Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 34, Number 36, Indianapolis, Marion County, 10 October 1888 — Page 4

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THE INDIANA STATE SENTINEL, WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 10, 1888.

INDIANA STATE SBUXEL

It n tared at tae PostoBc t Indianapolis as secos1! cUm matter. TERMS PER YEAR i EuKta copy. .81 00 W democrat to bar la mind and aelect their ib state paper when they coma to tat sabacrfptlona and maVa up clubs. AenU making up cluba aend for any informatloa fiesirad. AdJesa IDUNAPOLIS Indlanapolta, lad. WEDNESDAY. OCT. 10. For President, GROTZR CLEVELAND of. Niw Tote. For Vick-Frf.sident, ULO G. TUIRUA5 of OKI. DEMOCRATIC STATE TICKET. error Cochtxamd C Matsow. lJutenant-krnor Wn.LiM K. ilTItt tocratary of State Robert W. Miiks. Auditor of f'.ta CutKL.ES A. Mcssojr. Treasurer I but-TauMis li. It T as a. Reporter ptipreme Conrt Jon W. Kaax. AtUrney-JoeraI Jona K Wilso. frupariatendant Tublio instruction EucnS. SarrrrriL Jadgr of Supreme Court rirat DIMrict William E. Nthlaob. rVoocd District Okorob V. Hows, OUT tit lUUict-ALLKX ZOLLIU rRKSJDEXTlAL KLXCTORS, At Larpe Tu'Kii R, Copb and Johs E. La its. Tim district, biViiL B. Vasck; bocond diatiiet, CcTLAi a IfBBiS8; Third district, (ango IL 1. Uiphux; fourth dutrlct. Nicholas Corsbt; fifth district, Johr R. East; frixth district, Tliomas J. Stvdy; Seventh district, DavipS. Ooodiko; Lixhth litrlct, Kaxccl. I. Fcett; Ninth diitrlct, Johr F. McIIcoh; Teeth district, David 1. Dtrrmar; Eleventh J tri, Jon? H. Tmxii; Twelfth diatrlct. Jour Ji. Lam; Thirteenth dutrict. Akobkw G. Wood. FISHBACKON HARRISON. The tariff law for which you voted as a party measure was framed and passed in the interests of a small class of monopolists and in utter disregard of the interests of the public. Cleveland's Plurality in Indian. How large will it be? If you can predict correctly, reader, or can come nearer doing bo than any other person who makes the attempt, The Sentinel will pay you $"0 in cash. If you make the second best prediction, Tue Sentinel will pay you $23 in cash. If you make the third best prediction, The Sentinel will pay you $15 in cash. If you make the fourth beat prediction, TnE Sentinel will pay you $10 in cash. This competition is open to everybody now on earth, the only conditions being that the contestants for these premiums t hall each s-end in with his predictions a subscription for The Indiana State Sentinel weekly for one year, together with the regular subscription price, c I. If he is already a subscriber to The Indiana State Sentinel, he will be credited on the books with payment for one year from the date his present subrcription expires. Or ha may order it eent to any friend or relative in any part of the United States. The name of the person remitting the money will be recorded, with the figures of his prediction. The receipt for the money, as well as his estimate of CleveLAKDaad TiicRM-is's plurality over Harrison and Morton in Indiana, will be sent him by return mail, and should be preserved by him, as it will be a voucher for a premium, in the event that ha is entitled to one. All the estimates received will be published in these columns from time to time. All estimates received at this office before the close of the polls, Nov. C, will be considered in makia the awards, provided the conditions have been complied ita. The originals will be preserved and wiil be open to public inspection at any Jme. We think that this contest will prove interesting and exciting. It will show who possess the gift of political prophecy, End who are deficient in it. The man who wins first prize will pram a national reputation as a political prophet. It should ha understood that by "plurality," we mean the excess of votes which the Cleveland and Thurman electoral ticket receives over the Harrison and Morton electoral ticket. The word is often incorrectly used. What we want the peoplo to guess at is Cleveland and Tiu-p.man's plurality in Indiana not their r,aiy-rity. The latter term, a applied to elections, properly means the excess of totes received by the leading candidate ersticket, over all opposing candidates or tickets combined. Itemember, you are jacssing on the number of votes given the Cleveland ticket over the number of votes piven the Harrison ticket. We have been thug particular about explaining this matter, to avoid the possibility of confusion or misunderstanding. Read the display announcement elsewhere, and then put on your thinkingcaps and send as your guess, with a year's Vibecriptioa to The Indiana State Sen. rix Eilt should be remembered that it costs fou nothing to compete for these prizes. The Indiana State Sentinel is one of the largest, cheapest and best weekly papers published in the United States of America. All its departments are well conducted. It contains the best fiction, the liest household and farm department, the best poetry, the best short stories, the best selected miscellany, the fullest reports of Indiana news, the most complete market rejtorts, and the soundest democratic docrir. So that the dollar invested will more than "value received" in the r ,! good reading, even if you do not r i i t!ie prize, ..oiv let the guessing begin! The Jonrnnl is very handy at waving the bloody shirt, but it always makes a ad mess of it when it tries to talk about the tariff. Yesterday, for instance, it said that the protective tar i IT Lad built up the

brush, Industry in this country, and that under it the prices of American brushes had steadily increased. Its readers, it seems, are expected to believe that an industry can be "built up" by a policy which reduces tho prices of its product. Well, some people are queerly constituted, and there may be men who can read that will swallow such nonsense. But we fancy they are few very few, indeed. A Shameless Performance. Several copies of the subjoined letter, which speaks for itself, have been sent The Sentinel by their recipients:

Ism AX A T.INCOI.! Lr.AGVE, Koom No. 2, Dexiboh IIocsr, INDIANAPOLIS, Aug. H'S. Dear Sir Is there not some democratic voter your club can win over 7 I would suggest that your executive committee, or a committee of vise and discreet men appointed for the purpose, choose from among the democrata in your section some two or more of them and systematically work to win them over. Much depends upon your discretion. AVork diligently in every direction, but work with a- purpose . Yours truly, W. If. Smit.I, Secretary. This man Smith is the Ioaiana correspondent of the Cincinnati CommercialGazette. He is a fellow of unsavory reputation, and has been denounced as a rascal by the leading republican papers of the state nevertheless he is an intimate friend of Ben Harrison and is understood to possess that gentleman's confidence in an unusual degree. His letter, which is being pent to republicans all over the state, is an unblushing and bare-faced advertisement of contemplated bribery. One doesn't need to read "between the lines" to discover what Smith is driving at. He wants the members of the Lincoln league to look out for purchasable votes. He tells them so in language which can not be misunderstood. He asks them to "work systematically" to win over democratic voters. "Much," he says, "depends upon your discretion." "Work diligently in every direction, but work with & purpose." This letter is only one of the many proofs that are accumulating tnat the republicans are preparing to repeat the fraud of 1SS0 in Indiana. Smith was put forward in this knavish business because he has no reputation to lose, and in the event of criminal prosecutions for the corrupt work in which he is only obeying the instructions of others, he will no doubt be left by his confederates to shoulder the punishment alone. Indiana democrats will see from this letter the kind of thing they will have to meet at the coming election. Let them be on their guard, and sparo no efforts to circumvent the villainous plots of the enemy, and bring the rascals to punishment. It should be 6tated that soma of the republicans to whom Smith sent this letter are highly indignant that he should havo supposed they could bo used in so base an enterprise. They are honest men, notwithstanding their political error, and are dumbfounded at the revelation of the knavery of tho republican managers, made in the Smith letter. Some of them, having been convinced by this performance, that their party is hopelessly corrupt, have decided to vote for Cleveland and Tuukman. A Question Kasily Answered. An Illinois reader of The Sentinel sends us the following from a republican paper and asks us what we have to say about it: While Mr. Mills was enlightening an audience of democrats ft New Haven, (Jonn., a few bights 0 as to the advautacs which would be realized by American manufacturers as a result of making raw material free, he was a.ked by one of his listeners why it was that with free cotton in abtimlauce ol r muslin and print manufacturers were v nable, to comprtt with England. This was a pertinent question, and was asked by permission, but the only answer the seeker after information received was a vulvar remark. Tie question is likely to remain unanswered, unless the reply of Mills is satisfactory to tho thinking men, as doubtlcts it is to the blackguards of the country. The democratic contention is that free wool will so stimulate domestic manufacture and so cheapen production that our woolen poods will flood the nirkt ts ot the world, ami while giving employment to tens of thousands of idle men and women secure for llifni better waes and more of the necessaries of life at a cheaper cost. This is what Mr. Cleveland says in etict, and what the advocates of free raw materials, from Chairman M ILLS down, profess to believe, but is it true? Cotton is like wool, both as regards rawues and its utility as a manufacturing fabric. It is raised by the cheapest labor known to the United States, and if cheap raw material would produce the wonderful results whit I. are claimed for free wool why is it that we do not supply tho world with cotton goods? Tho condition of our cotton industry is a splendid argument for free raw materiah. We do not supply the world with cotton goods, it is true, for a reason which will be explained further on. But our cotton manufacturers, getting their principal raw material on the same terms as their foreign competitors, export $15,000,000 worth of cotton goods annually, while our woolen manufacturers, who are taxed on their principal raw material, while their foreign rivals get it untaxed, export only half a million dollars' worth of woolen goods. In other words, we have free' cotton and taxed wool, and we export thirty timet at much cotton good at ire do woolen goods. Furthermore, we import ninety times as much woolen goods a we export, while of cotton goods we only import twice aa much as we export. The imports and exports of woolen and cotton goods, for 18S7 were, in exact figures: Import. Erpnrt. Woolen rols......... 1 1 t.''J,71S f 5;!).:ui Cott-.n 2-kmI ...... W,0H,ao3 H,0J3,a;i We should think the monopoly organs, in view of the above facts, would havo nothing to say about the relative condition of the cotton industry with f reo raw material, and the woolen industry with taxed raw material. Our cotton manufacturers, however, are at a disadvantage when compared with those of England in two very important respects. In the first placo their plantsbuildings, machinery, etc. cost them a good deal more by reason of the high tariff on lumber, iron, steel and other articles that enter into them. They are also heavily taxed on dye-stuffs, chemicals and many other commodities which they uso in the processes of manufacture. But the chief disadvantage under which they labor ai compared with England is that the latter encourages foreign trade,

while we discourage it. The largest consumers of cotton goods are the people of tropical and semi-tropical countries. England buys what they have to sell and pays for it in cotton goods made by her workingmen. The United States refuses to trade with other peoples, excepting in such things as we must havo and cannot possibly produce. Thus we deprive our manufacturers of millions of customers of whose trade England gets the beneüt, and we clo.se our mills and factories four months out of tho year, on aa average, and keep our workingmen idle when they might be employed, and all this in order that a few rich manufacturers may make excessive profits in the home market. With free raw materials and a moderate tariff on manufactured goods, our manufacturers can fairly divide tho markets of the world with their English competitors! Those Confederate Flags. The Journal pives a correspondent what purports to be tho facts about the famous order for the restoration of the rebel flags and its revocation by President Cleveland. But its statement is not a truthful one. The facts are that on April 30, 1S87, It. C. Drum, adjutant-general of the army, sent a letter to the eecretary of war, in t hich he said : I venture to sutrtrest the propriety of return inj? all the llas, Union and Confederate, to the authorities of the reypective states in which the regiments which bore these colors were organized, for siu h tinal disposition as they may determine. "While in nil the civilized nations of the world trophies taken in the war against foreign enemies have been carefully preserved and exhibited as proud mementoes of the nation's military glories, m ise and obvious reasons have always excepted from the rule evidences of past intent-cine troubles which by appeal to the arbitrament of the sword have disturbed the peaceful march of a people to its destiny. Over twenty year3 have elapsed since tho termination of the late civil war. Many of the prominent leaders, civil and military, of the late Confederate states who are now honored representatives of the people ia the national councils, or in other eminent positions, lend the aid of their talents to the wise administration of the affairs of the whole country, and the people of the several states composing the Union are now united, treading the broader roads to a glorious future. Impressed with these views I have the honor to submit the suggestions made in this letter for the careful consideration it will receive at your hands. Thereupon, without any action being taken by the president or cabinet, Gen. Drcm wrote letters to the governors of all the states, offering to return all Confederate flags stored in the war department. The president never signed a letter, order or document of any kind suggesting the return, or offering to return, or endorsing the return of any flag except the order disapproving the action of Gen. Dhcm, in which he said: I am of the opinion that the return of these flags, in the manner thus contemplated, is not authorized by existing laws, i;or justified as an executive act I request, therefore, that no further steps be taken in the matter, except to examine and inventory these tl.gs, and adopt proper measures for their preservation. Any direct-on as to tho final disposition of them ßhould originate with congress. The president cannot remove an officer of the army, but, as will be seen, he promptly revoked Gen. Drum's action in this matter. Not only have no Confederate flags been returned by President Cleveland or his administration, but it is a well-known fact that under the administration of Edwin M. Stanton as secretary of war, twenty-one such flags were surrendered. It should be added that Gen. Drum is an ardent republican. He was appointed adjutant-general of the army by President Haves, and his terra is irrevocably fixed by law. He has been so strong a republican that, in spite of the non-partisan tra ditions of the military service, he sent to Gen. Harrison, whose military adviser he is said to have been during the the latter'a term of service in the senate, the following dispatch aftr the latter'a nomination by the monopoly convention at Chicago: Washington, June 26, 18SS. Gen. Bn Harrison, Indianapolis: Accept my sincere congratulations. It. C Dkxtm. The foregoing are the exact fact s. It Mut Stop. We want the facts as to every case of political intimidation or coercion of workingmen in Indiana. The facts must be well verified. We do not want to do any man, rich or poor, an injustice In these columns. But when the evidence convinces us that any manufacturer, mine owner, railroad ofSeial, or other employer ha.s attempted by improper means to influence the political action of his employes, we shall certainly give the facts to the world, and call upon the people of tho country to visit the offenders with their displeasure in a way that will touch them where they are most sensitive in their pockets. In this connection we wish to say that The Sentinel values the word of a workingman of good character just aa highly as it does that of a millionaire manufacturer or of a railroad president. Wo don't think the mn who has "a barrel of money" is any more apt to tell the truth than tho man who works for wages. So let it be understood that The Sentinel does not and will not discredit affidavits on the ground that those who make them are workingmen, after the fashion of the Indianapolis Journal, which, whenever a laboring man takes his oath to a statement that is not pleasing to it,' demands that some "responsible party" come forward and "father it." By a "responsible party" the Journal 'means a banker, lawyer or capitalist of some kind. Tns Sentinel estimates men differently. "Worth makes the man, the want of it tho fellow." The bulldozing of workingmen in Indiana must stop. Kepubllenn Kaownotliinglsm. We find the following in the Lancaster (ra.) yew Era, a strong republican paper and an ardent supporter of Gen. Harrison : Recently the Chicago methodist ministers made a Matemeut that the reason suitable laws cannot be mnde and enfoi-ced in that city is because "four-lifths of the population is foreign." That is the secret ot ail the anarchy, crime and intempernnce in that city. Who ever heard of the Chinese being addicted to anarchy, crime and intemperance, and yet we drive them out of the country for imagiuary grievances, while we receive with open anus and extend the right of suffrage to these miserable foreigners oi whom the Chicago clergymen complain. The old know-nothing spirit will crop out in the republican press, even when an election is pending. Now, the fact is that the foreign-born population of Chicago has contributed very greatly to tho growth and prosperity of that city, and without it Chicago would be to-day comparatively an insignificant city. In every branch of trade and industry, in all

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the walks of professional life,, in all the fields of enterprise and effort, in Chicago, as elsewhere, citizens of foreign birth or extraction hold a prominent rank. Many of the leading bankers, merchants, manufacturers, clergymen, lawyers, physicians and journalists in Chicago aro Germans, Irishmen or Scandinavians. The great mass of these Rationalities are thrifty, industrious, law-abiding citizens. There are dangerous elements in the foreignborn population of that city to be sure, but they are in a small minority, and for what they really are, not they themselves, but the social, political and industrial systems which have cursed their native lands for centuries are responsible. The yew Era's comparison of our Chineso immigrants to those who come from Europe to the disadvantage of the latter, accords very well with the Harrisonian idea, hut it is repugnant to all who realize the vast gulf that separates the Mongolian from the Teuton, the Celt or the Scandinavian. These latter, at their best, are the peers in every respect of the Englishman or the American. At their worst they contain the material out of which good American citizens may bo made. But the Chinese of the class that come to this country are utterly incapable of comprehending our laws or institutions ; do not assimilate themselves with our national life and do not and cannot take root in our soil. Must We Have a Rich Man's Govern, m en t? The Sentinel believes it is unrepubiican, undemocratic, un-American, immoral, treasonable, cowardly and brutal for an employer of labor to discharge men from his service because of their political opinions. Such practices have the effect, and are intended to havo the effect, of giving wealth the absolute control of the government, and of reducing the political status of workingmen as low as it is in many monarchies and despotisms of the old world. In all the closely contested states great corporations and capitalists are engaged to-day in intimidating, threatening, bulldozing and coaxing their workingmen to vote the ticket nominated by and for tho great monopolies of the country. Various expedients are resorted to in order to coerce the workingmen. Those who are conspicuous or active as democrats are ostentatiously discharged as a warning to their associates that they would better vote the republican ticket," or at least keep quiet, if they do not want the bread and butter taken out of their mouths. Employes who identify themselves with tho monopoly party, join republican clubs, march in republican processions, etc., etc., are promoted, or their wages advanced, or soma other mark of distinguished favor shown them by their employers. It is announced that if Cleveland and Tni'RMAN are elected the men will be put on half time, or their wages reduced, or, perhaps, that they will bp discharged en mas.ae. By these and other methods it is systematically sought to bulldoze the workingmen into supporting the monopoly ticket. Wo say very broadly that no Chriptian, no patriot, nobody in short but a selfish, unscrupulous, bigoted partisan would "stoop so low" as to attempt to coerce the political action of his fellow citizens because he chances to be buying their labor from them. The Sentinel has a good many men employed in ita mechanical departments. The proprietors of this paper are, of course, deeply interested in the election of Cleveland and Tucrman. They are especially anxious that Indiana should be carried by tho democratic ticket. Yet they have never even inquired as to the political opinions of any person connected with this oflice, whose duties are not of a political nature. The Sentinel practices what it preaches. If American workingmen are to bo coerced into'voting as their employers dictate, farewell a long farewell to tho government "of the people, by the people and for the people," which Abraham Lincoln celebrated. A government of rich men, by rich men and for rich men, will take its place. The republic, in a word, will be supplanted by a plutocracy. A feeble-minded person who signs himself "American for America" writes a letter to the Journal asking The Sentinel to "explain" who lost $3,8&S, when the covernment bought army blankets of the lowest bidder, instead of the highest bidder. If anybody lost any money by the transaction it must havo been some contractor who wanted to swindle tho government by charging an extortionate price for an inferior article. CVrtainly the tax-payers lost nothing, buk gained the difference betwoen the bid which was accepted ami that which was rejected. Probably "American for America" thinks the contract should have been awarded by favor, instead of to the lowest bidder, as required by a law passed by a republican congress, and a very proper law too. But sane men do not conduct their pri

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vate business on that principle, and the public business will not be conducted on that principle either, unless fools or knaves have it in charge. An Infamous Outrage. We cannot find language in which to properly characterize the action of Mr. E. C. Atkins of this city in discharging from his service faithful employes because they insist upon tho right to differ with him in politics. Mr. Atkins is a prominent and wealthy citizen. He is an extensive manufacturer and an officer in one of our leading churches. He is a large employer of labor, and as such appears to think that he is the keeper of the consciences of several hundred men who are unquestionably as well qualified to decide for themselves where their interests and their duty lie in this election as Mr. Atkins is to decide for them. Since this campaign opened Mr. Atkins has endeavored, by every means in his power, to induce his employes to support his intimate friend, Gen. Harrison; but his efforts have met with a small measure of success. His employes,as a class, are intelligent men, who understand the issues before the country a great deal better than Mr. Atkins appears to, and who realize that their interests as workingmen, as citizens and as consumers, will be greatly promoted by the re-election of President Cleveland. They are men who have minds of their own, who hold that in selling their labor to Mr. Atkins they do not sell their political convictions, and who guard with jealous vigilance their rights as free American citizens. Mr. Atkins, having failed in his attempts to control his democratic employes by the methods adopted early in the campaign, has resorted to heroic measures. The affidavit of Mr. Randall J. Abrams, which we print this morning, tells -its own story. Mr. Abrams is a gentleman of irreproachable character, a member in good standing of the very church of which Mr. Atkins is an officer, and as a man and a citizen is in every way the peer of his late employer. He swears that Mr. Atkins dischargad himself and his brother upon avowed political grounds. He bears from the latter a certificate of fidelity and trustworthiness, given him since his discharge. He swears that Mr. Atsins told him he was discharged simply because of his political views; that he (Mr. Atkins) admitted having discharged two other men on the same ground, and threatened, if Cleveland was elected, to discharge every democrat in his shops. It is a disgrace and an outrage that men should bo deprived of employment bocause of their political opinions. Such practices must bo stoppe! if free government is to endure in this country. They have for years prevailed extensively in the manufacturing states of the East, and in a less degree in Indiana and other western states. Turse-proui manufacturers have, in innumerable instances, driven their men like so many sheep to the polls, and compelled them to voto the ticket placed in their hands, under penalty of loss of employment. These things have happened right here in Indiana; and in Pennsylvania, and other strong republican states are of such frequent occurrence that they no longer attract special notice. The repulvlicnn theory is that this is a rich man's government, and that men who work for wages have no right to vote except as those who hire them dictate. We give notice right here that the application of this wicked and treasonable theory in Indiana has got to stop. E. C. Atkins & Co. are not the only concern in this city that has been guilty of such outrages. The Sentinel has in its possession evidence against three other manufacturing institutions in Indianapolis similar to that presented this morning against the Atkins company, which will bo given to tho world in due time. If the offenders do not find that popular indignation will take the substantial form of large withdrawals of patronage we are greatly mistaken. Meantime wo call upon the workingmen of Indiana and of the country to vindicate their manhood at the ballot-box on the Oth day of next month by voting en masse against the party which thus seeks to deprive them of their rights as American citizens. A corrksponpent at Spencer, Ind., sends us a lint of manufactured articles said tobe sold cheaper in New York than in Londoti, and says: "Democrats here want to know, if this is so, why we object to removing the duty on them." Tell them the fact that the articles named are cheaper iti New York than in Ixmdon shows that the tariff duty is not an added tax, paid by the consumer, as the the freetraders claim. Tell them, further, that because we can manufacture an article as cheap, or cheaper, than foreign manufacturers is no reason why we should let down the bars for foreigu manufacturers to come in and dispute our market with us. Journal. The democrats of Spencer aro all right, and the Journal's answer is no answer at all. If there are any commodities which can be produced cheaper in this couutry than in England, it is tho hight of absurdity to say that they need "protection

against the English manufacturers," and it is the very quintessence of idiocy to say that "letting down the bars" would cause the foreign manufacturers to come in and "dispute our markets" with us. A ten-year-old child of ordinary capacity knows that no manufacturer on earth is going to send his goods three thousand miles across the sea to be sold in competition with goods produced cheaper than he can produce them. The democrats of Spencer plainly know what they are talking about. Tho Greatest Lyins Statesman. As an off-hand liar Mr. James G. Blaine is equalled by few and excelled by none. In his speech at Detroit he ends a most villainous string of falsehoods about the exercise of the veto power with the following statement as to Mr. Cleveland: "He is the first president of the United States who ever vetoed a bill for the relief of a soldier who had exposed his body on the field of battle to the bullets and shells of the enemy in defense of his country." We do not care to take time to go over the whole question of previous vetoes, but will compare President Cleveland with Gen. Grant, who, we will state for the information of Mr. Blaine, was at one timo president of the United States. Of the bills vetoed by President Cleveland four bills were vetoed on the ground of desertion and dishonorable discharge; on the same grounds Gen. Grant vetoed nine special arts, all of this nature that came before him. Seventeen special acts were vetoed because the applicants were not in tho military service at the time of the incurrence of the disability for which relief was asked. On the' same grounds President Grant vetoed two private acts, all that came before him of Üii cfiaraeter. Ten were vetoed because the claimant is now receiving pension ci inmensurato with the degree of disability found to exist on examination by a competent board of surgeons. President Grnt vetoed three private acts for the tame Cd t, all that came bffore him of this nature. In this connection it is worthy of mention that the republican senate, in preparation for just such shameless attacks as Mr. Blaine is risking, rushed through every pension oill it could. Men whose cases have teen before the pension office for years, and whose applications have been continuously refused by republican administrations, suddenly found themselves pensioned by action of congress. This was done to throw the responsibility of objecting to an improper pension on the president, and he has had the honesty and nerve to refuse to put undeserving men on a footing with the faithful veterans of the war. So indecent has been this action of the senate that on two occasions bills for the same- pension have been passed twice and sent in for signature. Tho senate has also passed bills, in its reckless haste, that would have caused loss to the "beneficiary" if the watchfulness of the president had not saved them. He has vetoed seven bills passed by congrebs where tho pensioner was already receiving a laryr pension granted by the, pension bureau than the I'd passed by congress called for. Ho has vetoed bills that were passed for the relief of soldiers, because on examination of the evidence on file in the department ho was convinced that the soldier would receive justice through the department and be entitled to arrearages which he would lote by special act. The veto of senate bill 7,310 saved to the beneficiary $3,760. The veto of senate bill 1,007 tared to the beneficiary $1,074. These amounts were paid to them shortly after the veto througu the pension oflice. Another of the 6amo kind has been adjudicated by the department, and the 6oldicr is now receiving $30 per month. A short time ago the president vetoed a private act because the applicant had deserted the Union forces on capture by the Confederates, and served nine montlis in the Confederate army before recapture. This bill was presented by a rejublican friend of the soldier, and is the first attempt to pension those who served in the Confederate army. Yet the republican party calls President Cleveland an enemy of the Union soldiers for his vetoes; but President Grant, though guilty of the same acts, and for the same cause, was a pr.triot and a friend of the soldier. Under these circumstances, and in view of the fact that Mr. Blaine knows all theso things to bo true, we move that his title be changed from the Greatest Living Statesman to the Greatest Lying Statesman of the Age. Tue days come and the days go, and still Mr. Harrison and his friends roost high, and decline to pay any attention whatever to tho charges against Mr. HarRisoN,sworn toby Work ingman Schwartz, on the ground that the latter is not sufficiently responsible. It is said for Mr. Schwartz, however, by his neighbors and friends, that he is an upright, honest man. It is a new feature in Indiana public discussion for a man or party to take the position that any man is not sufficiently up in the world to be noticed. Mr. Schwartz may or may not be correct in the state

ment he makes, but he takes the responsibility for it, and . Mr. Harrison cannot break the force of it by turning his aristocratic back upon him. President Cleveland and the Jlormonsa, One of the greatest achievements of the democratic party since it regained control of the government has been its successful treatment of the mormon problem. For twenty-four years tho republicans

struggled wun it, out tney maus ums progress toward its solution. Once every four years they met in convention and denounced the "twin relic." But when, they finally went out of power, tho "twin relic" was still on hand, and a very robu relic it was, too. But there isn't much left of it now, simply because President Cleveland hat compelled the enforcement of the laws in Utah, which his republican predecessor! either could not or would not do. Prior to the present administration, the whole number of convictions for polygamy in Utah were two, under the laws of 1SG2 and 18S2. Under Mr. Cleveland's administrfltion there have been fourteen convictions for polygamy and 430 convictions for unlawful cohabitation under the laws of con- ' gress. These facts appear from an official report of the U. S. district attorney of Utah, furnished to the department of justice in pursuance of a resolution of the house of representatives. Not over a dozen or so of mormons have been pardoned by the president, and these were mostly very old or infirm men. In many, if not all, the cases of pardon, executive clemency was petitioned for by m leading citizens and officials of Utah, including, in several of tho cases, tho republican ex-judge and ex-district attorney. These facts speak for themselves. The institution of polygamy is giving its last gasps in Utah. There are no more plural marriages in Salt Lake City and very few in the territory. Five years more of such progress as had been made during the last three years and there will be scarcely a vestige of the "twin relic" in all Utah. And yet the republican organs are trying to make the people believe that the mormons have been favored by President Cleveland, and that they are contributing money to the democratic campaign fund. Watch the Imported Voter. The republican managers have been pooh-poohing the charges of the democratic managers that they were importing negro voters and preparing for wholesale corruption. We presume they will not have the cheek to treat in a similar manner the open declaration of Mr. John C. New to the same effect. Mr. New was interviewed on his way to Colorado (whither he has gone to raise funds among tha Denver and Leadville millionaires) t Omaha, and in his interview, published in the Omaha Republican, Sept. 27, occurs the following: Mr. New is himself a very conservative man, and is not given to making rash statements. therefore, the words of encouragement ht brings will make western republicans feel good, lie says a complete poll of the voters in Indiana has been taken. They know there just how biz the Üoat is, and "you can depend on it wa will not Jose any of that element. There you have the republican program in a nut-shell, and it is well-known thai , elaborate preparations have been made tc carry it out. The democratic corumitte has been for several weeks in possessio of the details of the plan, which is a sccre organization of ten trusted men In eac township who pledge themselves each to buy one democratic vote. A number of these men have been spotted, and amonj them are numerous republicans wh make pretensions to morality anddecencyT We give fair warning that these men will be arrested and prosecuted for theii crimes as soon as they come within the law. There will be no "boodle" campaign in this state if the law can stop it. The republican tariff bill is an omen o! success to the democracy. It is a square back-down from the declaration of the republican platform that it would revise tha tariff so as to "check imports," which could be done only by increasing tho tariff; and also tho declaration that "we favor the entire repeal of internal taxes rather than the surrender of any part of our protective system." It is conclusive) evidence that the republican leaders have found that the people of this country have nm r-n mm on Konso and rannnt Ka scared by a howl of "British free trade"' into refusing to relieve themselves of unnecessary taxation. It is late in the campaign to swap horses, but these gentlemen, who had relied on ignorance and prejudice to rarry them through, saw that they were lot unless they abandoned the position they had taken. It is a confession of dishonest purposes of a readiness to do anything to get into office. It gives tho lie direct to all their professions and all the arguments they have used thus far. It is a confession, wrung from unwilling lips, by the pressure of public opinion. It is at the same time a dishonest profession, made under the direction of the tariff bounty-grabbers and trust robbers, devised and formulated in secret councils, with no consultation of the general business interests of the country, and with no consideration of tho rights of the people who pay the tariff taxes. It is a death-bed repentance, made in the hope of securing absolution before the y falsity of the confession can be detected and exposed. It comes too late. The long years through which the people have been asking for a reduction of taxation stand as witnesses againet it, and the continual refuril of the republican party to grant any relief would turn their ears against it even if it were a fair and reasonable revision, which it most certainly il not. The campaign forgeries which the Journal ran at the head of its editorial pag for several weeks appeared in the same li t p. 1 oii piace yesteruay, aitnr a weeK or so oi "innocuous desuetude." The Cfi S-10 pet cent lie about the Mills bill was also re peated, although The Sentinel exposed il last Mondav. The campaign liar of th Journal is incorrigible. IT mav not bo amiss to again rcmar lilt rvöltVinl rf Ti TT rnrNU-'j Vi organs, tho Journal or the AVws, has" been able to point out a single insta, wherein the republican candidate fo presidency had the couraga to denor a wrong done by a republican partis.t c , vi: : J . .,r talk so much about "state pridt what democrats ought to do for Ua