly as creditable tohimas anything that could be said of James H. Blaine, who is worshiped bv the republican party, and who was voted for in lS l by republican soldiers for president of the United States, and who to-day is the chief dictator of republican policy; and the only substitute we hear spoken of for him is a candidate for president at the present time, and yet we hear of no republican soldiers complaining of James G. Blaine's war record. A Soloier, Twenty-second Regt. Ind. Vols. Fairland, Ind., Oct. 2. Cannot Legally Vote in Indiana. To the Editor AT-.- If a man voted at the spring election, 1SS3, in this precinct, then when the assessor cidled on hiin refused to be assessed, claiming that he lived in another state where his family resided and paid his tar there, is he loyally entitled to vote Nov. o", in this precinct, l'lcase answer in SEXTlBicknell, Ind., 0:t. 11. A Chance 1'nr Harrison. To THE Editor Sir: riease inform yonr readers whether Gen. Harrison could he induced to c to Chicago and asibt in forcing the street-ear tlrivcrs htek to their work by doine which he could ret his Mitch shaken hands an. I be of great service to his monopolistic friemis. ami EL V. Joui sox. Rockville, Ind., Oct 1.'. lieatinjr the K.iilroail. New Lonlon Tclrprrajih. "I would like this hactrace checked for Xew York," said a well-known cummer visitor, addressing her remarks to the bac'tfage-inaster at the union station, at the same time pointing tr four lar'e Saratogas, which were beina unloaded from an express wagon. "How manytickets, please"'" at. Kci I the oll lining ln irfc3?"inastcr. "July one ticket," was the reply. "I fehall be compelled to charge yua for excess of ha.ira're, then, m one ticket will not be suttieient to take all of your trunks through to New York." "Ouirageeous! I pan! nothing extra when I came and will not do so now, if I have to borrow tickets, enough to warrant my bagirage go ins withi me." The indignant female llatintcd o:l to the waiting room, from whence she shortly returned with the requisite number of tickets, which she obtained from some friends who were also hound for New York, hut were not accompanied by any baggage. "I In-at tha railroad that time," remarked the lady as she: received her checks aud departed with a selfsatisfied smile. "There gall for you," remarked the baggageman, "he will nev?r p hungry not as long as there is anyone around to borrow from." Hie la ly is a summer visitor here, and it is said she can count her wealth in six figures. Jle Ilettered Himself. Humorist telle Blatter. Burglar "Why, Luke, you're quite a Btranger. Haven't you been cracking any criLi lately?" Kx-lJunrlar "Not I, faith; I've setup mi purteshnul writer of testimonials for safemakers." Children Cry for Pitcher's Castoria.1 "The things we know are neither rich nci rare," hut marked Ly an uncommon ingredient of common fceuse. On of them is that one twenty-five cent bottle of Salvation Oil will relieve pain. Try it. "For years I sii fibred irom loss of appetite? and indigestion, but failed to lind rebel until I began taking Ayer's Jars iparilla. This medicine entirely cured me. My appetite and digestion are now perfect." Fred (j. Hou.tr, 4Jd ikunth-d., frjn'.h Horton, Masx. As true as teel, Dr. Hull's Cough Syrup. Twenty-five cents. Advire to Mothers. Mr. Win.low'o Soothin Syrup tioul 1 klwm b ncd wbrn children sre culiin? teeth. It reliere tho little sutlerer st ouee: it produce natural, quiet (iiet-p by relieriiiif the chill from piin, m l the Luit ehcrub'awak- as "bright as a tiuiton." It is very I'lcaAttDt to tate. It Mtlies tlie chiid, softem tht cum, allavs all pain, relieves wind, regulates thi Lnweh an i is tlie Ih-.-I kn.wn remedy for diarrhea, whether arising from teettmi; or otuer cause Tweutj-five cents a bollla. Children Cry for Pitcher's Castoriai DR. CULBERTSON'S EYE, EAR ana Jry tit r r? w (VC: 1 INSTITUTE. Bhljj Indianapolis, Ind. ITI bpectociM sod Artificial Eyes adjusted. Sf uu si - - " a a . m EDUCATION.!, AND ItKSOTK. ..M1AJI 1SUL TTCTmiTITX (rcaaU4 lr QJUSIIIESS UNIVERSITY t) B. TtU. SL, Ufe'l EiKa, Of p. PwtvÜM. J liest fscilitirt for Buinew, r-hwt-Mn t, 1 hin, Knglisb nM Actual ltusine Trainir J dividual instruction. LdtuaU t r pnit 1 futnitti in timH and moner. OrA'lustl h f tiTe ioition. Very low rats f.r niiiit . ; ter now. rur tu'l particulars cau at oUice, J51 hen l.eck.

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