Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 34, Number 27, Indianapolis, Marion County, 8 August 1888 — Page 3

THE INDIANA STATE SENTINEL, WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 8,1888.

3

There would b no tens In urging the reform wrought br high licerr In manv states if the ns tlonal government shouU neutralize tha good effect br making whisk wlthia tha reach of every one at 20 cents a gallon. It wou'.d destroy high license at once in all I be states. And in the senate, March 17,1532, John Sherman held the following language on the a&ID. subject: hj the common consent of 11 nttloni, of every civilised nation which Imposes any kind of Uies.whhkj. tobacco and beer are regarded as the best subjects of taxation. WhyT Because t hey are articles of luxury In one tense, and the mors our tas tends to prevent the eonuuiption of whisky and tobacco, the better for the consumer. The-te taxes ought to be left as a part of our permanent system of taxation as long as any other taxes, tnteraa or external, mure opprewlve remain on the statuta book, in all European countries whtretaxps are lerieo, these artistes are the proper subjects of high taxation, largely in excess of their value. Here we have a comparatively moderate tax on whisky, tobacce and beer. Judge 70a how strong the behests of monopolies must have been when these explicit ana authoritative utterances were all swept away, and the emanciDation of whisky", beer and tobacco from all' taxation declared t ba the highest wisdom of statesmanship. 1 appeal to the republican farmer, the republican mechanic, the republican wage-worker, and to the republican laborer of ever description. Do you think you have been fairly treated upon this question? Do you think Blaine aud Sherman were rieht, and that the Chicago platform is wrong? Do you not think it best that you ahould pay taxes on everything you and your wife and children consume, while whisky, beer and tobacco bear no taxes at all? I do not believe you will indorse such an infamous policy. The Iron Kings Policy. But the leaders of the republican party, who believe in a tax on salt and no tax on whisky, stubbornly inbist, in season and out of season, that high rates of duty, and high-priced commodities furnished by the manufacturer, constitute a protection to the rights and interests of the laborer. I deny it. This has long been a favorite and a misleading plea. I once tried to believe it was true, but it is not. The protection given to the manufacturer against competition in trade, and in a monopoly of high prices and vast profits, is as plain to the view as a mountain peak, but 1 challenge the ingenuity of men to show under the taria laws wherein the laborer has the slightest protection in regard to the amount of his wages, the certainty of their payment, or the permanence o; his emfdoyrueut. the three most vital points in his ife of toil. Does the law compel the manufacturer, out of his huge, ill-gotten gains, to pay such wages as will enable the laborer and his family to live decently and in comfort? Is there any law making it a penal o tie use for the manufacturer to reduce the wages of the laborer in the dead of winter, when living is most expensive? Can you point to me a statute making it unlawful for the manufacturer to close his works if the market happens to be dull, and thus leave the- laborer unexpectedly and entirely without employment, and perhaps to starve? No, there is not a line or fetter of law in existence, in the so-called protective system, giving the laborer the faintest trace of legal protection in anything. His only reliance u on the sordid belt-interest of invested capital, seeking all the time aud in every way to multiply its own profits, with no other concern for him than to obtain the greatest amount of work at his hands for the smallest amount of pay possible. This is all the protection known for labor under our system of taria, and I defy anyone to show the contrary. A short time ago, in discussing this great issue in the senate. I said: While these halls are vocal from day to day, and from week to week, with eulogies on the protection afiorded to labor by the present tariff, yet the hard, clear, bold, determined tact that labor has no protection at all 111 d r the preent system of tariff taxation confronts euch successive speaker, and mocks,' derides and stares bim out of countonauee. While we are listening here on this tirx-r to wellrounded periods poured lurtb as a perpetual chant of laudation to our present tariff laws as the sheetanchor of protection, safety and happiness for American labor, the laborers themselves are tilling the whole country with the uproar of their strides, revolts and resistance against the iniquitU'sof asysteiu which compels thetu to pay double value for everything consumed by themselves a id their families, and to pay, not to the governs, n'.iut, to the monopolizer of trade and to swell his enormous prodts, while the tuonopolizer, as an employer, can and constantly does diminish the laborer a wages and force him to work at low rates or starve. Under the highest tariff rates it r known in this country there came the panic of 173, which for tire years crushed and cursed the Interests of labor 'o an extent never before knwn in the same length ci time In tha bUtory of the world. And now with tariff taxes but little, if any. reduced, we have the authority of the U. S. commissioner of labor, Carroll l Wright, that in MS. ''$6 the number of strikes and lockouts, the number of unemployed, the resulting money loss to capital and labor, especially in stales where industries are largely protected, has been unprecedented. The truth Vs. a close look into the workings of the republican tariff, as illustrated bv the naked facts transpiring around an every dav, plainly ductules that the meat of what is Styled the protective system has thus tar been, all devoured by (ho manufacturing monopolists, while the bones, scraped clean, and with all the marrow rucked ou:, have bee i thrown to the working claws. This sy-t.-m, when watched closely in its practical operations, will be found to scatter not even the crumbs that fall from the tables of the rich among the toiling millions. Labor has no share in the wealth it creates, and na protection against the tyranny of reduced waesat its employer's un restrained will and pleasure. While the legislation of the country remains in this shape the laboring classes have the same protection against the greed and exactions of capital that unsheltered, unherded sheep have against wolves, and no more. Ttlaine'a Statements. For many months past the newspapers of this country, and to some extent of Europe, have been noticing the movements of a distineaished party, junketing amongst the hills of Bcotland; and you have read various dispatches recording the arrivals end departures of a olendid tally-ho coach, bearing in a sort of triumphal march James 0. Claine and Andrew Carnegie. Mr. Blaine needs no introduction to yon, perhaps; Mr. Carnegie does. lie is one of the greatest iron barons and steel nabobs of Pittsburg, the headquarters of the high protective system. He has been protected, and he counts his millions many times over; he had not toiled, neither has he spun, yet the lilies of the valley, with their radient dyes, can not make the display he can. His are the softest beds, the most exquisite luxurie of the table the earth can afford. I have been told that he is regarded by some as a kind-hearted, benevolent-minded man. He may be so in theory; he is not in practice. I have introduced his name in this connection while he is rolling in wealth and splendor in Kurope with the champion of protection, in order to emphasize the condition of the labor in bis own home and from which he has drawn his substance and his magnificent froportions. I deake to know whether his ahorers have bees as well protected as he has? i'vw me to read from that able and excellent paper, the Labor Signal, published at IndianaMtu.0 it says: The Pittsburg correspondent of the New York World has been going t headquarters for some tariff facts. He has been visiting the protected laborers of the great I -on manufactories the unskilled work

men who are asked to pay with cheerfulness higher rices lor tneir tinware and potato, ror their cloth ng and the lumber in their dwellin-'s. in order that their own vrw may be maintained at their u resent lolty standard and their own opportun. ty for emj 1 ivtnf nt be made more secure. llere is a description of the headquarters, and the record of the facts, as the World correspoudent found them: "Following the north shore of the Monongahela eastward from t South Sri la bridge, a row of aged and decrei.it shanties is reached. They are fiiied with pallid buiuanity, but not overstocked with furniture or the creature comforts of life. Black with age. paintless, earpetless and uncomfortable, these Utile habitations hu the side of the hills and suggest the nets of the cliff swallows. In summer thjy are dreadiul places to live in. The bare bills tower on each side, making a sort of urn. In which the bot aun turns the den air fetid. The sewage runs through open gutters. Dixhwater and slops are tossed into the streets from the doors and windows, and a good, bard rainstorm Is as great a blessing here a amid the tenement districts of New York a uncleaned str-.-eta. ''The student of human life does not have to resort to any stratagem to discover the sort of existence whifh U had in this sorrowful side of the smoky city. A walkthrough the streets tells all. There are no disguises? The bare, brown doorstep, the table seen through the open doorway, the frowiy bed standing by the open window, all bear their testimony of a comfortless life in plain view of the passerby. You may know how much (or how little) the families have to est: yon may count the household gods or the children or the mangy dog and cats, or you may know how many times the growler crosses the street to the saloon, if It goes st all, and wbo gets the benefit of its contents. Courtxhip and marriage, sickness and sorrow, deaths and births all go on in the purview of neu, lor poverty can afford no secrets, and the el iff dwellers of the Monongahela are very poor. Luckily for them, the great body of the people have eves which see not, and the enforced publicity of their life Is little harrassed by impertineat curiosity. "A group of the human cliff swallows was standing idly about the door of one of their shanties when the World correspondent approached. They were told what President Kea 1 isj had said an hour or two before, that th tariff benefited the laborers and not the manufacturers; that the workingmen Uvea good deal more extravagentl yon this side than their brethren on the other, aud that they have luxuries here which (hey have learned to look upon as necessities. " 'Oh, it's luxuries,' said a young man r,ticai ly. 'Yea to be sure. I'd forgotten all about tham. There's my luxuries.' He pointed to the open door, the bsr room, to his wife and children, all bare-fooiea and bare-legged." If Mr. Carnegie, knowing this sketch of squalid, miserable life among the laborers of Lis own home to be true, as he does, and that his wa crest est lea are founded on their wretch-

edeness, and still parades himself before the world aa the eulogist of a system which has enriched him and impoverished them, he will go into history, not as a philanthropist, not as a benevolent friend of his kind, but aa a sordid, self-seeking disciple of avarice, willing to oppress, for his own gain, the children of penury and want But what may he the impression on his mind of condition of labor with which ho has Ions een familiar, is of small conseaueqc compared with what TOU think of the policy of your government, whereby one man ia made richer than many of the kinga of Europe, while his neighbors, his equals in the sight of God, although in his employment, are reduced to such abject poverty that they have no privacies for their marriages, their births or their deaths. Do you think, protection has protected the laborers of I'ituburg or elsewhere, or rather has it not simply protected the Carnegies and all the other monopolists in their rapacious pillage on down-trodden and oppressed American labor? A False Pretense. In connection, however, with the false pretense of protection to labor, we hear the abaurd and ridiculous cry of free trade raised against the very moderate and, indeed, I fear, not sufficient reduction of tariff taxation proposed by the democratio party at this time in congress. This cry of free trade, in the light of history, is scandalous and infamous. The average rate of duty on all imported articles, taken together, is 47 per cent., and the reduction proposed by the Mills bill brings the average down to 40 per cent, a reduction of the war taxes, after all the clamor, of only 7 per cent. Seven per centl Why, in 1870, Mr. Allison, then an able leader of his party, as he is now, advocated a reduction of 1'U per cent. I read from his speech: But I may be asked how this reduction shall be made. I think It should be on all leading articles, or nearly all ; and for that purpose, when I get the opportunity in the house, if no rent e nan does it betöre me, I shall move that the peuding bill be recommitted to the ways and means committee with instructions to report a reduction upon exi-ling rates of duties equivalent to 2d per cent, upon existing rates, or one-iiitb reduction. Even this will not be a full equivalent for the removal of all internal taxes upon manufactures. It will not be difficult to make a reduction on this basis. In the same year that Allison spoke, Gen. Grant, theu president, was so radical a revenue reformer that in his annual message to congress he declared he saw uo reason why, in a few short years, the national tax-gatherer might not disappear almost entirely from the door of the citizen; and then he proceeded to show how such a result could be attained "by a wise adjustment of the tariff," taxing only known luxuries, and by maintaining the "tax upon liquors of all sorts, and tobacco in all its forms." The democratic party, and GroVer Cleveland, arouud whom we will stand and stay, have not yet gone half as far in the pathway of war-tax reduction as Graut aud Allison, and yet it is thought we can be beaten down by the base and venal beneficiaries of the tarilf, with their mendacious charge of free trade. Allow me, in all candor and kindness, to say at this point, that the manufacturing interests of the United States, aud the manufacturers themselves, in their real aud legitimate riührs, have never had, and have not now, a truer Iriend than I am. I have witthed them all the beneats they could acquire nnder just laws, and in fact all the protectiou against foreign competition incident to a tnrilf for revenue, honestly and wisely adjusted. I have subjected myself to criticism in my own party because I have believed the conservative doctrines of Jackson, Polk, Marcy, Walker and Silas Wright were still acceptable to the greut manufacturing interests of the country. On a recent occasion 1 said to the senate that I could not believe the strong, sagacious and patriotic business men of the country, in control of manufacturing industries, would permit themselves for political purposes to be placed in an attitude of absolute injustice, selfish, overweening avarice aud disgraceful unfairness toward the great mass of their fellow-citiens. Since the adoption, however, of the Chicago platform at the absolut dictation of the manufacturing monopolies I wish to any, aa I did on a former oecaicn, that "if every suggestion of relief to the tax-payer by a reduction of duties, however moderate in tone, reasonable in amount, and regardful of the manufacturers' investments, is to be met with the senseless, untruthful and knavish cry of tree trade, it will not be long until it will be made manifest that the minority cannot rule and rob the majority of the American people.? The worst enemies the manuiactunug interests in this country can possibly have are those who advise them not to accept, and acquiesce cheerfully and gladly in, the extremely moderate and entirely harmless reductions made by the Mills bill. The slaveholders of the South once belonged to the class which composed the money power. They do not now. They once were monopolists of cheap, underpaid labor; they are so no longer. They were not satisfied for any one but themselves to pass upon their rights and their pretensions. Their rights under the fugitive slave law, and in the territories, were pressed arrogantly pressed to a point where the sword was drawn, and millions of men took the field. Then the section which had everything in possession, and consequently everything to lose aud nothing to cnin, lost its entire substance In a struzgle tor ä shadow a theory. The most bitter and implacable nupporters of slavery and of its extension, thirty years ago, were, in fact, the most successful and efficient abolitionists of the nineteenth century. They struck too far, and their blows came back to destroy them. Aud so it will be with the purse-proud, insolent, blind and misled taxeaters of the present day. By making no concession to the overtaxed condition of the people, to the overwhelming surplus in the treasury, and by refusing to permit a single dollar or reduction on the necessities of life, but. on the contrary, insisting that whisky and tobacco should go free, the manufacturers have done more to promote the ideas of free trade in this country in the last few months than the eloquent and gifted tongues and pens of Frank Hurd, Henry Wattereon, David A. Wells and all their confreres during as many years. Injustice rank and flagrant injustice when persisted in, begets not only opposition, but keen resentment; and I am much mistaken if within the next few years the manufacturer of the North will not be cited by the historian as a counterpart of the Southern slave-holder, in his extreme tenacity to his own interests and his still greater blindness to the equities, the justice, the moralities, and the publio opinion of everybody else besides. It free trade is approaching this country, it is not because of tha frehident great, brave, and houest message ast December, nor because of the Mills bill, iust passed the house, but because of the dishonest efforts of the manufacturing monopolies themselves to hold on to the last penny of the war taxes, nearly a quarter of a century after the occasion for them has passed away. THE CANDIDATES.

Some of the Characteristics of the Republican Nominees, But having thus far discussed the principles and policies which divide the two great political parties in the present contest, it'is but proper that we turn our attention for & short time to the candidates who have been placed before the American people for the most exalted positions in their gift. On one point I can. and do, most sincerely congratulate the leaders of the republican party. Never did a convention more skillfully adapt it nomination to its platform than was done at Chicago, a few days a;fo, iu June. Nvver were candidates, in their natures, education, habiu, avocations, aud associations, more absolutely the representatives of their party's declared policy than Benjamin Harrison of Indiana, and Levi 1. Morton of New York. They are no better in their attitudes toward the industrial classes than the most evil features of the Chicago platlorm, and it is impossible for them to be worse. They fit the monstrous and abominable thing exactly. At the head of the ticket a corporation lawyer, aud a militia captain in uniform against railroad men striking for living wages, nominated by the management of Chauncey M. DePew. at the behest of the railroad systems of the Vanderbilts and Goulds, against the granger support of Allison and the labor friends of Gresham; ou the ticket with him a millionaire magnate, and national banker and broker of Wall-st., New York; it would seem that auch a combination could only have been made in express derision and contemDt of the labor elements and labor interests of the United States. I would not do injustice to Gen. Harrison. The struggle between corporation, wealth and power on the one hand, And employed labor on the other, in 1877, will never be forgotten in Indiana, The scenes then enacted, and the part which men took in them, have become a part of the permanent history of the stat. When the poorly-paid and overworked attempted, hrough their lawful and peaceful organizations, to better their conditions, their appeal was met by some with words of kindness, sound advice, hope and encouragement. In the breasts of nearly tha whole public their condition excited sympathy and a desire to aid them in a fair, equitable and peaceable settlement of their grievances and claims. Gen. Harrison had no share 'n this feeling, lie met them from the first with in-, ault and reproach. He denounced them to their faces as Law-breakers, consequently criminals, lie assumed toward them the lofty and arrogant bearing of a master over slaves, refusing to treat with them for redrew of their wrongs

while they were in revolt lie required them to cower in his presence, submit to his menacing insults, and return to their tasks: then he might condescend to look into their case and see what ought to be done. Failing to carry his point in this direction at Once, he was swift in his willingness to shed their Hood. He esteemed it an honor to be even a captain under (ten. Maeauley in auch a cause. His encampment with others at the arsenal we find announced in the Indianapolis A'evt of July 27, 1877, as follows : Four companies of volunteers, under the respe!tive commands of Ucn. Benjamin Harrison, Col. N. ft. Ruckle, Maj. J. J. Palmer and Capt. Harry Adams, marched Into camp at the U. 8. arsenal this moruing. The men axe armed with the new breechloading Springfield rifle, a moat formidable aud efficient weapon. Railroad laborers of Indiana, that Springfield rifle was meant for you, because you wanted more wages, and when your wives and children read the annoancment made br the Xewt their hearts stood atill with dread and horror at the thought that you would be brought home to them mangled by its accursed lead. Those four companies at the arsenal, with their formidable and efficient weapons, were expressly organized to make war on you, and to sprinkle the dusty streets of Indianapolis with your blood if you refused to submit, without terms, to the dictation of organized capital. Christian men and Christian nations resort to peaceful negotiations and arbitrations for the settlement of differences. Gen. Harrison proposed nothing to you but the stern arbitrament of the sword. I notice that he is receiving many people and delegations who call to do him honor. Let him put on the captain's ua if orm he wore at the arsenal, take a Springüeld rille in his hand, and then he will appear to the delegations calling on the republican candidate for the presidency as tie did to the laboring people of Indiana in 1877, and as he still appears to them. The clothes worn by Washington during the revolution, the coat in which Jackson whipped the British at New Orleans, the hat which covered Grant's head at Shiloh, and other precious and immortal relics may be seen sacredly preserved in glass cases in the national museum at Washington. What hall be done with Harrison's uniform in which he campaigned against workingmen eleven short years ago? 1 leave it to others to suggest a proper place in which to preserve for future inspection and admiration such illustrious raiment. In the meautime, the man who was more willing to give bullets than bread to the laborer now wants that laborer's vote to make him commander-in-chief of the army and navy. The Chiuese Ouestlon. But there is still another labor question on which Uen. Harrison is the consistent exponent of the principles of his party. Wheu the republican party had its birth, a Chiuese laborer had perhaps never been seen 6n American soil, 'lhe Chinese empire at that time was an isolated, lonesome power, seeking neither negotiations nor alliances with other nations, and submitting to none, if they could be avoided. With the coming of the republican party came the Burliniuuie treaty, aud other equally pernicious measures, opening our shores to Chinese immigration, and putting the Chinaman, with his Asiatic blood and habits, in competition with the American laborer. Every almond-eyed Mongolian now in the United States is here as the result of treaties and laws made bv the republican party; and wheu (Jen. Harrison voted fourteen times in the senate against restrictions on Chinese immigration, he was simply carrying out the principles and adhering to the established practices of his party. When he voted in the Forty-seventh congress against both the bills reported by Senator Miller of California, and Mr. I'age of the house, restricting the immigration ot Chinese laborers into the United States, he was faithful to his inFtincts of hostility to American labor. When he voted to strike out of these measures all restriction on the riht and power of the state courts and of the U. S. courts, to naturalize the Chinese and to admit them to citizenship, he was not only consistent with the teachings and logic of his party, butalso with tne sanction be himself gave to the naturalization of Chinamen at Indianapolis, procured by his law partner from the courts with his full knowledge and approval. If the American laborer wants the cheap-living, rat-eating Chinamen as his competitor in every branch of industry, and also as his opponent and rival at the ballot-box, he can not more plainly make his wishes known than to vote for Gen. Harrison. His election would convey an invitation to the tawny, pigtailed sons cf the celestial empire, as broad und far-rcacbiiig as divine grace extendi to thinners: "Come one, come all." I have heard, however, that the people of Indiana are expected to support Gen. Harrison on a sentiment, the sentiment of state pride. I am indeed proud of Indiana, of the fame of her mighty resources, and of her educated, brave and self-reliant people. Her name has been often on my lips in the senate, and sometimes my statements as to her wealth, her vast capabilities in the future and the hii;h intelligence and integrity of her citizens have been carried across the ocean and placed to her credit in the markets where railroad securities were bought, and sold. Though one of herhumblestchildren, 1 am one of her most devoted. When my age was numbered by months, and not yet by years, my infant eye looked out from the door of a log cabin upon her dark, unbroken forests, wiihiti fifty miles, as the crow flies, from where I stand to-night. I rejoice that in her giant progress from the pioneer days of your father and mine, rank and alleged superiority of birth have conferred uo advantages over those born in the abodes of labor, and who took Iheir first lessons in life behind the plow. I!ut in what respect does the career of Gen. Harrison appeal so strongly to the pride of Intlianians, aud especially of democrats, that they fdiould forego their political convictions and give him their support, simply because he lives in this state? Did any sentiment of state pride ever move him to speak tolerantly, even, of a political opponent, much less vote for him? No generous words, nor even words of justice ever fell from his lips for the beloved Hendricks in his lifetime. For McClellan, for Seymour, for Tilden, for Hancock and for Cleveland he has never had anything but bitter and uncharitable speech. Neither the individual members of the democratic party.nor the party itself as an organization, nave ever been spared by Uen. Harrison. Nor has he spared, in his partisan fanaticism, those who differ from him in their habits and modes of life, those who are opposed to sumptuary, prohibitory legislation; and when he finds the forks of the road, as he docs sometimes, he will always aim to take the one which leads most swiftlv and surely, in his opinion, to the foreordained destruction of those who dare to antagonize his narrow and illiberal views. State pride in Uen. Harrison! I would not disparage his just claims to the respect of his countrymen, but whose duty is it to vote for him ou such aground? Do labor organizations, against whom he declared war and took up arms, and into whose ranks he proposes to force

the refuse population of China, feel called upon to support nim because they are proud of Indiana? Will democrats feel drawn by state pride to vote for one who.in order to return to the sen ate, slandered the legislature of Indiana and atr tempted, in January, 188.ij to pervert its honest majority into a minority by expelling the old iron puddler and Knight of Labor, Cornelius Meagher, democratic member from this county? And upon the pride of the people of Indiana generally, irrespective of party, what claim has Gen. Harrison, growing out of his own state pride, coupled with a proper regard and care for her good name and fame among her sister states and throughout the world? The republican presidential candidate in the last campaign, as you an too wen remember, brought an action of slander against a democratio newspaper of Indianapolis. It involved the most delicate matters of domestic life, concerning which 1 have never spoken and never will. Gen. Harrison was Mr. lilaine'a leading lawyer, and when he moved to dismiss the case without bringing it to trial, he assigned as a reason for doing so Euch a libel on the state, and on the court, that Judge Woods refused the paper containing it a place on hia hies. In that paper it wo in substance alleged that a court, presided over , by an intense republican Judge, with a republican marshal aud republican jury commissioner, had become so debauched by the influences oi political agitation, and by the recent deraocratie victory, that a citizen of Maine could not secure a fair trial nor obtain justice in it, nor, indeed, in any of the courts of Indiana. I do not know whether this paper was written by lawyer or client, nor does it matter; the presentation of it for permanent record was the crime against the honor of the state. This was an ugly, and, in fact, a fatal stab, could it have been driven home, to the reputation of the judiciary of Indiana, so long known and respected throughout tue United States, and in the courts of Europe. Long years will go by before it is forgotten, and the wonder will always be how any citizen of Indiana conld be proud of a man and vote for him, because he lived in the state, when he himself was so destitute of state pride that he was willing to overwVelm the commonwealth with ahajn ' and disgrace in order to earn a fee or get an' imprudent political leader out of trouble. The Grandfather for Slavery. It would seem, however, that Gen. Ilarrion is nut making tha race for the presidency

on his own account alone, but rather, on joiut acconnt with his grandfather. From the tone of the organs ot the republican party, it appears as if the people of Indiaua were exacted to have great state pride in the grandfather aa well aa in the grandson, and to rote for them both. To such aa think Gen. William Henry Harrison a good assistant to Gen. Benjamin Harrison at this time, I would aug-est a careful reading of the early history ot Indian bv John Dillon. It will be found on page 410 of Dillon's History that the most important measure ever proposed on the soil of Indiana was a prooiaination by Gen. Harrison in December, 18U3, for the election of delegates to a convention, which met ia the same month and Tf&T at Yincennes, and over which Gen. Harrison, prosided, for the purpose of memorializing congress to repeal, or suspend, the 6ixth article of the ordinance of 1787, and thereby authorize and establish slavery in the northwest. A memorial and petition were agreed upon and forwarded to congress, asking tor human slavery for all the country then embraced in the Indiana territory. Congress, ander the lead of John ltaudolph, refused this appeal and thus relieved the people of Indiana at that time, and also succeeding generations, from the peculiar obligations they would have been under to the first Gen. Harrison. When this startling chapter of early history has been carefully considered and digested, I think it will be seen that the pro-slavery Virginia whig made a better race in 1840 than he would now, and that the grand-father feature of the present canvasa might better be dropped. It does not look well, especially to those who believe in the dignity and honor of free white labor. And now these remarks must come to a conclusion. I have spoken to-night to my friends and neighors of more than thirty years' standing, and with heart full of kindness for each and tor all. 1 will not pause at this time to pronounce a eulogy on Grover Cleveland; he needs none, I will not go into a discussion of his administration; it speaks for itself in Stronger aud more eloquent terms than any I can employ. In my place in the senate, in April last, I dwelt in detail on its glorious work for the soldier, and for the ciiizen of every class, as well as for the peace and harmony of the entire Union. I expect to do so again before the people of Indiana. Nor do I, to this audience, need to speak of Allen G. Thurman. You know him, and his great career. In intellect, and in devotion to public duty, he has long since taken hia place among those to whom impartial history accords the title of great, and in his democracy, his faith in the people, and his support of their rights, he will take his place in the annals of his country in that bright, immortal galaxy, where the names of Jetlerson, Jackson, Marcy, Polk, Seymour aud Hendricks will be found forever shining. Fellow democrats, you enter this contest nnder auspicious omens. Your state ticket, led by those two soldiers, Matson and Myers, who, with their associate soldier candidate, were conspicuous at the front, and not in the rear, as judge advocates or as provost marshals, points the way to victory. Your young and gifted candidate for congress in this district, Voorhees Hrookshire, the son of my cherished friend in Montgomery, and the namesake of my early years, presents himself for your suffrages, with the record of an upright life, and with veins filled with genuine democratic blood. Your county ticket is composed of honest and capable men, this day nomii ttcd to be elected, not to be defeated. To your tents, then, O, Israel! and let the world see once more how the democracy of Indiana fights in a cause that is just and for men who are faithful. And I here serve notice on the enemy, on their Dudleys, on their Dorseys, the professional boodlers of the ballot-box, that they will be taught a lesson in this campaign which they have long needed; they will learn for once that corruption wins not more that honesty. THE TARIFF AND SILVER.

Answers to n Number of Qaestions Pro pounded by "The Sentinel." To tiie Editor Sir: Tcrmiti me to answer the questions asked in The SENTINEL of the 2ötb inst, to which a reply is asked of the Journal. (1.) "Why did wages increase more rapidly in the United States during the ten low tariff years, 1850 to ISG0, than daring any other decade in the history of the country?''. To compare a principle" fir 'vans in nature with the depletiouary policy of the republican party, the same or an opposite result may be produced. The great influx of gold through its discovery in California and Australia, brought with it during the decade referred to, a continued increasing supply of the moneyed standard or measure of all values, and with it the best times upon a substantial basis the United States or the world had ever before experienced. In Tike manner again when nature responds to the necessities of a growing country and people, with an increased supply of that standard, silver, which jointly with gold had beeil recognized as such from the lime Judas sold the Savior up to 1873, when the repulican party surreptitiously sought to destroy it (and have succeeded in doing so for tha present as a money standard) never prior to the above date was there a time or instance in history where 6il ver was discounted for gold or a discrepency in value between the two in any degree demoralizing, when at a fixed ratio they were recognized alike iu lawaa to coinage, etc., but to-day through a continued diminishing supply with increasing demand for gold the only standard the reverse result to that cited in the decade referred to is produced (general depression and low prices) through the destruction of silver as a money standard and republican depletion generally. 2d. "Why have wages In England more than doubled since that country abandoned the high tarifl policy and established a tariff for revenue onlv?" Because a liberal policy facilitates and induces through reciprocity with other countries an enlarged intertnange of indigenous products, as shown in tha report of our South and Central American commission under the Arthur administration, in which it is said that while forty to alxty trading vessels a month enter the harbor of Buenos Ayres, not one of them floats the stars and stripes, and that our exports to that country are not what tney were fifty years ago. When this commission met the president of Uruguay with its mission in view (to negotiate a liberal interchange) it was asked by him if it could give any guarantee or assurance that the congress of the united States would reduce or abrogate the import duty on wool. The commission could give no such assurance. Hence, wool being one of Uruguary's principal commodities of export, the door of negotiation of a liberal interchange was closed at once. But if the Mills bill becomes a law might return the commission with hope of success. (3.) "Why are wa.;s at the pauper level in the high tarifl' countries of Europe t" Because of the want of a policy that would induce a liberal and enlarged interchange between countries as indicated in the above reply to the second question. "4 Why are wages in the non-protected industries of this country higher than the protected industries?" Because when placed on an equal footing with all competition the enterprise, energy and inventive genius of the American will enable him to compete with all others. Take for comparison the cotton and leather interest that obtain their raw material free of duty, and compare with the woolen interest that is required to pay a high duty on raw materials that enter into their fabrics. Within the last year we have exported 15,000.000 of cotton fabrics and 10,000,000 of leather and leather fabrics, and but 500,000 f woolen fabrics. Now, I would ask, did not these millions worth of Cotton and. leather fabrics (that went out of our country) give employment far in excess of the few thousands of woolens, to highly prottdtd in behalf oj labor (?) The woolen industry to-day is in the most generally depressed condition of any interest in this country, In fact, .there are but few woolen mills ia this country that can't be bought for 50 on the $1 of their actual cost. But pass the Mills bill, giving them free raw material and, it will place this interest on an equal footing with cotton and leather with increased employment and exports in like ratio, enabling them to exchange their fabrics to exchanen them for South American wool. 6. "Why have more strikes and lock-outs occurred in this country during the twentyfive years' of high protection than during the seventy-five preceding years?" Because of the illiberal, selfish and circumscribed policy of high protection, will not admit of the natural expansion of trade and commerce, to give employment and meet the wants four greatly increasing population. This has, with other causes assigned in the reply to the first question, brought about a depressed and trammeled condition of our industries, leading to the disaffection and demoralisation of the working classes. 6. 0 M1UL- j'j .1 - - - 1 - - 1 u iiy uiu tue average rate ot wnges paiu - ' I f . ! . . . ' c T j 7 in the manufacturing institutions of Indiana increase 13 per cent, in the low tarifl decade 11ÖCU to and only increase 17 per cent ia

. the twenty years of high tariff, from ISCQ to i mr. f The cause (more than all else) for the great advance in the former decade is accounted for in the answer to that question, and the present condition cf things proves the principle. With the dehtruction ot half the measure of values, depression and low prices necussarilv follow.

and as for the latter decade I doubt if the meantime will show auy advance in wages when compared upon the s&me substantial basis. But restore siJver to its ancient and legitimate sphere as standard money and the appreciation of all else must follow, as in the first deacde referred to through the great influx of gold during those years. This is a great question not second in the interest to that of the tariff. And if our reticent democratio party is not on the alert, the republican party may yet take the start of us on this question. Silver must and will be restored. Respectfully yar. . Geo. W. Hoobe. Greenville, O., Aug. 1. AFTER MANY YEARS. A Spiritualist, Gambler, Train Bobber and General Fraud Itun Down. Chicago, Aug. 3. United Statea detectivea left this city for San Francisco on Sunday for the purpose of arresting Ym. Iiains, alias Raymond, alias Colby, baptist minister, spiritualist medium, gambler and train robber, for whom they have been searching since 1877. They expect to reach San Francisco to-day and to arrest him at once at 43 Sixth-st, where he ia now playing the role of slate writing medium. The officers allege that in 1872 he robbed a mail car near Austin, Texas, binding and gagging the clerk and securing about 3,000. In 1875, under the name of Rains, he n- successful revival meeting in Hearns. 1 ex. Wh ile it was in progress a train was held at the depot because of an accident, and the trainmen attended the revival services. Raines pleaded illness, and was not present. The mail car was robbed of $4,000. Raines was arrested, convicted and sentenced to four years' imprisonment for the crime. In prison he developed all the symptoms of consumption, and was finally pardoned by President Hayes in 1877, and disappeared completely for a time. Subsequently he appeared as a slate-writing and materializing medium in New York and Chicago. Last week the detectives located him in San Francisco, and left, as stated, for the purpose of taking him into custody. A MURDER AT ELKHART. Prisoner Taken to Goshen to Avoid Mob of Lynchers. GosrtEN, Aug. 3. Special. Ben Scott of Elkhart was brought here this evening by a strong guard and lodged in jail. He is charged with the murder of Con Crowley at Elkhart. It seems he and three other men became engaged in a quarrel in a butcher's 6hop there, when Scott pulled out a long knife and stabbed all the other three men, saying as he killed Crowley, "Lay there, you d d scoundrel; all I want is your money." The knife went to the heart, penetrating over four inches. The other two men were not seriously hurt. After the stabbing, Scott started on a run and managed to get three miles into the country before he was caught. In the meantime a posse was formed for the purpose of lynching him and had started in pursuit, but missed the officers, who came straight here with the prisoner. Fears an entertained here of an attempt to enter the jail by Crowley's Elkhart friends who are thirsting for Scott's blood. The jail has a strong guard about it to-night. A Choice Morsel. To TOE Editor Sir: I call the attention of The Sentinel's readers to the following choice morsel of republican campaign literature. A republican ouMnesa man of Evausrille. Ind., writes a frieud that "if it were not for the fool laboring man and the cued prohibitionists, I think we co il 1 carry (hi state for Harrisou and Morton, but with these two classes of idiots la the way I am fearful we will lose Indiana. This excerpt very clearly shows the true sentiment that animates tiie republican leaders. Because laboriug men don't care to be eternally taxed, this republican calls them fools, and because prohibitionists don't always want to follow in the wake of republican free whiskv and hypocrisy, they are called cussed cursea, in other words. The writer of the above letter had carefaüy Studied Harrison's speech consigning greenbackers to idiot asylums, before writing, and he has followed his leader well in choosing words to show his contempt for honest labor. Washington J uly 23. W. K i ports and Imports. The New York World. Payment for exports is called "imports." Let us stop imports and give away our exports. It will pay us better, the republicans say. If England should to-morrow pass an order in council forbidding the exportation of any goods to America, would the republicans take it as a friendly or unfriendl y act? The American farmer is the "importer." whom the republicans are denouncing as having been "bought with British gold to betray his country." How does he like it? The exporter is also the importer. Exporting and importing are one and the same business. To export is to 6ell and to import is to receive payment. When the republican newspaper attacks the "importer" as the agent of foreign industries, it is the exporter the farmer that it is trying to hit under the car. A Colossal Blunder. New York Star. No party ever made a greater blunder in politics than the republicans did at Chicago when they adopted a tariff plank in direct contradiction to their pledge of IS84. The proposition for prohibitory tariff" repels intelligent men, and is opposed more strenuously by none than by enterprising manufacturers. Mayor Hewitt was right in calling the republican tarifl plank the reJuctio ad absurdum ot the policy of monopoly protection. Old Settlers Meeting. The annual reunion of the old settlers' social end historical association of Marion, Hancock, Hamilton and Madison counties will be held at the old meeting place near Oakland station, Aug. 11. lfrJsrYTrf!rXVAXITABLX T0B BTJUTT8, STOBURNS, DIARBHffiA, CHAT 1N0S, BTINGS OF INSECTS, PILES, BORE EYES, SORE FEET. Tile VC11DER OF HEALIHG! For Piles, mind, Bleedlne or Itching, it is the greatest known remedy. For Burns, Wealds, Wounds, TlruUes . and Sprnina, It Is unequalled stopping pain , and healing in a marvellous manner. For Inflamed and Sore Eyes. Ita effect upon these, delicate organs Is simply marvellous. It I the Ladles' Friend All femala complaints yield to Its wondrous power. For I'lcera, Old Rores, or Open Wounds, Toothnc-lie, Kuceaclte, Biles of Insects, Sore Feet, its action upon these is most remarkable. ItECOXXHyDEB BY niTSIClAXSt r vsjed ix nosriTAzst Cautlo.PONTrS EXTRA CT hat lxn fmilaM. Th fffittti Ao the words PONJfS EXTRACT blown in th po, and our piefvr lrad mark turrounding buJT vrapptr. A'on Cther U genuine. Alwatt intiet a having POND'S EXTRA CT. Take no other prepar. Hon. It I rtfver tvldiit bulk or by measure. it 1 xnxtxn to trsi airr frkpaeatiox Zxcxpt nui Genuine with oca dibjcor Tiotrs. Used ErtemaHy and JnternaTy. I'nces, 50c. , f 1, $1.75. Sold every where. C70' Vww I'AsmT rr nrrra Distort er era FaaraaanoHt Euer fliEE o ArrucanoN to POND'S EXTRACT CO., 76 Fifth Avenue. Ucw York.

piiiiiii

PPi fen ? '

IT IS A PUaiUr VESETABll PKCPARAIION .r'Aitn. . a ai. S cm --re SENfiA-MN10HAKE-BUCHU MO OTHER ItViAUyOriC.rhT REMEDIES It has stood the Test of Tears, ta Curing all Diseases of the w BLOOD, LIVER, ST0K. 1 A. CM. K ITIWKYS 'Rf)WtaCfft3 EL8 &e- It trifles the i I eti r 11 Bod, Invigorates and LäASMsL. ß rianssfavstem BJTTEnS j LYSPEPPIA,C0NSTI. CURES III PATIOir. JAUNDICE. AliD!SEASESCFTRI,4 BTCKHT, .DACHE, BIL LIVER IOUS COlIPLAJjfTf.te 4 Hsarmasa enan.4ir KIDNEYS STOMACH AND ita beneScial laflaoace. XtUptu-elyaZIedleloe as its cathartic proper BOWELS ties forbids its rise as a bererege. It it pleasantto ut taste, and at eailly tskea by child ren as adults. ALLDRUGGISTS PRICKLY ASH BITTEBSCO 'IpriceIdclläri! Hole PropVstor, BtXocis and Kansas Cm -if, rm'wf' Are rolling in. You can't escape them; but you can escape tha sleepless night, loss of appetite, and languid ieeliny that result from draining the nervoua force by muscular or mental exertion in summer's torrid days. The use of Paine's Celery Compound, that great nerre tonic, will at once strengthen the nervous system, and fortify it against the attacks oi summer debility. Ilns pre paration is a medicine. not a drink. It is a eci entific oombi nation of the best tonics. rivin? last ing ben efit to bo V dy and cures all diseases, brought health to brain. It nervous and has new life and thousands weakened whose nerves were the cause of their many ills. It is especially valuable at this season, when feeble persons are so lia- . ble to sunstroke, a disease which is nearly always fatal. Paine's Celery Compound, by restoring perfect health, almost entirely removes the liability to this dread disease-. If you feel the effects of Bummer's heat, you can't afford to delay another day before gaining; the vitality only obtained by the rise of this great medicine. Soli by Druggitt. fl.00. Six for f 5.00. Bend for eight-page paper, with many testimonials. WELLS, RICHARDSON & CO., BURLINQTON.VT. W A : IP k A ' Tbe largest, lastest ami Bi.i-st In the world. Passenger accommodations unexcelled. Stv YorktotslMrowvlaLoadoDderrTh Farnessia, Aus;. 4th I Ievoitln, Aug. 8th Kthiopia, Aug. 11th I Circassia, Sept. 1st Anrhoria, Aug;, 18th Furnessia, Sept. 8th New York to Liverpool via Queenstown. The Celebrated I Iret and finest Anf:' 2?!!l Steamship, I I'assengcr Pteam-I City ef Kwnelerlntb World. 3rd liaison paafo 10 (ilaiffow, lerry, Liverpool, 1'ft of Cipenstown, SiO and upward per UU.-kow feuaniors. 61 and npwanis lor Oitof Koiu. Kvcnnd-rlftrs 80. lcrturn tlifei-l- at reduced rau-s mad available for either rents. otTrrlnir eviurlmilsts ttif r.rtllr(re of Seeluft the North and Nonih of Ireland, h Hirers Mersey arid plcturewiie l'l'd. ßtreraüre ISO. Anchor Line drtfts payable free of charjre. sold at lowest rale. or book of tours, ticket or further lnfortnarlun apply to HENDERSON EROS., 72 La Salle St., Chicago. JOHN KEEN, A pent, 7 N. Pennsylvania Street CAMPAIGN GQÖDS TORCHES, FL&SS, ELUETS, CPES, LEGGIHS. And Everything: used In TORCH LIGHT PROCESSIONS. Send for Large Illustrated Catalogue PRINTED IN COLORS, John Wilkinson Co. Ä.S,V,: ... m,m, D&Qyens Body Battery! MAMWOMAH. Will positively eura l.ol aiskkMd. u Wensnav. Haas, Alfkt losses. ralarlst IMseataea mt ta Ural ta Urinary Orsjsiaa. Mpeetal Kelt for Ladies for Irregular Msnikllea ad Female CeBaplalata. Contains 10 degrees of strenrth. Current can be rerolated like a battery, and applied to any part of the bofl or llrabs br whole family. FRf.KI.ar v f f JHM iJntwKl '"a frier's, fcpnnnniie. ui-vu PriV Cft and rn anlsm.and slropie application tnrt 3p aim up. for th cur- of d,aeu. DP. CrYLN Bf LT C9 131 Stils SL, CtüC&sO.

km

Wann Waves

sA i 1

X kTTA B 1 -v If r

L U

fj w ' '1 I Ml

7 I

l f ar

7

PAIRJT a? ! eorr a co otivit btmt nrrr rami rnosy. ran a to (.hatch Saaday. light Fataionabia 5hadaa: fciack. Mama. VemukM Blue, Ysilow, O.i I .oka, Brewsu and aca Orsaa, N Varnuhinf necassary. IMas aara wlia a "lkias." Oa Coat aod Job is doaa. YOUR BUGGY Tip top Sir Chain. Lawm Seat, Sash. FVnrar Ptrta, bbj Carriage. Cartaia rales, f-amtter. Front oon, Srora-trants. acrea Unnrs. Boaav Man lea. Iron F cruet, la tu.t rerytlürg. Jtiu ÜM Hung for tha ladiaa to about tUa nnnss FOR ONE DOLLAR LU GOIT'S HONEST Ars yos rolsf to faint this yaart If so, dost buy paiM contain-ng a:rr or banana warn for th salts meaner lor nearly sol yoocaa procai COIT A Ua fir. I tllM that Iswarrasis tn baaa BOXCIT, IXll.ia Ll.saP OIL ralST sad frse from wstcf and beraiaa PaaiaaS this sras aad tit a Mher. Merchants haiflliag ar our agents and authorised by as, la writing, wares st H t wear S ISARS wfta S COATS ar a TlaSa with a lOIS. Oar Shadas ar th Lata Styles od la th East now becoming so popular tn ths Wt, sd ep with th Unas Try this brand of HONrST PalTr and foa wU aavas ragret it. Tots to tha via I SuAasa HOUSE PAINT c CO a o CO UJ CO COIFS FLOOR PAIHTsrx ratnt that dried beyond the sticky point. " work, soml tha lob, ul the (wart Next Ha call for roiT IV I Uni rtlüT 4 popular and suitable shadea. varraatrl U dry sard as g, rack al-ab ftp bauble, hs swearing. ,niniiT nnu noiaiiu v . if 4 1 1 rl I IIMY VIII'KT nuns win unum Who la WEAK, XElXTOrR. DEBILITA TEn.who In hli FOLLY and If.SORAKCB has TKII'LKIl away his VIUOHof IIODY. Bl I .N I and M A..N II OO I, ranting exhausting; drains opon the lor.TAINM of LIFE, HEADACHE, II A CK A ('II E, Dreadful Iram. WEtKNOH of Memory, It4fc!I. FVI.NFKHIn HOCIETT, Fi t PI.LM upon the FACE, and all tbe EFFECTS leading to EARLY DECAY ani perhsri O.XSl IMP. Tio or IX HA fc IT Y. should consult at once the CELEI1RATED Dr. Clarke, Fiahlihed JHM. Ir. Clark ha made NERYOl'S DE I11LITY. CIIIIOMC and all Diseases of th UE.MTO I fUNAIlY Organs a Ute, fitndy. It makes No diflerenre WHAT yoa have taken or WIM has failed to cure you. F E.n A L L.N sufferi n fron 6 laeaaea peculiar to tbeir sex can consult with tbe assurance of speedy relief and cur. Send 2 cents pottagv for works on your diseases. AJrend i centa poetsr for Cclebmte TCorka on Chronic, Nervous aDd Irrlla rate Diseases. Consultation, personally or by letter, I ror,. Consult the old Doctor. Tbortarind cnrcU. Offlrrsand nstrlor privat. JrThOF contemplating Marriaee -nd for Lr. t'larke's celebrated guide Male and Female, each 15c., both 2fxs. (stamps). Before confiding your case, consult Dr. CLARKE. A frieiidly letter or call may aave future ufleririgand sname, and add goldea years to life. irBock "I.ire (Secret) Errors," yc. (stamps . Medicine and writinca lent everywhere, seenre from eiposnre. Hours, 8 to P: .sundavs. to 12. Address, P. D. CLARKE, M. D. 183 8a Clark St, CHICAGO. HI UNACQUAINTED WITH THE CEOOaAPHVOF THE COUNTRY Witt OBTAIN UUCM INFORMATION rOOM A 8TUDV O THIS SUPOPTHf CHICAGO, ROCK ISLAXD & PICIflC 11 Ita mala lines and branches include CHICAGO. PEORIA, MOUNT. KOCK ISUVTTD. EAVESPOUT. DES MOEfEO. COUKCIX, ZLTTFT3, JTCS. CATCTE. KANSAS CXXT. BT. JOSEPH. IXAVE3TW0BTH, ATCHT30W, CSDAS RAPIDS. VTATXBXiOO, jaXNSATCLIS. and BT. FAUI end scora or lntermoeUat cities. Choice of routes) to and from tba Pacta o CoaaU All transfers tn XTcion depots. Fast trains of Fine Bay CoicliC, etecraot Dining Car, magnificent Pull taa Palace Sleepers, and (between Chicago, Bt. Joseph, Atchison and Hanaaa City) Becllnlsf Chair Oars, Beate Free, to holders of threadi Crst-dasa tickets. Chicago, Kansas & Nebraska R'y "Creat Rock Island Route. Extends West and Southwest from Kansas Cltf end Et. Joeerb to HXCX, IICItTCN.. BKT.TBVTT.T.T., T0PE2A, JXESKQTON. WICHITA. llffCILUfSOy. CALD'XELL, and all points la KANSAS AND SOUTHERN NX83ASKA and beyond. Entire, passenger equipment of tbe celobrated Pullman manufacture. AU safety spa pliaaces and modern Improvements. The Famous Albert Loa Routo Is the favorite between Chicago, Boele Island. AtchLiot, Eanaas City end StUnneapclls and Bt. Paul. Its Watertown branch traverse the greet "WHEAT AMD DAIRY CELT of Northern Iowa. Southwestern ZClmr eutav exd East Central Dakota to "Watertovn, 3plilt eke Sioux Falls and many other tewes and cities. Th Ehort Lina via Senece end Sankasee offers superior facilities to travel to and from Indianapolis, Cincinnati and other Southern points. For Tickets, Mapa, Folders, or r.-ired information, apply et any Coupon Ticket uOce or address C.ST. JOHN. C. A. HOLOROOK. Oenl Manager. OVnt Tkt. a Pass. Aft. piXCAGOi, n.i GRATEFUL COM FORTIXO. EPPS'S COCOA. BREAKFAST. "By a thorough knowledge of the natural laws, which rovern the operations of digestion and nutrition, and bv a careful application of tbe flue proper ties of wll-elecud Cocua, Mr. Kpps has provided ur breakfast tables with a delicately flavored beverage which mar aar us many heavy doctors' bills It is by tbe iudK-ioui use of such articles of diet that a constitution may be gradually built up until atrong enough to resist every tendency to disease, liuadrcds of subtle maladies are lloatinc. around os ready to attack wherever there is a weak point We may eacai many a faul sliait by keeping ourselves well fortitied with pure blood and s properly nourished trame." Civil berrlce llarette. Mads simply with boilin; water er milk. Soil nly tn half-pound tins, by Orocera, labeled thus: JAM3L1TbA CO lionittOpatbiaCbemiMa, London. England. TELEGRAPHYrSSra rw3 I arradwa.tr at warku WwUl tm?) tbr.MMJ eaably, and pet y et wsrk tn atth-r ( oa. reierrial er itailreee Telegraph v Tbe GrsaS vVeat u tb cfwintrj torrowspin rite for TOTOirmlsra. TAJjLtVi.i.J llKUdr JAAlYU-LJ Yil

CO UJ CO