Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 34, Number 32, Indianapolis, Marion County, 12 September 1888 — Page 4

SENTINEL, WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 12, 1888.

and China bought in England instead of in this country was that England underBold us, and that she undersold U3 not because she paid lower wages, but because her manufacturers were not burdened with high taxes,as ours were ? It is true that Great Britain buys our produce because she needs it, but how could she buy it if we didn't take her. commodities or those of some other nation in exchange ? There isn't money enough in England to pay for two years' importations from the United

States. Ben Harrison's Warning.

Here is the gem of Ben Harrison's

Fort Wayne speech r

Ask any of those who assail our protective

system whether they do not believe that if this policy is enforced alarce amount of English,

Preueh and Gerruau goods will come into this

country.

It would be safe to bet a dollar against a peanut that when Ben Harrison made this remark he occupied a suit of clothes built of a fabric made in England, Scotr land or France by so-called "pauper

labor." And Ben Harrison wants to know i

tariff reformers do not believe that a larjre

amount of English, French and German

goods would come into this country if thci

tariff were reduced. We think we can ßafely answer tha( every revenue reformer does believe so "Vr foriT rofiirmor blifivca th.it n rprlnr-

tion in taxes will put a stop to foreign commerce. If he did, he would oppose ' j

such a reduction. If the Mills biil should become a law, it is probable that Ben Harrison will continue to wear imported fabrics just as he does at present, although there will be less excuse for him doing so, becausewith untaxed foreign wool we should be able to produce just as fine cloths in this country as they do in England and Scotland, which is not the eaie to-day. If Bex Harrisox will ask Pink FisiiBACK to lend him his copy of the "Statistical Abstract of the United States'' for 1SS7, and will turn to page 14 of that volume, he will have an access of important information on this matter of foreign goods coming i ato this country.

He will find, for instance, that last year our importations, notwithstanding our exorbitant tariff, were greater in value than in any previous year in our history, excepting 1SS2 and 1833, also high tariff years. We imported last year for our own consumption aix hundred and eighty-three million dollars' tcorth of merchandise. The value of our imports in 18S2 was $716,213,Ö4S. In 1SS3 it was $700,S29,G73. Last year the volume of our imports was probably greater than in either of those ears, although the lower ranga of prices made their aggregate value somewhat smaller. And now Ben Harrison tells us that if we reduce the .tariff a large amount of English, French, and German goods will come into the country! Did you ever? Wonder if Ben Harrison supposes we paid for tho six hundred and eighty-three millions of merchandize imported last year with money? It is possible. There is nothing in his tariff speeches to indicate that he isn't capable of this or any other absurd presumption on the supject. Well, if he'll turn "to page 10 of Pink F s iback's copy of the before-mentioned statistical abstract, he will discover that we paid for this $'3S3,0'J3.000 of imports with $70:1,000,0 JO of export3, the difference being paid us in coin. In producing the commodities with which we paid for the imports, hundreds of thousands of American workingmen principally farmers were actively engaged throughout the year. The imports were the payment made by foreign countries for their labor. Such payment could not possibly have been made in any other form. The world could not have ssnt

$683,000,000 in money to this country to J

pay for our grain, provisions, cotton, petroleum, etc., except at the cost of a financial crisis that would have involved universal bankruptcy. The Cobden Club.

is absurdly false. If the Journal will consult a catalogue of Yale college, it will find that the Cobden club medal is awarded to that undergraduate who shows the greatest proficiency in the elements of political economy. There is no condition, expressed or implied, annexed to its grant by the club or its award by the university, that its winner shall Vh a free trader. The topic for the prize essay this year is entirely foreign to the subject of free trado and there is nothing in the 6ub-

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sonal advancement," on the ground that a lengthy extract from Sherman's 'Memoirs" was not printed in connection with it. It considers this an endeavor "to create the impression that he (Gen. Sherman) had placed a slur on Gen. Hovey's military record." If Gen. Sherman's statement is not a t-lur we should like to know what it is. lie docs not retract or apologize for the statement in his memoirs, but merely relates that President Lincoln took up his statement "If the rear be tho post of honor, then we had better all change front on Washington," and insisted that he was ready to give a full share of honor to the men who, unlike IIovky, had remainod at the front. Sherman then wrote to Lincoln "apologizinc 6omewhat" for the language of his lctterjto Hardie, on the ground that he "did not suppose such messages ever reached him personally." The Journal, with its customary discretion, stops its quotation just at the point where Sherman explains why the subject is introduced in his "Memoirt," in these words: "The result of all this, however, was good, for another dispatch from Gen. Hardie, of the 2Sth, called on me to nominate eißh colonels for promotion as brigadiergenerals. These were promptly appointed brigadier - generals, wer3 already in command of brigades or divisions; and I doubt if eight promotions were ever made fairer, or were more honestly earned, during the war." While Gen. Sherman carefully avoids any retraction of his former statement about Hovey, he introduces the subject to show the "good" that resulted in the promotion of eight faithful officers who remained at the front. The Journal innocently confirms Sherman's original statement by a confession that Hovey did go to Washington and call on the president "to ask why he bad not been promoted when others recommended for promotion at the same time had been." The president, according to this veracious tale, was deeply humiliated at finding that Mr. Hovey bad been neglected, and assured him that there was some mistake, as Iiis commission "had been directed from the white house two years before." This is false on its face, for, as the Journal states in tho same article, Hovey was recommended for promotion in July, 1S63, and Lincoln promoted him, on that recommendation, in July, 1S04. If he had been commissioned "two years beforo" i. e., in July, 1S62 it would have been a year before tho recommendation was made. Chairman Hcston had better have the life of Hovey revised by some person familiar with figures and brought to a state of internal consistency. It is realiy a pity to have a good yarn spoiled by a discrepancy of that sort.

Campaign LyingThe Journal prints almost every day at the head of its editorials alleged extract from English papers intended to arouse the passions and prejudices of certain classes of voters in this country, in the interest of Harrison. These extracts are stupid forgeries. They are known to be forgeries to the editor of the Journal. One or two of them arc credited to the London Sunday Times. The object is, of course, to create the impression that they appeared in the London Times, the world famous "Thunderer." The London Times has no Sunday edition. There is, we understand, a flashy paper called the Sunday Ti.nrs in London. It is chiefly devoted to sensations and sporting news, and is wholly without character or influence. It devotes little attention to politics, and it is very doubtful vf any such expressions as are attributed to it ever appeared in its columns. They certainly never appeared in the only London Times which can bo considered an organ of British opinion. Late in the canvass of 1SS0, the national republican committee scattered card. through tho country by the million which read as follows : From a paniphct issued by the Freo trale club of Let it be understood, once for all, thst the salvation of Kugland depends upon the destruction of American manufactures, and tliut th only possible way in which American manufactures can be destroyed is by free trade. This can only come through democracy, and democracy can only secure control of this republic by the votes of Irishmen. IIw England must laugh in her sleeve as she secß the uieu who left their hornet vowing veupeance serve her interests by working lor a" party w hich, if it gets control of the country, will inevitably carry out the policy sh most desires! Mr. David A. Wells promptly pounced

I upon this as a fraud and challenged Ste

phen W. Dorsey, tho star route scamp, who had charge of the republican literary

bureau in that campaign, to produce tho pamphlet. Dorsey ßtood three weeks of a lively prodding and finally denied that the committee had issued such a card. But his denial was met by a cloud of witnesses who testified that they had seen

immense bundles of them taken from tho

h -epublican committee rooms in New York

a ud Lrookly n. 1 here never was any such

pamphlet or any such club as tho "Free

trado club of London." The whole thing

was a pure inventionWhile we are speaking of campaign lies, we will &ay that tho expression attributed

by the Journal in its "Things to Think Of to Jons A. JJrooks, the prohibition candidate for vice-president, to President Cleveland, to Senator Co luitt and Representative Stewart of Georgia, and 'to Mr. Wm. L. Scott of Pennsylvania are all base forgeries and known to be such by the editor of the Journal. They have been exposed again and again, and the Journal's continued publication of them is an outrage npon decency.

Effects of Hlh Tariff in Germany. Of course The Sentinel knows that since the adoption of protective measures in tiermany, there has been an ad vance in the waes of employes in that country. Fort Wayne Gazette, TriE Sentinel knows precisely the reverse. "Within the week it has printed extracts from a consular report made in March last by Mr. James Henry Smith, commercial agent of the United States in Germany, who savs: The vages cf the vork'nq peon'e remain about the fame; in fact, they are to low thsy eoutd not irdl be much hirer. As it is, the laboring population of the empire have a constant battle to "aic acrainst want and misery. Hardly any man of family is able to earn enoush to support his family in the simplest manner without belüg aided bv his wife in some way. The great mass of workinpmen. it may be said, make from 2 to $ a week. The average is üüö marts (ilii) a year. s I cannot understand for the life of me how the orreat mats of the people of Germany live on the small wsiges and salaries they get. Plenty more testimony to the samo effect miirht be q noted. Since the protective tariff was adopted in Germany, wages have either remained stationary or declined, while the cost of living has greatly increased. The condition of the German masses under a high protective taiiff is deplorable in the extreme. Popular discontent is more pronounced than ever before, and emigration has increased enormously since 1S79, when the high tariff was adopted.

Hovey poses as the original and only "soldiers' friend " Yet he never displayed the slightest interest in the soldiers in all the years that elapsed, between the close of the war and his accidental election to congress. He never, so it is asserted by those who are informed, joined the Grand Army of the Republic, and never visited a grand army post or attended a soldiers' reunion until he became a candidate for office, two years ago. Since be broke into congress he has introduced several bills in the alleged interest of the soldiers, purely for buncombe, because they were impracticable mexsures, which be knew stood no possible chance of becoming laws. Republicans as well as democrats understood that they were not offered in good faith. Their passage would involve the expenditure of two or three billions of dollars double or thrice the amount of the public debt. It is easy by such methods as these to advertise one's self as the friend of the soldier. But no one but a very cheap demagogue would employ them. Tho old soldiers, with very few exceptions, are too intelligent to be deceived by such claptrap. They are not mendicants. They do not ask impossibilities. All they demand is fair and just treatment by the government, and Gen. Hovey only insults them when he assumes that they want anything more. We think the veterans of f ndiana will all understand the species cf charlatan this man Hovey is, after he has made a few more such exhibitions of himself as he gave at Tomlinson hall Thursday night. Fee" trade has been a hobby with Gen. Hovey for many years. He was an out and out free trader when the republicans uomiDated him for congress two years ago. It is doubtful if he had engaged in a half hour's conversation with anybody in twenty years that he did not bring up free trade, and expatiate upon its advantages. Hovey's free trade hobby actually made him a bore to his friends and neighbors. His antipathy to custom houses was almost as pronounced as his antipathy to the jews, whom he never lost an opportunity to insult. And yet Hovey had the cheek to stand up before the audience at Tomlinson hall, Thursday night, and declare that ."protection" was what made wages higher in America that Europe a fallacy that he has denounced a thousand times in as vigorous language as he could command. Hovey, it is plain, holds his alleged "principles" very cheaply. Ben IIarrrison "left this thought" at Kokomo, and has not yet advertised for its return: Will the prosperity that is now realized by you, and that greater prosperity which you anticipate, be better advanced by the eontinu-n-of the protective policy or by its destruction? If Ben Harrison will read the Mills bill he will find that it provides a much higher average of protection than a tariff commission composed exclusively of members of his own party recommended only six years ago. If he will read the president's message and the St. Louis platform, he will not find a line that points to the "destruction" of the protective system. He knows that he is trying to place his opponents in a false position when ho asserts that they are seeking to inaugurate free trade, and in so doing he stoops to the level of a cross-roads demagogue. The men whoaro howling the loudest about "free trade" and "pauper labor" are the very men who havo done the most to depress wages in this country; who have fought the trades unions tho most earnestly; who have imported laborers from Europe under contract to take the places of American workingmen, and who have hired the rinkerton butchers to shoot down the latter when they attempted to assert their rights. It is the greatest mystery in the world how a single laboring man in tho whole country can be humbugged into believing that the.se msn are in favor of any pyetem which coaipels them to, pay higher wages than they otherwise would. TnoSE who ndrocate tariff for revenue only do not take any thought of our wage-workers, but let their interests take care of themselves. lien Harrison at Walxith-. We suppose it is Andy Carnegie, Jim Blaine, Jay Gocld and the rest of the plutocrats and monopolists who are running Ben Harrison for president who "take thought of our wage-workers." And it was Ben Harrison who was taking thought of them in 1877, and afterward in tho U. S. senate, where he voted fourteen times to expose them to unre

stricted competition with tho Chinese. Hovey says he is a friend of the laboring men. And yet the Congressional Record foils to ehow that Uovky bus introduced

a measure ia congress in the interests oi labor. Col. Matson introluced several such measures, two at least of which became laws, and he has received the formal thanks of several labor organizations foi his exertions in their behalf. TnE Chicago Tribiw, the great republican oran of the West, said just a shori time before the Chicago convention: The road to victory next fall is not via the in. dorsement of the present system of ultra tari 3 bounties, which are draining the heart's blood out of the western farmers, mortgaging their farms, keeping them in a condition of quasislavery ou their own homesteads, compelling thein to pay out of the low free trade receipts for their produce two prices for their merchandise, reducing thctu to Lnmle's penury and forcing them to go through life with empty pockets. This system is protection to them with a vengeance, and had better not be submitted to their sulli-aire for indorsement next November, as the candidate depending upon it to seat him in the white hitise we fear will be wofully disappointed in the result on the count of votes. And tho Sr. Paul rioneer Pm, also 1 leading republican newspaper, said: The position assumed by Mr. Dlaine in hl comments upon the president's message ought not to be and cannot be taken by tbe republican party as a wholo without disastrous r tult. The Chicago convention disregarded these warnings, and it is already evident that the predictions of republican disaster made by the Tribune and Pioneer Pres will be fulfilled in November.

I want to cnll yo-ir attention to a few genend facts and principles, and the first one the one I never tire of mentioning; the one I (j'-cin so import tut that I do uot shun the charge that 1 am repeating myself is this, that the condition of the wace-workers of America is better than that of the wage-workers of any country in the world. Be Harmon ct Fort Wayne. This is demagogism of the lowest order. The condition of the wage-workers in America has always been better than that of wage-workers in the old world. Ben Harrison knows this, and he knows also that in Europe to-day, wherever the largest measure of commercial liberty obtains, the waire-worker is the best off; and wherever the so-called "American system" of protection for capital and freetrade in labor is carried to the greatest extreme, there tho condition of the wageworker is the worst. Knowing this, as ha and every other man of ordinary intelligence dors know it, he knows that when ho tells the wage-workers of this country that they owe what advantages they possess to the fact that they are heavily taxed on almost everything they consume, he is trying to deceive them. And yet thero are people who call Ben Harrison a "high-minded statesman."

The republican senators are stilt "tinkering with the tariff." They have been at it about six weeks now, and tho more they "tinker" the more they are bewildered. Why don't they cut the "gordian knot" by reporting a bill repealing the taxes on whisky and tobacco and oleomargarine, and raising the taxes on the necessaries of life, so as to "check imports," as demanded by the Chicago platform? Nothing could be simpler or easier. If the republican senators believe that the people want free a hisky and tobacco, and higher taxes on the necessaries of life, why don't they put the thing squarely to a test by passins a bill which will give them these things? Jim Blaine brought home from Europe thirty-two trunks filled with goods made by "tho pauper labor of Europe." He brought them in free of duty because, under the present law, as construed by the courts in the famous Aster case, our rich men may go abroad and buy any araount of goods lor their own private uso and bring them into this country without paying a penny of duty upon them. Great law that! It is likely that Mr. Blaine saved enough on his purchases abroad for himself and familv to pay the entire expenses of his trip, except what Lord Carnegie, the unnaturalized Fittsburjj tariff king, paid. Tub monopoly organs tell us that the Mills bill discriminates in favor of the South. They also tell us that the woolgrowers of Texas, tho hemp-growers of Kentucky, the sugar-planters of Louisiana, the tobacco-growers of North Carolina and Virginia, the iron manufacturers of West Virginia, Tennessee, Alabama and Georgia, etc., etc., etc., are in open revolt against tho "democratic free trade policy." The monopoly organs should try to make their stories hang together better. Why is it that a vast majority of the immigrants to the United States come from, countries in which the ''American system" of high protection prevails? During the last eight years 4,250,550 immigrants have come to America, of whom more than three-fourths camo from high tariff countries. If high tariffs made high wages would these 3.000,000 immigrants from high tariff countries have left their homes to better their condition? Here is an extract from a published report of one of Alvin P. Hovey's speeches, delivered in Indianapolis, Aug. 0, 1SG5, to soldiers who had just been mustered out of the service: lie had no politics except his old democratic opinioi.s. If he h td the power he would havo free trade and hard currency, lie would tax every man alike, and mike all shar equally the burdens of the cavern. nent. Do not let any of those individuals who sell "cheep cldin' " stop you oa the way. The democrats have carried Arkansas and the republicans have carried Vermont. Now if the republicans had carried Arkansas and the democrats had carried Vermont, both sides would have something to "holler" about. As it is, honors are easy. Last year we imported over SiVvl.000,000 " of foreign goods, or nearly $11 for every man, woman and child in the country. And Ben Harrison tells us that if the tariff is reduced a large amount of foreign goods will be imported. Don't laugh, please. According to Gen. Siiermvn, when the bullets were thick Hovey "went to the rear in search of personal advancement." Hovey will go to the rear again in November in search of repose. t Hovey says that the issues to be most strongly urged in the rtate canvass "de-' pend some upon locality." Hovey is a great statesman. novEY is not enthusiastic over the suggestion of a joint debata with Matron. No wonder. Blaine didn't goto Ireland when abroad. And he didn't call oi Parneli or Davitt or Dillon. He was too busy dansij t.