Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 34, Number 27, Indianapolis, Marion County, 8 August 1888 — Page 2

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THE INDIANA STATE SENTINEL, WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 8, 1888.

THE CAMPAIGN KEY-NOTE.

SOUNDED BY THE TALL SYCAMORE. Senator Voorhees Sccrea th Republican Party, Its Principles and It CandidateThe labor Record of Gen. Harrlaon Grand Reception. Tekri IIacte, Aug. 4, Special. This has been a gala day for the democracy of Vigo county. The convention was large and harmonious and the following ticket was put in the field: Senator Andrew Grimes. Kepresentatives Cornelius Meagher and Eurton Van Hook. Treasurer Gus Conzman. Sheriff-Albert D. Weeks. . Prosecutor John L. Patterson. Commissioners L. D. Scott and Thomas Ryan. Coroner Dr. W. W. Ilaworth. Surveyor Robert Allen. The party seems to be united in this county as it has not been for years, and the organization throughout the townships is in better condition than ever before. There is nothing to interfere with Vigo county contributing largely to tho success of the democratic national anil state ticket. There is but little doubt that large accessions will be made from the republican ranks and no defections from the democratic army is heard of. A tremendously largo meeting heard Senator Voorhees open the campaign in western Indiana, in this city to-night. Tho large wigwam, which is capable of hol.ling over 5,000 people, was packed to suffocation and as many again stood on the outside, with all ears bent, to hear what they.coull from the lips of the eloquent Indianian. Thero was not a single inch of vacant space. The parade, which preceded the meeting, was a revelation. It was under the m command of Grand Marshal A.G. Austin and twelve mounted assistants. There were at least 2,000 persons in line, preceded by the Cleveland escort and the Cleveland flambeaux corps. Jn line was a delegation of 140 voters from Marshall, 111., with plus hats and dusters. A large numler of transparencies, with mottoes bearing largely upon Harrison's railroad tarilr and Chinese Tecord, were carried by the various delegations. A feature of the parade was the Cleveland and Thurman railroad club, which turned out in largo numbers behind a banner declaring that they remembered Harrison's attitude toward their brethren in 1877. As the procession moved through the streets there were scenes of the greatest enthusiasm among the spectators that packed the sidewalks, there being; an almost continuous vollev of cheers. There was also a very creditable display of lire-works. On account oi me immense crowa li was some time before order could be restored. Many ladies and prominent citizens occupied seats uion the platforn. City Treasurer James Kitzpatrick, chairman of the county committee, called the vast audience to order and introduced A. J. Gibbons as permanent chairman. Mr. Gibbons is president of the railroad club, and has never before taken any part in politics. After several songs by the Mendelssohn quartette, Senator Voorhees was introduced. "When he arose there was a great scene of enthusiasm, the audience rising and pivhim a great ovation. He was in his best form, and frequently aroused the great audience to wild enthusiasm. The meeting was one of the largest ever held in western Indiana, and certainly one of the most successful and enthusiastic. In point of numbers it exceeded the remarkable Hendricks meeting of 1884. Senator Voorhees spoke. MR. VOORHEES SPEECH. II Attacks the Republican Party at Every Point. My Fellow-Citizexs I propose to-night to chow that the history of the republican party, on the subject of taxation, is the history of premeditated, organized crime against the laboring people of the United State. Its policies of tiaance and of revenue for more than a quarter of a eeDtury appear now to the candid observer as a vast, well-planned, methodical conspiracy for the establishment, the growth, and the permanent power of grasping and oppressive monopoly, of arrogant corporation wealth; of idle, untaxed, interest-eating, usurious capital, and of all the enormous profits and aristocratic pretensions and privileges incident to Mich an un-American system. On the one hand, this system has by law enabled the privileged .few to rear, from the sweat and tears of toil not their own, palaces of marble fit for dukes, earls, kins and emperors; to exploit their massive millions in the preat world of show and parade on both sides of the ocean ; to array themselves more gorgeously than the birds of tne tropics, radiant and Hashing with diamonds, and with jewels more costly than those of crowned heads; to strut up and down the stage f life in imperial velvet and purt.l , and to fare every day upon the choicest delicacies afforded by the earth and sea, served by gilded liveries, on plates of solid silver and go l. Who Jails to recognise the absolute, naked, and daily eality of this picture of meretricious splendor, bastard social eminence and corrupting political powerf On the other hand, the future historian will record the fact that the colossal estates and more than regal luauriee enjoyed by the favorites of unwholesome and vicious legislation, have been created, sustained and continued to this hour by the republican party, at the expense of every one who does manual labor by land or by sea; of all such as create values and make the trade and commerce of the world; of the mechanic, the skilled laborer, the factory hand, the intelligent and Intrepid forces in the machine shops and in charge of the rolling wealth and power of the railroads; and also at the expense of every farmer, of every tiller of the sod, of every plowman who homeward plods his weary way at nightfall, and ot every Industrious and productive class sheltered by the American flag. Every movement in the machinery of government set in ruction by republican leaders and managers Las been to swell and bloat the gains of the rich and to increase the burdens of the poor; to deprive labor of its honest reward and to reduce the industrial classes on the farms, in the workshops and in the mines, to the estate aud condition of serfs paying tribute to their rapacious masters, if these statements appear extreme, and as if made for mere partisan effect, let me refresh yonr recollections with the facts of history which establish their absolut truth. Origin of tba Conspiracy. The great republican conspiracy to fasten the fangs of the money power in the writhing, Uugshcg body of American labor, aud to en

able gigantic usury and legalized robbery to' suck the blood of every American industry, took its first grat step when, in authorizing legal tender currency in 18(32, the greenback, the immortal and glorious greenback, was discriminated against and degraded in the money markets of the world by being made non-receivable for duties on imports and for interest on the bonded debt of the United States. In all the annals of nations no financial measure was ever more willfully wicked in conception and design, nor more far-reaching, oppressive and destructive to the rights of labor in its results, than this. A national currency, made a legal-tender for the wages of every laboring man,' woman and child, and for the privations, sufferings, blood, pensions, and death of every soldier and sailor who followed the flaj. was refused and dishonored at the counter of the government itself, for the very purpose of depreciating and debasing its value as a circulating medium. This was done, as described at the time, by Thaddens Stevens and others, in order to enable the powerful luillioniits, the proprietors of the gold dcDs of Wall-st. and elsewhere, to buy up this depreciated currency at fifty cents on the dollar and to exchange it at its facedollar for dollar for government bonds, bearinj? interest in gold, and from the first at par with gold, and for tho several years past from ten to thirty cents above par. I)o you wonder and inquire for a moment how much this stupendous plot of financial villainy has cost the tax-paying labor of this country in paying something for absolutely nothing? It has been often demonstrated by the simplest rule. of arithmetic that the bulliou brokers and heavy capitalists, during the war and during the next five years after its close, by transmuting depreciated currency into bonds worth a hundred cents and more on the dollar in gold coin, secured a naked speculation, a bonus, for which they paid not one farthing, of nearly one thousand millions of dollars, and took a lien, a mortago of every kind, real estate and chattel, against the industries of tho country for the payment of this vast and appalling robbery. You have all read of what is styled the contnet or coolie system of labor, by which corporations and contractors import into this country the Chinese, aud perhaps otbfr inferior races from Kurope and Asia, bound for n number of years to remain and work in a semistate of bondage. And so have been the laboring people of the United States put under a boudage contract to the creed of unholy avarice.accurscd speculation, spoliation, and plunder, provided with deliberate design by the criminal legislation of the republican party; nor has this boudage contract, fastened by capital on American labor, any dciined termination as such contracts with the coolies have. The American system, whereby organized capital plundeis helpless lalor, has no visible end. It will extf nd far into distant generations, and I declare here, in the light of the history of nations, that no other danger to the existence of our free government is so great as this. The corrupting and enslaving power of gigantic wealth in the hands of the privileged and pretentious few, who hang and fatten like huge, hideous parasites on human toil and suffering, has been in all lands and all ages the poisonous bane of liberty, the mighty and malignant canker preying on the natural risrhts of man, and eating away all the safeguards of freedom and equality before the law. Ilcfore this

power all pat republics have fallen, and the one we inhabit, this bright star of the western sky, this last hope of humanity, will follow in iin-ir nc it iiti: cnnspirnmrs wno worsnip Plutus, the god of wealth, are to he again en trusted with its destiny. The truth is that this government, under evil policies, has already traeled fast and far in the wrong direction, its spirit and its original aim and purpose havs been to an alarming extent paralyzed and perverted. Laboring Men Too Patient. The laboring people themselves have he' n too patient, too forbearing. They have S3 their dearest interests trampled u,in, and their hard-earned wages gamfa .-d away into the pockets of speculaii, predatory politicians, and into the ironbound coSers of their millionaire followers, while the power was in their own hands, by united, organized action of the hallot-bor to crush the party which devours their substance. I do not believe any other people on the globe, except our own, would have submitted, unless restrained by force, to the monstrous act of congress of March, 1V.0, whereby the plain, explicit, and clearly-understood terms of the legislative contract for the payment of the bonded national debt were openly and contemptuously setasid?, an I other nnd different terms inserted, increasing the gains of the bondholders and the burdens of the tax-payers over live hundred millions of dollars. Uy one dishonest stroke of a dishonest pen, guided and held by the dishonest leaders ot a great party, the debt which labor has to pay was swollen '23 percent. The republican pen committed a crime against the American people of which heaven, earth and hell will in due time, aud in their own way, take jurisdiction. It committed a black and infamous forgery by writing into the face of an already duly executed and binding obligation a most unrighteous falsehood. The great bulk of our bonds, the five-twenties, were payabl j in greenbacks, and the anthers of the act of Marth, 1 8", knew it was false when thev declared that they were payable in coin. In IS6 the republican party in etate conventions, both in Indiana and Ohio, as well as in other states, declared that the five-twenty bonds, comprising as they did three-fourths of our entire bonded debt, were legally payable in the greenback money. Morton, Shcrmau. and every other republican leader of any note at that time in the Mississippi valley, stood upon that principle. On the 13th of March last I heard Mr. ßeck, in the senate, deliver his masterly and powerful speech on his bid for the issue of coin certificates, and in reply to Mr. Sherman, concerning the act of 1873 demonetizing silver. During the course of his extended and very able address he touched upon the iniquitous origin of our financial system, and in the presence and hearing of Mr. Sherman, and of all the other republican senators, used the following strong language : The usurers of the world bought the bonds of tho United States with that very depreciated currency, averaging only about 50 cents to the dollar la gold at that timts. Ol course they paid the greenbacks for them at par. One gold dollar bor.ght two in paper; the paper dollar bought bonds at par with 6 per cent gold interest. Thus 12 per cent was secured, and they called that patriotism! They next had all the currency of state banks legislated out of existence by a tax, so that that their currency, and theirs alone, as national bankers, should circulate over the land. The principal of their bonds was made expressly payable in greenbacks. Even Mr. Sherman admitted that in lstö, in a celebrated letter which has been rsad timo and again, in which he denounced thein as extortioners for claiming that the bonds should be paid in coin. Of course he was right, because each note had written on its back that "This note is a legal tender at its face value for all debts. rubllc and private, except duties on imports and nterest on the public debt." Vet, in the face, of that, when congress met ia March, 1W9, it declared, and Mr. Sherman led the assault on greenbacks, that the grronback should not be received in payment of the principal of the bonds, although it was written upon it that it should be, and that the bonds should all be paid in co n. The senator from Nevada (Mr. (Stewart, a republican, very properly said the other day that the advantages the bondholders had received from congressional legislation had added to their value i0 per cent before the act ot 1873 was passed. To this statement of criminating facts neither Mr. Sherman nor his political associates had a word to utter in reply; and then, as if in a spirit of cruelty to a presidential candidate, Mr. Deck resurrected and read Mr. Sherman's famons letter of 18G8, as follows: Dkab Sa I was pleased to receive your letter. My personal interests are tba same as yours; but, like you, I do oot intend to be influenced by them. My construction of the law is the result of careful examination, aod I feel quite sure an impartial court would atlirni it. If the case could be tiled bniore a court. I sen ! you my views, as fully stated In a speech. Your Idea Is, that we propose to repudiate or violate a promise when we offer to redeem tho principal in lciral-teniler. I think the bondholder violates his promise when he refuses to take the same kind of money he paid fur the bond. If the use la to be tested by law I am right; if it is to be teaied by Jay Cooke's advertisements, I am wrong. I hate repudiation, or anything like it, but we ought not to be deterred from doing what U rijrht by fear of undeserved epithets. 11 under the law aa it stands, the holders of the flve-tenties can only be paid in gold, then wn are repndiatnrt if we propose to psy otherwise. If the bondholder can legally demand only the kind of money be paid, then he is a repudiator and an ex tortioner to demand money more valuable than he gave. Truly yours, Johw Sukxm ax. The reading of this letter was about as sooth tnrv t m Kk.rmAn lirita IKa i pen ii tit 'ineea as the application of strong pickle brine would have been to a raw spot on his body. It is a man's own letters, and not those which others may write, or which may be forged against him, for which he is justly responsible. Hero is the deliberative statement of the ablest man to-day in the republican party, that in enacting the law of March, 1SM. they legalized repudiation an4 extortion on the part of the bondholder; repudiation by annulling the old contract and forgine a new one. ana extortion uy wring' ing from the hands of labor enormous sums of money not honestly due, and for which no consideration of value was ever given to the cause of the country in peace or in war. A Fal Financial Policy. I am aware, my fellow-citizens, that these point have often heretofore been discussed in vour presence. I have repeatedly discussed them inyicl! ia years goß by, but ia arraigning

the republican party for it gigantic conspiracy of the last twenty-eeven years to shift every burden of government from the monopolies and the millionaires to the hard-handed and sunburnt people of the country, I must be allowed to take np every link in the chain of proof ; nor can we overlook a financial policy which, by law, almost doubled the real debt of the government, and so fastened it on the tax payers that they have already paid three times the amount' they rightfully owe. This campaign, on the part of the democratic

party, is a war against the unjust taxation of American labor for the benefit of enriched idlers and pampered monopolists, and we may as well cover the whole subject and take in the whole field. If the great theme in some of its parts seems old and familiar, so also do the best texts and teachings of the holy scriptures; and if the sins and crimes of the republican party, as rehearsed in the present contest, have an oft-repeated 60und, I can only remind you that the history of Satan's administration of affairs in the Ourdeo of Kden four thousand years a?o, as well as the betrayal of the Savior by Judas Iscariot, and the unjust judgment of Pontius Pilate in the beginning of the Christian era, are still subjects of discussion by good and intelligent people. Hut why should not the greenback, with its glorious history, and with all the crimes committed and attempted against it by the leaders of the republicau party, come to the front at this time, and at all times, when the interests of the laboring classes are under consideration? Branded at its birth with the bar sinister as a bastard in the field of currency; persistently stigmatized and caricatured as a rag baby.born iu a foundling hospital, without known parentage: foryears denounced as dishonet money, a fraud upon the business and commercial world, yet it stands to-day in every state in the union with Us head as high and its purchasins power as great as the brightest gold that ever flashed trout the depths of the earth. Mr. Ueck, in the speech already quoted from, said on the floor of the senate without contradiction that: When legal-tender notes were first circulated, war was made on thorn bv all bankers and monev-caanir-er from tho beginning. That war was kept up, and kept up persistently, and bv none tnoro persistently than by the senator from Ohio to the very end, and, Indeed, to this day. When the greenback was lirst issued the combinations of bankers got together and determined that the greenback should be repudiated a far as they were concerned. They all sorted that it should be good enough for everybody but them; good enougn lor tho soldiers, the sailors, the con tractors, lor everybody except tho men who held the money-bags of the United Mates. When I entered the senate In November. 1877, a most persistent and determined assault was being made on the legal-tender quality of the greenback by the Hayes administration, Johu Sherman being secretary of the treasury, and acting for the National banking association and the money power generally. It was well known that if the legal-tender power of this currency was destroyed it would speedily pass out of existence, and leave the banks to supply the entire circulating medium; to expand and contract its volume at pleasure, and for their own interests; to control and lluctuate the markets for speculators and stock gamblers, and in all respects to become the financial masters and dictators of the American people. Looking DacK now on toe work l have done in congress, I can recall nothing more in harmony with ray sense of duty than the part I took in securing the enactment of the law now on the statute books by which it was declared the greenback had come to stay. S3,(XX. OK) strong, and by which it was icado a penal oflense for anv secretary of the treasury to allow it to be contracted a single, dollar below that amount. Its value rose at once to par with gold, and has there remained. It furnished to the people fcttri.ODO.OOO of sound, stable debt-paying money, and the impartial historian will record the fact that the protection of the greenback and the restoration of silver by the Forty-fifth congress broke the horrible night-mare spell of the panic which from 1873 to 1S7S blighted and destroyed everv labor interest and caused the inmates of a million homes to Wring their hands and wail in despair. Who Shonld Fill the Asylums? It is true that the republican candi date for president at this tune suggested in Ins that an idiot asylum ought to be erected for believers in the greenback; for you. my old greenback friend., and for me. I believed in the greenback then, and do now, and 1 take my place alongside of you under Gen. Harrison's sweeping, intolerant, and, I might say, brut.il critieiMu and denunciation. I did so ten ytars ago, when he poured out his scornful wrath upou us, and I was well content with the result. He canvassed the state in 1S78 as the candidate of his party for the senate, as I did, as the candidate of mine, and the people of Indiana decided by more than thirty thousand majority on the popular vote for members of the legislature that he was nearer a financial idiot than I was, aud tint I should go back to Washington and leave him at hone. And now I will submit, ia view of the history of the greenback, and the history of the country during the pasi ten years, whether the republican candidate for the presidency in this A. D l.sS, is not better entitled to a place iu the asylum he so happily recommended than those of his fellow-citizens againt whom his bitter and envenomed shaft was hurled. I have heard it said, however, in defense of Gen. Harrison's harsh intolerance and savage sarcasm, that -he was speaking of those who believed in fiat money when he described a respectable portion of the citizens of Indiana and of other states, as idiots requiring the confinement and care of an asylum. But how can this plea of exculpation aid him? Does he not know that not a dollar of money, whether of goldj silver or paper, ever did exist or ever will exist in this country except by the fiat of the government? Does he not know that the constitution of the United States gives congress the power to "coin money" and "to regulato the value thereof," and that the supreme court has decided that this grant of power warrants congress in creating a paper currency and giving it the highest function of money, the legaltender quality? The term fiat in connection with the creation of money was seized upon some years ago by the agents and advocates of the money monopolists with which to alarm unthinking people. Webster says a fiat is "a a command to do something; a decisive, or effective command; a decree," and he illustrates the meaning of his definition by a couplet of poetry: His fiat laid the corner-stons, And heaved tho pillars one by one. If Gen. Harrison or any of his friends can show how money of any kind can be created, and its value regulated for the use of the people without the command, the decree, the fiat of the government, I will be glad to see the explanation. The truth is that the greenback is peculiarly the people's favorite money. It goes into circulation without expense and extorts from labor neither interest nor taxes, lint Gen. Harrison never took the plain people's side? of any question, so far a my knowledge extends, and this proclivity of his nature can alone account for the unsparing bitterness of his assault on his countrymen of the greenback persuation of 1878. TARIFF EXTORTION. How the Republican Party Has Encouraged Wholesale Robbery. At this point, however, I turn to another branch of the wide-spread and all-pervading conspiracy of the republican party to establish its co-conspirators, the monopolists of every hue and description, in permanent power over the industrial masses, endowed with all tho privileges and wealth of u titled aristocracy, f nd relieved of every burden for the support of the government. The tariff at this time is the foremost subject for political discussion in every healthy American mind. Now and then, it is true, some one with disorded wits, haunted by a night-mare dream that the Southern confederacy still exists, that the war is not yet ended, and who. was never any nearer the war than in a dream, or in a sutler' camp, breaks out in declamation against the personal loyalty of McClellan and Hancock, and of every other democrat in the United States; but such instances of wanton malice and exasperated imbecility are rare, and public opiuiou has promptly tarred and feathered the most conspicuous of them with its supreme contemptSuch as these will not disturb, by their clamor, the great issue of this campaign, nor stand iu the way of it full a id fearless discussion. The history o( taxation under the tariff, as devised and enacted by the republican party, is pregnant with meaning and warning to all the productive industries of the country. It is the history of prompt, vigilant, and progressive avarice, discovering and seizing every opening for the advancement of it forces, and for the accumulation of its gains. The recorded facts sustain this assertion. Let us turn to them. Ia the closing hours of the Thirty-sixth congress, in March, 1801. immediately after the senators and members from the South had vacated their seats, the high protective measure known as Morrill tariff became a law, and laid such rates of duty on imports, and atl'orded the mauufacturer such bounties, as were never heard of before in American legislation. This waa the beginning ot war taxes, and no one supposed then that more would be required. Ihe tremendous nature of the conflict, however, which ensued, called upon the government to put forth its ntmokt energies, and toplace its bands on every resource of revenue wiihin its reach. The tariir rates were again revised and increased ia 1302; and still again ia lStil, and all duties

on imports were raised apparently to the highest possible point Fifty per cent, and more, was added ail along the fine to the rates fixed by the Morrill act of March 3, 1861. It was also found necessary to resort to a vast system of Internal or domestic taxation. An extensive list of specific taxes was levied upon various sources most certain to produce revenue. The manufacturers of the country were assessed five per cent on their products for the privilege of manufacturing and selling. Incomes cf $oo0 and over, arising in the course of business and from investments, were made subject to taxation; also incomes from bank dividends, from bank profits, from railroad companies, from insurance companies, from canal companies, from turnpike companies, and from the salaries of United States officers and employes. Brokers were taxed ; brokers in btocks, produce, land warrants, and substitues; pawn brokers, commercial brokers, custom house, and insurance and cattle brokers. Revenue was raised for the government in its need from the receipts of bridges, cana's, express companies, ferries, insurance companies, lotteries and lottery ticket dealers, railroads, shins, barges, steamboats, tage coaches, telegraph companies, theaters, operas, circuses, museums, billiard rooms, and by specific levies on carriages, gold watches, plate of gold and silver, yachts kept for use, Eatent-rlght dealers, jugglers, aud lawyers, egacics and successions were taxed, and so also were gift enterprises, real estate agents and physicians and surgeons. Distilled spirits, fermented liquors aud tobacco were heavily taxed, at one time the former paying$2agallon, now reduced to ninety cents, and tobacco paying 40 cents a pound, now reduced to eight cents. From all these domestic sources, and others that might he pointed out, it is shown from ofiicial reports that, from the year 1S0.1 to the year l&w, the government collected revenue to the amount of &,G71,oTJl2.'l.rW. In view of this enormous stream of revenue pouring into the treasury during the eighteen years mentioned, it would seem natural to rightthinking lijcn, and friends of the people, that duties on imports would have been reduced, and the fabrics of the loom and spindle which labor has to wear, and the productions of the furnaces and the iron mills for which the farmer nnd mechanic have to pay, would have been cheapened. Hut the policies of this government on the subject of taxation were not iu the hands of friends of the people at that time, and no relief was atlorded to labor by a resort to a domestic excise system. On tho contrary, this system was made the pretext for still further bold and flagitious encroachments on tho part of monopoly and E;rccd against the rights of those who tod and ear the heat and burden of the day. As soon as the manufacturer felt the touch of the 5 per cent, tax on his products and sales, he at once cried out and clamored for more protection against foreign competition, in order that ho might safely raise the price of his goods to the extent of the 5 per cent, domestic tax, and thus get it back from the pockets of the consumer, together with the fabulous profits he was already gathering in. The two acts of congress of 1802 and lf34, by which protective duties were made to ascend to a Tike's peak altitude, were demanded on the express ground that the manufacturer should be compensated for the amount of his internal tax. Under no circumstances was the manufacturer to be anything out of pocket for the support of the government. Republican Testimony. The debate in congress at various periods amply prove this fact. In 1SG4 Mr. Morrill said: The treasury requires a larger supply of means, and such sounvs of revenue as have not already yielded the maximum contributions must now bo sought, so that we may fill tho meaero of our wants. This has made an increase of Internal duties necessary, and that increase to a considerable extent imposes on us the duty as well as atfords us the power of obtaining an increased revenue from duties on imports from abroad. And when we inifiose a tax of 5 per cent upon our manufactures and nerease the tariff to the same extent upon foreign manufactures, we leave them on the same relative footing t hey were at the start, aud neither has causa of complaint. Senator Allison in 1S70, not then "cribbed, cabined and confined by such an iniquity as the Chicago platform of 158, discussed this question as follows: I desire to call the attention of the committee to tho growth of the present tariU'. In isct, at the clone of the Thirty-sixth eonnress, the policy of the government was changed by the passage of what was called the Morill tarid"; a tariff prepared in the interest of protection, sad distinguished from the tariff of IM6 and K"i7 by tho Imposition of heavy duties upon articles manufactured in this country, and by admitting fres of duty many raw materials used iu sueh niai.uiures. This tariff was mditicd twice darin the y.-ar for the. purpose of in creasing tho revenue, but upon leading articles remained substautljUy the sme until July 11, 1S62, when a thorough revision of the tariff of 1MI was made. By this revision thn tariff was increased generally to compensate for th internal revenue tax and upon a few articles for the purpose of increasing

tne revenue. .Mr. Stevens in ucuate saia mai me principle adiptM was the one that was mentioned when the tax bill was under consideration, namely, the additional duty was fixed, as nearly as possible, at the same rate as taxation, except in a few exses where nece.ary to correct errors in the present tariff. Mr. Sbcllabarger, then a member from Ohio, rose in his .-e.it and asked Mr. Morrill If there was any increase of duty over and above the tariff of IStil, save and except the compensating duty made necessary by interrfal revenue taxes. Mr. Nforrill in reply said that there was no Increase except for that purpose, or for the purpose of revenne upon articles not produced in this country. On the following day Mr. Allison spoke again on the same point, ana said: This large internal revenue tat wss mad the excuse and cause of the advance of the tarid' of July 14, 1SC2, and Junj 3'), 1801. I quoted the language yesterday of the then chairman of the committee of ways and means in Mr. Thaddens Stevens, himself a protectionist, and certainly in favor of tho protection of the great intercut of Pennsylvania iron, lie ra.ido a pledge on this floor in 1H62 that those additions of duties upon manufactured articles imported Iu this country were made necessary because of tho internal revenue taxes, lioth he aud Mr. Morrill, subsequently chairman of the wurj and means committee, declared the act of June, PG!, was a temporary measure a war measure and was not In ten Aed as a measure which should remain upon the statute book as a protective tariff In time of peace. What vigilant and unremitting care there was by the high taiiSF conspirators, that not the slightest burden should rest on the hundred fold protected manufacturer, and that tho labor of the land should promptly and fully compensate him for every dollar of the 5 per cent, tax paid to the government! Everything was paid hack to him out of the laboring man's pockets; but a clear conception of the base and fraudulent character of this legislation can only be had by recalling the fact that the acts of 1WV2 and ISol. making compensation to the manufacturers, by monstrous and abnormal tarill duties, were declared at the time of their passage to be but temporary in their character, designed simply to refund the 5 per cent tax to the manufacture, and to be repealed when that tax ceased to be collected. Senator Morrill, in speakiug of the act of lKt54, said: This is intended as a war measure, a temporary measure, atrt we must as such give it our support. Again he said: The present bill is nov likely to suit everybody, and I regtrd it only aa a temporary measure, tit to be introduced because of tho imperious necessities of our present condition. I also recall at this time a speech made in 1S72 by a very clear-headed member of the house. Mr. Finkelnburg of Missouri, which deservedly arrested general attention at the time. Among other things ou this subject he said: To many it may seem unnecessary to enter Into any argument to show that these war duties never were intended to be anything but temporary in their character, and yet there are those who, sinco the expiration of 'the war, have attempted to clothe them with a new garment and to incorporate them into the permanent fiscal legislation of our country. That they were never so intended abundantly appears by a glance at the laws imposing them and the f rounds upon which their adoption was urged durng the war. In the beginning of the war these duties were raised simply as a revenuo measure, to increase tho receipts of the government and to meet the extraordinary expenditures of tho war. Then came the internal revenue svntem, which levied extraordinary taxes on our domestic manufactures, and then in turn tho dutl.-s upon foreign imKrU were raised again to compensate our homo manufacturers for tho internal tixes which they were compelled to pay. I call special stteotlon to tho latter fact, because It has au Important bearing, an incontrovertible bearing npon the propriety of reductions at the present time. The title ot the act of July 14, 1SG2, by which most tariffdutics were increased was "An act increasing temporarily the duties on Imports." When it was brought before tho bouse for consideration Mr. Pievens, then chairman of the ways and means, said the additional ditties were fixed, as nearly as possible, at tho same rates levied under the internal revenue tipm domestic goods of like that acter. i he bill was supported throughout and finally passed upon t he idea of a compensatory duty for the tax placed upon the borne nisnufncturers. In speaking of iron in particular, Mr. Morrill said that "iu adjusting the tariff on Iron tho principle has been to rive an Increase unon tho tarilt of 1S61 dual to the internal duties." la theoourwBof his speech be repeatedly spoke of the bill as a temporary measure, as a war measure, and a measure Imposed by the scarc ity of laborers, and the enormous direct taxation. The amount to be annually raised aud refunded to manufacturers by the swollen duties of these so-called temporary war enactments of 18o"2 and 1S04 was very large. In a single year tne cotton mills paid a factory tax oi !Hi,t)uu,(HX, the woolen mills raid $0.tXi,000; the iron industry over il2.000.000. and the entire excise tax on domestic manufactures, not including spirits and tobacco, reached in tnat year l-'o. CXJO.OOO. I?y the legislation of 18J2 nnd 1S"4 it was nrovided that this enormous sum, and otiv era in proportion from year to year, should be

extorted by the power of high duties from the consuming and producing classes and retained to the securely protected monopolisers of the manufacturing business of the United States. In other words, the working people, who are the principal purchasers and consumers of American manufactured articles of all kinds, were required to pay the manufacturers' tax as well as their own. but were promised that the measures compelling them to do so were only temporary and should cease when the tax on the manufacturer ceased. Now, when it is found that this internal factory tar was repealed in lSift, that not a cent has been paid on it since then by the manufacturer, and yet that the extreme duties on imports laid in lStJ2 and 1SU4, expressly to compensate for the payment of that very tax, still remain in full force and etlect, yielding as much money to the manufacturer as they ever did; when this fact is ascertained to be true by the record you will bef;in to comprehend what a gigantic fraud on abor has been accomplished by dishonest legislation. For nineteen years the republican party has caused the people of this country to ray the manufacturer at least a hundred milions a year iu consideration of a tax paid by the manufacturer to the government, not a dollar cf which tax during that time was paid; in consideration of nothing at all; as a compensation for moneys, not one farthing of which ever left his hands. Nearly ?2,O0U,0ts),0o0 have thus been wrenched from the toiling masses by plain, explicit, and basely criminal false preteuses. False) l'retenses. Such conduct on the part of an individual, in obtaining even a small sum, would send him most justly to the penitentiary as a tit associate for thieves and burglars. With this vast, legalized plunder of the people, for so many years after every vestage of excuse or

pretext for it has ccascu d, plainly in view, and still in lull operation, grinding miling the laces of the poor, it is not strange that there are deep, uneasy and threatening murmurs in tho homes of labor, from one ocean to the other, against robbers in thcirmidst, more brutal, unsparing, and rapacious in their dishonest gains than were the robber barons of Lurope in the middle ages. The American barons were authorized by their fellow-conspirators in congress to prey upon the fruits of labor for a temporary purpose, as they said, but, like the tiger after tasting blood, they refused to let go; they are still clutching their victims by the throat, and sucking the life blood from their veins. You are now paying the manufacturing syndicates and corporations the compensatory tax provided for by the acts of 1S"2 and IMt'-i, a naked, wicked, brazen subsidy, and you might as well attempt to break a bulldog' grip with a lady's fan as to expect escape from this accursed thraldom in any other way than bv the total overthrow of the republican party. The monev kings have been made such, and have been fastened as huge leeches on the great body of American labor by that party, but unlike the medicinal blood-suckers applied to the human body, they never get so full as to fall off and quit they gorge forever, and still cry for more. They have thus far resisted every effort to reduce the mountainous tariff duties by which they have drained the earnings of the people into their own coflers and they still continue their resistance. Many efforts have been made to reduce tariff taxation, all of which have been resisted and defeated by the plethoric syndicates through their agents iu congress, and yet the defenders and advocates of this system of wholesale spoliation and pillage have the audacity in the present congress to claim credit for a reduction of taxes since the war amounting to $300,000,0 n), a large part of which was the 5 per cent tax on the manufacturer now gone forever, and for which a compensatory tax was laid on the people, and which the people continue to pay. But this claim of credit for a reduction of taxes brings us to consider what reductions have in fact been made by the republican party and what classes and interests have been relieved by it action. Has it visited the lowly and the poor in the precincts of labor and lightened their burdens by removing taxation from their necessities of life? Did the leaders of the republican party first go to those who most needed relief, to the larms, to the workshops, and to tho wage-workers, and there begin its reduction of taxes? On the contrary, like the priest and Levite of old, they passed by on the other 'side and left the people who had fallen among thieves to take care of themselves as bestthey could. Their hearts were with the rich; their concern was for the lords of millions; they were distressed that the amassed capital of the country should be called on to meet any part of the expenses of the government, and they rushed to the rescue of the monopolist, the usurer, the money-changer, such as were scourged out of the temple by our blessed Savior nearly 1900 years ago. On such as these their love was lavished. In 18i!, a I have already shown, they swept away the tax on the manufacturer and still left him his compensatory tariff duties. During the years 1872 and 1873 that just and righteous tax, the tax on incomes, was wiped out, and I am glad to remember that I voted in the house against its repeal. A Great Mistake. From this source of revenue, better able to pay than any other in the world, the government realized, in a period of ten years, over $:?4t,XK),(KH.t, and to that extent the burdens of labor were lightened. Such a spectacle, however, was galling to the instincts of the republican party and at war with its purpose to establish a moneyed oligarchy, devouring the taxes of the people aud paying none itself. The income tax was therefore thrown overboard and all the holders ot corpulent incomes from the dividends of banks and other powerful corporations were that much richer and you were that much poorer. Bonds and coupons, bank stocks, and railroad profits, insurance companies, and express companies, together with every other great money-gathering corporation ia the United States were made exempt from the taxg.ttherers' demands, while the tax on your shirt and on your wife's calico dress and flannel petticoat remained the same, or were increased. Salaried government officials, receiving from $)00 to f2ö,(RK a year, including the president, were released from the income tax, while you were released from nothing at all, and were required to pay on everything. The heavy bank accounts of speculators, brokers, incorporated manufactories, and of creedy, grasping syndicates, were made sacred from any contribution to the payment of government expenses, while there was no remission of tariff taxation on the farmer's horse shoes, his trace chains, his wagon tires, his farming implements, nor on his wearing apparel aud outfit for housekeeping. But the reduction of taxes for the benefit of the wealthy and favored classes did not 6top even at this point. Every vestige of the once widespread process of internal revenue taxation on specified articles and occupations has long since disappeared, and nothing now remains of that system except the levy on distilled spirits, fermented liquors, tobacco and oleomargarine. No longer a government tax falls on brokers, billiard rooms, steamboats, banks and bankers, ships, railroads, telegraph companies, theaters, operus, circuses and museums, lotteries and lottery dealers, bank checks, bank deposits, gift enterprises, diamonds, aud plate of solid gold and silver on tables of luxury and self-indulgence. The trickling streams of national revenue once flowing irom these and other numerous similar sources are now all dried up. and the farmer, the mechanic and the wage-worker must meet the demands of the government without their aid. In the recent great tarill' debate in the bouse of representatives the leaders of the republican party boasted that since the war they had abolished taxes to the amount of $0o0,0J0,000, but not one dollar did they show had been removed from the necessaries of life. They simply boasted of their crime againwt labor, and gloried in their shame. As wits said by Mr. Mills, with greath truth and force, on the floor of the house: The gentlemen who represent tho minority of the committee on ways and means boast that they have reduced taxation JiiWiO.OUO.Doa They point with prida to the splendid column which they have erected, but that column has no stone in it to tell of their devotion to the masses who liv by daily toil. It is built of blocks of marble, every oue of which speaks of favoritism to the wealthy, of special Itrivilcgcs to rieh and powerful classes. In 1SS3 they inisbed this roainl ticx-iit shaft, which ther have been for years erecting, and crowned it with the last stono by repealing Uio internal tax on playing cards and putting a w per cent tax on the bible. And all this favoritism to the rich and pow erful clusses iu the abolition of their taxes was enacted in the face of avast interest-bearing national debt, which they were more entitled, as well as more able, to assist in paying than any other portion of the American people. They had made great gains during the war for the preservation of their government; they had encountered none of its perils; they bad stayed at home and spent their time and talents in turning one dollar into two, and sometimes into a hundred, while ninety-nine-hundredths of those who carried the flag to Kichmond, to the sea, and to the gulf, and who were spared to return home, are now in the ranks of labor, toiling under hardens not justly their own. It has been estimated by a careful thinker that if the manufacturers' tax, the income tax and the specific taxes on articles anj occupations had been continued in force ten years longer, we might now, with the exercise of proper economy and financial wisdom, be entirely free from national debt. But these taxes fell on the privileged few. and were. I therefore, oücusive to the republican party.

There were only 460,170 persons out of our entire population who possessed taxable incomes, but this comparatively small number aggregated a net annual income of $707,Xs:i,i.s)0, which in 18'VJ yielded a revenue of $72,000,000 to the United States treasury. But such a tax was soon found to be inquisitorial, oppressive and odious to those who live on the interest of their money, and who, like drones in the hive, grow fat in idleness on the honey gathered ia by the industrious, busy bee. Nor could the manufacturer see why he should pay a 5 per cent, tax on his products and sales, although the people were paying a duty tax for his protection and profit ot 7'J per cent on blankets, 73 per cent on wool hats, 82 pt r cent on women and children's clothing, 80 per cent on woolen shirts, and 86 per cent on woolen shawls. He felt injured and aggrieved tltat these huge bounties, as they poured into his pockets, should be tapped and diminished by an annoying 5 per cent. tax. Well might Mr. Wilson, the able and eloquent young member of the house from the lfarpers Ferry district of West Virginia, exclaim in the house, in reference to tax reduction by the republican party: That may be true, sir, and still be not the least In the catalogue of ins of that party against the great body of the people. It is true th y have reduced taxes; it Is true they hare abolished taxes; but it has been done ia the manner described by my colleague from Texas (Mr. Mills). They have taken otT taxes that bore on the property of tho country. They have taken off taxes that tolled the Incomes of the prosperous or tho dividends of corporations. They have removed taxes on articles whoso use is unnecessary or hurtful, and they have released taxes whose entire amount went into the treasury. liy

such legislation In the first ten years of peace, the immense burdens of this great government were steadily shifted from the shoulders that ought to bear them and are able to bear them to the shoulders that ought not to bear them and are not able to bear them. In this msnner wn have seen tho pressure of taxation in this country removed from its income, removed from its property, removed from its luxuries, and fastened upon those articles of general consumption that nuet the primary wants of all the people. You have fastened your system of taxation aa a parasite upon that consumption which for the wa-e-eam t means ninetent lis and frequently ton-tenths of atl his earnings, until you have built up a tan tl' whleh is well entitled to say, "Whoever else esrapea my exactions, the poor I have alwari'a iih mc." Republican Oppression. But turning from the past history of the republican parly on, this great and vital question, we will look next to its present unpatriotic and oppressive attitude toward labor. I hazard nothing in saying that the annals of mankind may be searched in vain for a parallel to the present condition of American atlairs. The leaders of the republican party, for the purpose, as they declare with the frankness of highwaymen, of enriching and protecting their favorites, have so overtaxed the people by bloated taritf duties, that in spite of a still greater sum which lias reached and been retained in the hands of the manufacturing monopolists, over one hundred and fifty million dollars beyond what the government needs have been taken from the people and forced into the vaults of the treasury, where they now remain, an idle excess, a criminal overplus. The labor interests of this country need in circulation every dollar that can be spared from the expenses of the government, honestly and economically administered, and yet at this hour there is piled up, as a useless surplus at Washington, needed lor no purpose at all by the government, enough of the laboring people's money to pay down in cash, as I have seen it estimated, more than two hundred dollars for every day since the birth of Christ. Unjust, unnecessary and arbitrary taxation has caused the most conspicuous and glorious wars ever waged in behalf of human liberty. The stamp tax caused the sword to be drawn in the American revolution, and the ship-money tax in England in the seventeenth century cost Charles I. his throne and bis head. In this age the question will be settled by the peaceful, but nevertheless powerful, methods of the ballot, and it will be de fin tely and conclusively settled in favor of justice and equality, if the decrees of God are that this republic shall continue to exist The issue with which the democratic party now presses to the front, and with which it intends to promote the welfare of the country, is the same tor which our fathers fought at Bunker Hill, and for which John Hampden fell on the field of Chalgrove more than a hundred years before. We are opposed to the taxation of the laboring masses lor the benefit of the aristocratic, idle few, and the contest now begun will never be abandoned except in the hour of complete victory. We are asking a reduction of taxes on the necessaries of lile, and we feel justified by the holiest inspiration that have ever moved men to action. The leaders of the republican party espouse the cause of the tories, and assume the right and the power to use the machinery of government in behalf of caste founded on wealth. It is a diihcult task to examine their platform with composure as declared on this subject at Chicago. To my mind it more clearly and distinctly embodies the very spirit of political evil than any document I ever read. It is a mockery aud insult to the intelligence and the moral sense of the American people. You want free salt, cheap clothing, cheap blankets, cheap plows, cheap nails, cheap farming materials and cheap articles for household and kitchen use. This republican platform declares that no part of the frightful war taxes laid twenty-five years ago on such necessaries of life as these 6hall be taken off or touched, but that whisky shall be free from taxation and flow in your midst without money and without price, so far as government revenue is concerned, rather than a single jot or tittle of the enormous subsidies and bounties to the manufacturing barons thali be disturbed. The tax on tobacco is also to be remitted, rather than the tax on your 6hirt or on your shoes and stockings. I t is true this platform, which has shocked and startled the country, first declares that the republican party would effect all needed reduction of the national revenue by repealing the taxes upon tobacco, and the tax upon spirits used in the arts and for mechanical purposes; and also by such a revision of the taritf laws as will still further check imports, and consequently still further protect the monopolies of this country from foreign competition and render them still more secure in the extortionate prices received for their goods and wares. But the authors of that platform well knew that the necessary amount of revenue reduction could not thus be made, and hence, with a frankness boru of desperation, they gave square notice of what they intend to do if they had the power. They said in plain words that if the partial methods just cited did not produce a sufheient reduction, and there still remained a larger revenue than was requisite for the wants of the government, they were in favcr of the entire repeal of internal taxes rather than the surrender of any part of their protective system. It is hard to speak in terms of moderation of this monstrous proposition. The people are groaning under the old, huge, grinding war taxes on every necessity of their lives; the treasury of the United States is running over and bursting open with money sorely needed at home in trade and business, and a curse full of danger and corruption where it is; the privileged few have amassed estates richer than those of the most opulent dukes and earls of Europe, every dollar of which represent unjust taxation and the oppression of labor, and yet iu this Christian laud and age, men sometimes spoken of as Christian statesmen, have nothing better than free whisky and tobacco to offer the people in response to their cry for relief. The report of the commissioner of internal revenue shows that for the year ending June 30 188, the sum of $i24,:tti,474 was collected by his office, and all of it from distilled spirits, fermented liquors, and tobacco in its various forms, with the exception of a small amount arising from oleomargarine and two or three other minor sources. This large revenue income of nearly a hundred nnd twenty-five millions a year, not a dollar of which arises from nuy article necessary to human life, or to human happiness, is to be totally abolished, in order that a similar amount may remain on the tax-books charged to the fabrics wherewith you are clothed, and to the implements of industry wherewith you till the soil, cultivate your crops, and gather in your harvests. How such a proposition can fail to inspire every honest mind with horror, I am at a loss to conceive. We have been taught in the holy scriptures that to blaspheme the lloly Spirit of Cod is the one sin for which there is no remission or mercy at the judgment scat in th world beyond the sky. With due reverence bo it spoken, but it seems to me that the republican platform commits blasphemy against the cause of labor and ha stamped upon that party an ineffaceable and nndpardonablc crime. The mob at Jerusalem cried out for the release of Barrabas ; the plethoric barons and money kings at Chicago cried out for the release of whisky; but in each instance the innocent and the just were kept in bondage and made to sutler and to perish. The cause of the people was crucified at Chicago, not between two thieves, but by the thieves themselves. There was a strong pressure brought to bear on 1'ontius Pilate, but a still stronger one on the managers of the Chicago convention. Tho manufacturing monopolies, determined never to surrender their gorgeous banquet of war taxes, compelled the convention to repudiate the express teachings of the ablest and most famous leairs of the republican party. Only in last December Mr. Blaine, then in Paris, said: I would not advise the repeal of the whisky tax. There U a moral aide to it. To cheapen the price ot wbl'ky ii to increase it consumption enormously. Continued ou 'ibUd I'te.

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