Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 34, Number 31, Indianapolis, Marion County, 5 September 1888 — Page 2

THE INDIANA STATE SENTINEL. WEDNESDAY, SEPTEIEEIt 5. 1888.

Pacific ßlop there to remain, bo far aa this country is concerned ; that wool, as an article of commerce, will not be produced in any great quantities in the middle or western etate, and that our interest from this time forward is in cheap wool, that ire mav have cheap clothing. I do not expect the sheep culture in Indiana to go down much below its present etandard. Our farmers will ßtill retain their flocks as a part of their farm etock, but the Southdown will eventually take the place of the merino, and we in Indiana will raise sheep hereafter more for the mutton than for the fleece. Therefore it would seem very clear that the measure under consideration would be beneficial to the farmers of Indiana and to all other classes of our citizens, as ' it would undoubtedly reduce the price of ; woolen clothing at least one-third, so that those who now pay ten to twelve dollars ; for a suit of the cheapest and coarsest wool clothing would be able to obtain it ' at from seven to eight, and so on in proportion. It is a fact not appreciated by our people that at present, on account of the tariff on raw wool and the tariff on woolen fabrics, we pay a tax on foreign clothes of at least 75 per cent., end of course pay an almost corre? pondinely enhanced price for the domestic article. But, Bars the republican speaker, if you adopt this measure, you will ruin the woolen industries of this country. This I utterly deny. The woolen manufacturers would be enabled to get a much cheaper and better 6upply of wool by admitting a largely increased foreign importation, to be assorted and mixed with our own product, and even the home production would become more , important and more valuable from the ; necessity of having it to mix with the i foreign article, as it is a well understood ( iact that it requires a variety of fleeces ' produced under different circumstances to make the proper combination for the caanufacture of woolen goods. Aeain the demagogue cry is put up that it would affect injuriously the waes of laborers engaged in that branch ot basiS3CSS. This charge, too, is utterly groundless. As you cheapen the fabrics manufactured from wool you would increase the demand for them at home, because the amount purchased very oiten depends upon the price, and as the American manufacturer would be put more nearly upon a footing with the foreign manufacturer, in the cost of his material, the would be able to enter the foreign market and thu3 compete with the foreign producer in his own market, and this would necessitate the increase of the manufacturing interests in thia country und result in an increased demand for labor. There is no greater fallacy than to iuppose that the price of the article manufactured in any manner controls the price of the labor used in its manufacture. In commerce labor is but an article of commerce, and its value as much de.pends upon the law of supply and demand as any other article that is to be found in the market; but unfortunately for the American laborer, 'while he has to supply himself with the necessaries of lite, the actual rpricea of which are enhanced to a very freatexten: by the protective tariff, hislaorand the price of it are settled and determined upon the principles of free trade. Any foreigner, without restriction, macome into our couutry, eit down by his side And take from him the labor upo.i which depends the support of himself and hi.; family, or compete with him in determining tie wages he should receive for that labor. Thi3 condition of things is as open es the day and going on constantly, and vet, in the face of these facts, the republican leaders do not scruple to charge that .he only thin?: that makes the difference tween wages in this country and in Europe is the tariff which protects the manufacturer. Oar country is full of examples of men who have grown enormously ric.: ,fcy selling at the enhanced prices which th3 -tariff enables them to do, but it does not furnish a single example of an employe of any of those millionaires ever having received an additional cent wages on account oi the profits of the employer. MANUFACTURES

The American's Opportunity Come With Open Markets. I insiet tb.at if th American manufacturer is put on an equal foot; .Tg with his foreign competitor in the cost of hu raw material and the cost of plant and machine, y, he can compete with the foreign manufacturer in any neutral market in the 'world, without any reduction of wages, in all branches of manu- ' facture that are carried on chiefly by the aid of machinery. All other things .being equal, the energy, activity and intelligence of American operatives in guiding and directing machinery used in manufacturing will more than compensate for the difference in wages between this country and Europe, even in England, where the highest wages of Europe ar? paid. Of course there are some class 2 3 of manufactures in which labor is the chief element of cost, as in hand-wrought laces, India ehawls and articl'i of that kind, where it will not be possible for us to compete with them, nor would it be our interest to try any more than it would be our interest tö attempt to compete with -Africa in the production of ostrich feathers; but they are articles of luxuy, and do not, to any great extent, enter into our general trade and commerce; while, on the other hand, much of our manufacturing is carried on now by machinery that is so perfect that it3 operations are almost automatic, where the highest intelligence and greatest amount of energy of those who have charge of the management of the machinery accomplishes the greatest results. The proposition I have laid down upon this subject I propose to prove from the history of one branch of our own domestic industries, being that which is connected with the hide and leather trade and the manufacture of leather. In 1872, fortunately for our country, hides and skins TFere placed on the free list. At that time the tanning interest was languishing in all parts of the country, and we wera importing largely to supply our manufactories with leather, especially for the manufacture of boots and shoes. The impetus given to the tanning interest enabled our tanneries, inside of five years, to furnish a sufficient amount of sole-leather and upper-leather to supply the home demand. "Sot long afterward our tanneries began exporting those same classes of leathers to Europe. The reports closing the last fiscal year show that, of upper-leathers, our exports amounted to nearly $3,000,000, and sole-leather over $4,000,000. while our imports of ßole-leather, including belting, amounted to a little over $33,000. This condition of things enabled our manufacturers of boots and shoes to supply themselves with sole-leather and upperleather as cheap as the toreign manufacturer could obtain it, and as a consequence the last year shows that we exported over 5j00,000 worth of boots and shoes that were sold to foreigners in foreign markets at free-trade prices, while the American consumer was paying the tariff prices for goods of that class purchased and used. Mr. Bynum was correct when, in his Atlanta speech, he stated that the manufactoring capacity at present of our boot and shoe manufactories enablo them to supply the home market for twelve months by running eight months in the year, and as to the other tour months they had to occupy it by running on short time or by shutting down. The statistics from which I have quoted indicate very clearly that with slight additional encouragement in the reduction of the cost of raw material to our boot and shoe manufacturers, they would be able to run full time dur

ing the whole twelve months, and to Bell their surplus abroad in competition with foreign manufacturers. This would also result in a reduction of the price to the home consumer, and instead of reducing the rate of wages would tend to increase then. What has been thus demonstrated in the case of the shoe and leather trade of this country would be equally true with reference to all classes of textiles, but especially with regard to cotton. Now, that capital is as cheap in the United States ra it is in any other country in the world, there is no reason why we should continue to ship 70 per cent, of our cotton crop abroad to be manufactured and manufacture but30per cent, at home, except in the fact that we are endeavoring to keep and maintain costly establishments of plant and machinery in New England and other sections of the country remote from the cotton belt, instead of utilizing the capital thus misemployed within the cotton belt itself.

THE IRON TRADE. Cheap Raw Materials Neceiwry to Its Success. The same, to a very great extent, is true of the iron interests. The iron centers of this country, like the centers of the production of wool, hive been moving from the eastern and middle states to theSouth and West, and it Btand3 as an admitted fact to-day that iron can be produced at Chattanooga and Birmingham at $9 a ton, which is within a small fraction of as low as the cost of production of the same article at Swansea ; while it costs $13 to produce it at Cleveland and ?16 to produce it at Johnstown, Pa. We have this singular condition that the old iron centers are endeavoring to maintain themselves against the competition of the new, and in doing this they rely chiefly upon the operation sof the tariff which excludes the foreign competitor, for, if foreign competition were let in, the capital that is now misapplied in trying to keep and maintain this abnormal condition of tnings would be used in those sections of the country where manufacturing can be carried on against European competition without any aid from protective tariffs. It may be safely asserted that the future success of the manufacturing enterprises in the United States will turn very greatly upon the questions of cheap raw material, cheap olauts and cheap machinery. Our natural advantages in the production of cotton and our mineral resources ought to furnish us with cheap raw material in at least the leading articles of manufacture; but cheap plant and cheap machinery cr.n only be secured by relieving the articles necessary to to used in their construction of the burdensome taxation which they, at present, are subject to. I have not made any calculation with a view of ascertaining the per centage of cost in establishing a plant and furnishing it with machinery under the operation of the present tariff, but as many of the articles necessarv to be used in establishing a plant and all machinery are of a class which necessarily comes under the operations of the tariff laws, the enhanced cost on account of the tariff must furnish a very considerable amount of the actual capital invested in plants and machinery. TIMBER AND SALT. How the Public is Plundered to the Advantage of the Monopolists. This addresses itself with peculiar interest to the people of Indiana, and particularly to those living within what is termed the natural gas belt. With the discovery of natural gas in our state, and with'n the limits of that discovery, our pp.ple will enjoy the benefit of the cheapest and bes?t fuel in the world. Great cxpot Mtions have arisen with respect to th-i futr-) development of the state, particularly in those sections referred to. As tb.3 territory is virgin to manufacturing industries and they have to be established, if, by reduction of the duties upon the articles necessarily employed in establishing and in operating them, a corresponding benefit to that which the cheap fuel now offers could be had, it is not possible to calculate how much the industrial interests of manufacturing would develop in our state within the next few years. When Chicago was destroyed by fire, the best and readiest means that the government could furnish in aid of its reconstruction was to put all building material used for the purpose of rebuilding the city upon the free list, and there is no question but what the relief thu3 afforded was of the most important and essential character. If Indiana could have the material used in the construction of manufacturing plants and stocking them with machinery placed on the free list for the next eighteen months or two years, it would more than double the amount of manufacturing capital that would come into our favored territory for the purpose of utilizing our cheao fuel. I do not suppose that any person will be found in Indiana who favors the continuance of the duty upon timber and salt. It has always been the policy of the government to leave salt, used in curing fish and in curing meats that were shipped abroad, free from the burden of tariff taxation. The latter has been done under the assumption that merchandise shipped to foreign countries must not pay an export duty, but what reason could be given for excepting salt used in curing fish that does not apply to the salt used by the Indiana farmer, i3 past my comprehension. As for the timber tariff, it has been the policy of this government for many years past to encourage the culture of timber rather than encourage the destruction, and to that end public lands are donated to persons who can show that they have, in good faith, engaged in the culture of timber. Now, we ought either repeal our timber culture acts or repeal the duty on timber; the two are certainly inconsistent. THE SUGAR DUTY. TTkerelo the Mills Bill Interests the Conutner. The feature in the Mills bill that has, next to the wool schedule, received the chief denunciations of the republican party is the proposed revision of the tariff in the sugar schedules, and this, however, for the very opposite reason for opposing the reduction on wool, as here the charge is that the reform does not go nearlv far enough. In this charge the sectional eplecn of the republican party again crops out, with no more, however, to sustain it, not even as much as in the case of the wool tariff. The present duty on sugar was placed there by the republican party, as were all customs duties eincc 1801. When the republican party went into power the duty on sugar was 24 per cent, ad valorem. It was raised to war rates in 1802-4, and has been a3 high as frofn 2J cents a pound to 5 cents a pound, which wa3 about the rate of duty in 18S3 when the present tariff was adopted, which made a considerable reduction upon the tariff existing at that time. It is claimed by those who framed the Mills bill that it proposes a reduction of about 20 per cent, ad valorem. A comparison of the Mills bill with the present tariff will, in my judgment, phow that it is at least that ; but the republicans insist that it ought to be at least 50 per cent, reduction and that tho American sugar growers are inordinately protected by the Mills bill in its present form, and they assume that the sugar producers thus favored are to be found in the southern states only. I apprehend that the rate of duty upon sugar heretofore has been more governed by tho fact that it has proved one of the best articles for revenue upon which a duty could be laid, as it certainly has proven itself to be.

Last year the duties from sugar alone amounted to more than one-fourth of the whole amount ot customs duties collected; but there can be no greater fallacy than the assumption that the protection, so called, was monopolized by the people of the southern states. There are but two states in the South in which sugar cane is grown and sugar manufactured as an article of commerce. Those are the states of Louisiana and Texas. The area of land susceptible to the culture of sugar even in these states is very limited. Sugar-raising was much more generally carried on in Louisiana before the war than since. The effect of the war seemed to have been to almost destroy the sugar production in that state. Anyone, even in a slight degree, conversant with the condition of affairs on the lower Mississippi, in the state of Louisiana since the war, has not failed to notice the fact that many of the sugar plantations have not been reoccupied for the cultivation of the sugar cane. The old processes of manufacture in that state have been'suflered to die out entirely, and the new processes 6eem to have required more labor and capital than the results justified. So that without reference to any question of tariff, the sugar interests in that region have languished since the war, and if we ever become self-sustaining in the production of sugars, 60 as to furnish a supply for our home demand, we must look to some other section of tlie country than the southern states, and some other means than that of raising sugar cane. Sugar cane raised in the United States is subiect to this serious difficulty thrifty stalks cannot be obtained from ra toons for more than three or four years, until it becomes necessary to replant them, and to do this it requires at least one-third of the crop to be used for the new plant. In more tropical countries there is scarcely any limit to the time that the ratoons furnish thrifty, vigorous stalks filled with saccharine matter, and when it does become neceary to renew or to extend the fields, it may be done from the seed. As a consequence, if we are to give protection and encouragement to the growth of sugar in this country, it must be done through those processes that are now going on in the agricultural department the experiments in connection with sorghum and other saccharine producing vegetables and these will necessarily be carried on co-extensively with the United States itself until the best Boil and the best climate shall have been found for sugar production. Senator Sherman very clearly foresaw this when, in his attack on the president's message, he proposed the payment of bounties for the production of sugar. Senator Sherman certainly would not have proposed subsidizing the South as a section in any one of its domestic productions. THE COBDEN CLUB.

Its Aims and How It Conducts Its Missionary Labors. The chief auxiliaries of the republican party in their attack upon the Mills bill, used in a negative form, seem to be the Cobden club and what is supposed to be the interest and desire of the British government in respect to American legislation on the tariff question. As to the Cobden club, I know little or nothing of it. I have understood that it was made up of a selection of very nice gentlemen, Mho have plenty of means and not very much to do, and who give elegant dinners at stated periods, and act as colporteurs for tracts on free trade written on the doctrinaire principle. I have never been a member of the club, and in all human probability never will be, although I understand that certain republicans of great prominence, such as Garfield, Murat Ilalstead and others, have, from time to time, honored it with their membership, attracted, no doubt, by the elegant dinners. There would not, therefore, seem to be much danger in tho Cobden club. In respect to Great TJritain,I have never seriously considered the question whether she favored or opposed this or any other policy that our people might be inclined to adopt. The question w ith me has not been whether it might or might not result advantageously to our elder brothers across the water, being well satisfied that in questio-s of commercial interest as connected with government they were very weli able to take care of themselves. The important question with me is, what are our interests as a people? It is not an uncommon thing for demagogues an 1 cheap politicians to use what may be called the "British argument." It has been oftn done in respect to this very question in times past. In 182S. to aid in securing the passage? of the first high protective tariff, the British stalking horse was brought forward and freely used, but it was then on the ground that the English corn laws, discriminating against our productions and keeping us out of her '"home market" for breadstuffs and provisions, made a high protective tariff on our part a necessary retaliatory measure. The converse of that proposition is the one that is urged now. More than forty years since, under the leadership of one of her greatest statesmen Sir Kobert Peel, who was a leading member of the landed aristocracy, and had been trained in the school of protection peculiar to that country, a system known as the corn laws under which the agricultural interests of Gieat Britain had so long dominated her commercial and manufacturing interests, the " British statesmen cf that period turned their backs to the past and, adopting what has since been called British free trade, laid that foundation for British manufacturing which h s since produced such marvelous results and given her not only command of her own market, but every important market in the world. Her exports to-day of domestic merchandise amount to 51,500,000,000 per annum, almost the whole of which is tho product of her work-shops, while our entire foreign commerce, embracing imports and exports, fall far short of that sum and our exports of domestic manufactures only reached the meager amount of $119,000,000 for the last year. From these facts, I know very well that as long as Great Britain can be permitted to monopolize the carrying trade of the world and the markets of the world outside the United States, she is perfectly willing that wo shall amuse ourselves by trading jackets with each other inside of our own lines; but that if some day, as we undoubtedly shall, we break through this crust of protection and enter into competition with her in the markets of the world, then we mav expect that she will throw every impediment possible in our way. Tne opportunity is presented for our doing it now; if it be allowed to pass by, it may be years before it is presented again in any form so favorable. WITHOUT A RIVAL. The Mills Bill a Model of Careful Legislation. I have said that the Mills bill stands without a rival before congress proposing any revision of the revenue laws or any reduction of the revenue to avoid the complication which must necessarily arise from over-taxation; but tno republican majority in the senate mayetiil take some action upon the ßubject before the present session of congress ends, as it has been given out from time to time that they were just on the eve of bringing forward their counter propositions. In the meantime, however, the republican party, in its national convention, has been taking ground on the subject, which, it may bo assumed, will be substantially followed in any action taken by the republican senators. The poeition taken in Sthe Chicago plat

form is substantially as follows: "To effect all needful reduction of the national revenue by repealing the tax on tobacco and upon spirits used in the arts and for mechanical purposes." A revision of the tariff laws that will tend to check imports of articles produced in this country, and a repeal of the duties upon articles of foreign production (except luxuries) which cannot be produced at home; and for any further reduction of the revenue that may be necessary, the convention declared in favor of the entire repeal of the internal tax rather than the surrender of any part of "the protective system." From this declaration it is very manifest that the only real revenue reform which the republican party proposes to commit itself to is the repeal of the internal taxes, for, in its judgment, no part of the present tariff law can be dispensed with without to some extent surrendering "the protective system." And while toe republican press and manv of the speakers denounce the Mills bill because it does not sufficiently reduce the tariff on sugar, any bill materially affecting that product that did not tend to check imports would be exactly in the teeth of the Chicago platform. The Chicago platform is a bold and unequivocal declaration in favor of using the taxing power of the government, not for the purpose of raising revenue, but for the purpose of reducing revenue by increasing the burthen of taxation. It declares that taxes shall be levied with a view of "checking imports," and not with a view of raising revenue. It may, therefore, be said to be a proposition to levy a tariff for protection from which revenue is incidentally derived, and is a perversion of the power of taxation as conferred by the constitution upon congress. While the republican party has heretofore claimed the right, in the exercise of a just discrimination, to grade tariff duties with a view of affording what it terms reasonable protection to American industries, it has never before this time, so far as I remember, taken the bold stand that the chief cbject and purpose of exercising the power "to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises," was, "so far as imposts and duties" were concerned, to be exercised for the purpose of prohibiting imports from foreign countries, and thus securing absolute immunity to the American manufacturer in what is called the home market. The Mills bill, in its general scope and character, contravenes this proposition and confines its discriminations within the revenue standard. It also embodies another feature, and that is, in selecting the objects of taxation, it puts the chief burthens upon the non-essentials and luxuries, relieving the necessaries of life, as far as possible, from the burthens of taxation. For doing this, it has been denounced by the republican party as a free trade measure, as if there were something in the words "free trade" that was antiAmerican. If the expectations (1 the framers of the Mills bill should be f i'ly realized as to its reductional effects on " the revenue, there would still be raised under it an annual income of about $100,000,000. Its average taxation upon dutiable goods is said to be about 40 per cent. "ov, how a measure of that character can be charged as a free trade measure' passes mv comprehension ; in fact, the objection 1 have to it is that it does not go far enough in the direction of what is called free trade; but, under the circumstances, considering that we have much involved in highly protected industries, it is, perhaps, as far as it would be safe to go at present, but I would be very glad to see, and hope it may be done as speedily as possible, without serious disturbance to the business interests of the country, the reduction go on until we should be back again at the rate of duty in existence at the time the; republican party went into power namely, an ad valorem rate of about 19 per "cent. I believe that free trade between nations as between individuals is the foundation upon which commerce should rest, and that the government which most nearly approaches this policy consistent with a proper administration of its affairs will in the end bestow the greatest benefits upon its people. THE PROTECTIVE SYSTEM.

Why the Ex-Senator is Opposed to Its Principles. I am opposed to the so-called protective system upon the grounds: " 1. That it is a violation of the spirit and meaning of the constitution conferring the taxing power, and introduces class legislation in its worst form. 1'. It places labor under the absolute control of capital, and while the laborer is compelled to engage his service at the market price fixed on the basis of free trade, he purchases his supplies at the market price fixed under tho operations of the protective tariff, so that the tendency is to reduce the rate of wages and decrease the purchasing power of the money he receives. 3. Because, in shutting out foreign competition, it enables the domestic capitalist, through trust organizations and combines, to regulate and control the productions of the country and the prices to be paid, in this manner fostering and frotecting those outrageous monopoies that make money by simply ascertaining the necessities of the people andlimiting the supply to the amount that will produce the greatest prices and highest profits. It is folly to denounce monopoly and uphold the system of legislation that not only makes it possible but encourages its formation, yet that is precisely what the republican party did in its Chicago platform. Its great political chieftain, however, Mr. Blaine, docs not seem willing to put himself in so absurd a position, consequentlj-, in his Augusta speech, he endeavors to showthat monopolies, in the form of trusts, are quite harmless in their character and at all events consist in simply "personal and private business arrangements with which President Cleveland and the public have nothing to do." There was an honesty about this declaration that, perhaps, dill not appear on the surface, for it is no duubt true that Mr. Blaine, in the varied interests that he holds in the corporations of the country, is a party to more than one of just such trusts as he thus indirectly defended. 4. The system of manufacturing that naturally grows up under the doctrine of protection necessarily excludes us from the foreign markets by enhancing the cost of manufacturing to that extent that the only market in which the products can be taken up and absorbed is the home market from which foreign competition is excluded. Each and every one of these objections presents itself with equal force to the people of Indiana, irrespective of party, as there is not one of our industrial interests that is in the slightest degree aided by the protection theory ; on the contrary, they are all more or less injuriously affected by it, while every purchaser and consumer in the state is interested on the sido of tariff reform. The republican proposition, as I have already stated, is the reduction of the revenue by increasing the burthens of taxation, or suffering them to remain upon the necessaries ot life and taking them off those articles that are not necessaries and the consumption of which ought not to be encouraged, as whisky, malt liquor and tobacco; the democratic E reposition is a reduction of the revenue y the reduction of the burthens of taxation, and it is for the people of Indiana to choose between these two opposing propositions. In contemplating our chances for increasing our foreign trade wo have naturally looked very much to the Central and

South American 6tates, as we are not competitors to any great extent in our productions, yet it is a lamentable fact that our trade with those sections has not been for many vears greatly increased. Most of the imports from the Central and South American states are of articles that are now on the free list, such as coffee, hides and gutta-percha, while we sell to them almost nothing. The republicans insist that this trade is to be encouraged through subsidized mail facilities between the United States and those countries, and Gen. Harrison, in one of his little speeches made to the pilgrims who have been visiting our capital as a kind of political Mecca since the Chicago convention, was very earnest in insisting that while it was our duty to hold on to our home market and not share it with any one, we ought, by all means, through mail subsidies, endeavor to get into correspondence with our southern neighbors with the view of increasing our trade with them. The fallacy of the proposition contained in the general's statement was shown up somewhat sharply by an editorial article in the Xew York I'os-L The absurdity ot starting out with the declaration that they must not sell in our home market, and winding up with an effort to induce them, through the means of a voluminous correspondence, to purchase from us articles for which we would receive nothing in exchange from them but money, certainly did not appear to Gen. Harrison when he was addressing the people on that subject. The simple reason why our trade is no greater with Central and" South America than it now is arises from the fact that but few of their articles of merchandise can pay our tariff and come into our market?, and we have nothing to offer them for eale that they cannot buy cheaper from other nations who receive their trade on more equai and favorable terms. THE TICKET.

The Democratic Tarty Congratulated on Its AVise Nomination a. The democratic party is to be congratulated upon the excellency of its presidential ticket. Two more "strikinglv representative men than President Cleveland and Allen G. Thurman can not be found' in the United states. I have expressed my approbation of the administration of President Cleveland so frequently that I may be excused from going into it on this occasion to any great extent. In fact, I I have little new to say upon that subject. He lias proven himself to be 60 able and efficient in the discharge of the executive duties devolving upon the president, that his administration will prove to be one of the brightest models iu our history. In its administrative character, its chief characteristics are in exacting a strict performance of official duty on the part of federal officers, from the highest to the lowest, and in the rigid economy which has been carried into every department of the government. President Cleveland assumed the presidential office with the solemn understanding that he was takiug upon himself a great and important trust, and he has devoted himself to it unceasingly. There is nothing that requires his signature, to give it vitality, that he does not fully comprehend before that signature is given. With a capacity for labor which lew men possess, he devotes to the public service more hours in the day than are required of any laborer in the land, and he exacts the Fame earnest and faithful discharge of official duty by the other officers and employes of the government. He is especially intent upon guarding the public, treasury, and his courage in doing this against the outcry and clamor of the republican party and press has secured for him a hold on the esteem of the people that will disclose itself in the coming election. In fact, the chords of sympathy that extend from the president to the people and from the people to the president are quite irrespective of mere partyism and vibrate without the aid of political machinery. The effect of the president's economy in the administration of public affairs is ver' clearly shown in the treasury reports, and notwithstanding the fact that our country is rapidly developing and expanding, anil its business increasing from day to day, the ordinary and current expenses of government have been constantly decreasing under his administration, it having been reported in the treasury statement closing the fiscal year on the 30th of June last, that there was a saving in the ordinary expenses of the government, as compared with the year before, of 510,000,000, and the preceding year had shown a saving of $15,000,000 over and above the lowest average expenditure under the last republican administration. This system of rigid economy displays itself in äll the departments of tne government, and in its great bureaus, but, perhaps, is as well illustrated by a brief reierence to the pension bureau. This, as you know, is presided over by Gen. John C. Black. "o braver soldier iought under the Hag of his country, and the wounds that he received in battle he will carry to his grave. No truer gentleman can be found throughout this broad land. Yet he has been the subject of more vituperation and abuse from the republican party than perhaps any other man in public life, for. no other reason except that he is a democratic soldier. He has rendered more efficient service to the soldiers of this country than any man who has ever held the office of commissioner of pensions, and at the same time has greatlv curtailed the expenses of the bureau, and with a greatly reduced clerical force has accomplished much greater results than his immediate predecessor. The report of the office for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1SS7, shows that there were borne on the pay-rolls of the office, at that time, 1,540 officers and employes, while for tho year closing 1S.S5, lelng the last year of the republican administration, the officers and employes of that bureau numbered 1,623. CLEVELAND AS A STATESMAN. Some of the Things Which He lias Done for the Country. But Mr. Cleveland has equallv distinguished himself as a statesman. Iiis message to congress at the beginning Ot the present session brought the democratic party into line upon the preat issue of tariff reform, and enabled it to carry the measure through the house of representatives, which would have failed but for the signal aid furnished by the president; and now, within the last few days, he has completely turned the tables upon the republican senators in respect to our relations with Canada and Great Britain, growing out of the fisheries question. Under the" constitution, the president possesses the power, by and with the advice and consent of the senate, to make treaties, provided twothirds of the senators present concur. Growing out of the difference of opinion between the Canadian authorities and our people engaged in the fisheries, the rights and privileges of American fishermen on the Canadian coast and in transit through the Canadian territory has been the subject of much contention. Some months ago a treaty seeking to define thoso rights and privileges as secured by former treaties, and as arising under the law of nations, was negotiated bp. the executive department and transmitted to tho senate for its examination and concurrence. After a protracted debate in open session in which the republican senators sought to obtain every partisan advantage possiblo the treatv was rejected by a strict party vote. The republican majority did not seek to amend it, although the power to mend was unquestioned, and a proposition to amend would have evidenced a desire on their part to at least continue negotiations for the pur

pose of reaching a peaceful solution of the difficulties. Upon the rejection of the treaty the president at once comprehended the situation, and without any further , appeals to the senate in its executive capacity, as advising and consenting to the formation of a treaty, placed the whole subject before congress and the country, in which, in the clearest manner, he stated the character of the controversy and the necessity of maintaining the rights tnd privileges of American citizens engaged in the fisheries, whether those rights were to be derived from international law or from treaty stipulations, and placed the responsibility upon congress ot furnishing the executive department with the necessary power to protect these rights. "What the republican senate will now do remains to be seen, but the chief responsibility for the present complication of our affairs with our neighbors of the Dominion and Great Britain must rest upon the republican majority in the senate. As for our candidate for the vice-presi-denev, there is no democrat throughout the length and breadth of this broad land who does not feel a personal pleasure in being able to compliment by his vote a man of such sterling worth and possessed of such true and Jeffersoniau democracy as Allen G. Thurman. As respects the republican presidential ticket, At possesses but little individuality. Its candidate for vice-president represents money. He was the chairman of the finance committee of the republican party in the canvass of 1SS0, and received as his reward for his money and services devoted to that corrupt canvass the mission to Paris. His nomination for the vicepresidency had for its sole object the procurcment of the money aid which his vast wealth will enable him to furnish. The success which attended his financial efforts in 1SS0 will not be repeated in the campaign of 1SSS, and at the close of that campaign he will repair to his banking house in Wall-st. "a wiser" but a poorer man. GEN. HARRISON.

Some of the Reasons Why He Should N'ot , lie fclected. As for the presidential nominee of the republican part', I have already spoken of him in terms that I have no occasion to recall. I esteem him for his worth, but in politics we are as wide apart as the poles. He is a republican "of the strictest of the of the sect," believes in all the dogmas of the party, including the dogma of high protection, and I know of no reason why any republican of that faith and order should not vote for him ; but I see no reason why his political support should extend one vote beyond that level ; certainly no one calling himself a republican who believes in tariff reform can vote for him and not do violence to his principles. As for the greenback and labor elements, in addition to other grounds of objection, they have personal cause for their opposition on account of his intolerance. Uen. Harrison did not oppose more earnestly or from a stronger conviction the theories of our greenback friends than I did, and, as is well known in Indiana, my views upon those subjects were expressed without equivocation and far in advance of any expression from Gen. Harrison, but I always entertained the very highest respect for those who differed with me upon those questions, knowing that they" were as honest and sincere in their belief as I was myself, and I would no more have thought of denouncing such men as the Pev. Gilbert De La Matyr and others for the opinions they entertained on these questions than I would think of denouncing Gen. Harrison for his adherence to the doctrine of protection, which I believe to be more fallacious than any theory ever advanced by the greenback party. As to how our greenback friends in Indiana w ill vote upon the presidential question may be very easily gathered from a remark made by one of the prominent members of the party when asked if his state pride would not induce him to vote this year for Gen. Harrison ; his answer was " Why should I vote for Gen. Harrison, when he proposed to tax me to build asylums to put me in on account of my opinions?" It is idle for the friends of Gen. Harrison to undertake at this late day to masquerade him in the character of a friend of the laborer. In saying this I do not mean that Gen. Harrison has been peculiarly hostile to the labor interest; it has simply received his studied neglect, because, in a political sense, it is outside of the pale in which his political sympathies move. Much has been said about the action taken by Gen. Harrison in the strike of 1S77. Irrespective, however, of what transpired in 1S77, if Gen. Harrison had been what his friends now claim him to be the life-long friend and supporter of the cause of labor he would long since have established a character upon that subject that could not be broken down by any detraction now, but unfortunately for him he established no such character; and I again repeat that it is vain for his friends to attempt, at this late day, to establish it for him. From these consideration it seems to me plain that Indiana, in the contest now approaching, will go overwhelmingly democratic and that Grover Cleveland will be our president for four years more. THE INVESTIGATION CLOSED. The Congressional Committee- Complete Their Work and Return to Washington. BOSTOX, Aug. 2S. The congressional committee for investigating into alleged violations of labor and immigration laws resumed this morning. James Danby of Lawrence testified that he was an Englishman and was induced to come to America by an advertisement signed F. II. Johnson. He wrote to Johnson, who offered him and his five children passage to America and promised larger vacres. lie was to be employed at GraniteviJle, Mass., by Abbott fc Co. Johnson was an agent for Prince, Smith & Co., and John B. Boles & Bro., who were the men really violating the laws. Witness thought there were thirty-five people in the party which sailed for America, all procured by Johnson. When he arrived at Boston, the witness was examined by a doctor, but no officer asked him if he came under contract The party was taken to the Cunard ofiice, where they were asked to sign a document, whose nature witness did not know. Witness signed it, and then went to work. Abbott fc Co. did not keep their agreement, and witness left. Three of his children could not work here because they were under twelve years of age. Witness was not paid as much as he was promised by Johnson. Danby wrote Johnson about it, but was asked, in eflect, what 'he was going to do about it. The witness believed Abbott & Co. had been systematically importing labor. Seven-eighths of the population of Forge Village, where witness was, is imported labor, and the tenements in which employes are torced to live are not habitable. Johnson told witness he wanted English help because of labor troubles in this country, ana be thought English families would Bette down and be quiet. Witness is now earning $2 a day as a wool sorter, lie thought wages were better here than in England, out living was higher. George Foster, a blacksmith, came to this country with Danby and gave similar testimony. In the Cunard ofiice a paper was read to the party an! they were made to swear they had not been biased by Abbott & Co. in coming here. Witness, when he reached Force Village, was given but $1 a day. Witness was asked several times to par his passage money, but he refused and warned them not to deduct a cent. Witness now gets $2.-5 per day. lie got eight shillings per day and five days' work a week in England. The committee declared the hearing closed and returned to Washington to-night. Three More Convert. Laceel, Aug. 28. Special. Over two thousand people attended the recent pole raising. The pole now stands on Main-st., 103 feet hiith. Dr. McKee of Connersville, cud Capt. W. H. Bracken of Brookville, addressed the Audience, and three hitherto stronor rennh. j - ... . ...... r - r hey a j declared for Cleveland and taruT reform.

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