Indiana State Sentinel, Indianapolis, Marion County, 18 July 1888 — Page 4

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THE INDIANA STATE--SENTINEL, WEDNESDAY, JULY 18. 188SL

INDIANA STATE SENTINEL

TEIOIS PER YE.1U i Single copy.... . S 1 OO We ask democrats to bear in mind and select their tn stat par' when they com to take subscription and make up clubs. .Agents making up clubs send for any information desired. Addess INDIANAPOLIS SENTINEL, Indianapolis, ind. "WEDNESDAY. JULY IS. For President, CKOTKK CLKTELAND of New Tor It. FOR VlCE-ITlESIDEST, ALLEN G. TIIUKMAN of Ohio. DEMOCRATIC STATE TICKET. Governor CorRTLaXD C. Matsox. aJeutenant-GoTernor William R. Mtersl hecretary of Mate Robert w. Mierh. Auditor of State Charles A. Mcssox. Treasurer of btate Thomas B. Byrsks. Jieporter Supreme Court John W. Kebjt. Attorney-General Joh R. Wilson. Superintendent Public Instruction E. E. GairITH. Judge of Supreme Conrt First District W. E. Niblacto Second District O. V. Howl Fourth District ALLEN ZOLLARS. PRESIDENTIAL ELECTORS. At Large Thomas R. Cobb and John E. Lamb. First district, tv B. Vasce: Second district, C S. Tobbins; Third dytrict, Charles I- Jewett; Fourth district, Nicholas Corny m Fifth district. Joins R. East; ßiith district. Thomas J.stcot; Seventh district, David 8. Gooding; Eighth district, B. B. Fxett: Ninth district. John K Mo HroH; Tenth district. P.D. Dykeman; Eleventh district, JohxN. Turner; Twelfth district, Johs 21. Ba&s; Thirteenth district. M. A. O. Packard. Read Tour Home Paper. Indiana people ought to read an Indiana paper in preference to any other. . And they ought to read Tue Indiana State Sentinel in preference to any other Indiana paper. Why? , Because it is pre-eminently an Indiana paper. It is devoted to the interests of IxKÜana. It prints more Indiana news than any other paper published on earth. It treats, fully and fairly, all matters of local concern to the people of this state. It records all happenings of interest in every county and township in the state. It covers the field of Indiana politics completely. It records all nominations and elections in the state for township, town, city, county, legislative, senatorial and congressional offices. It keeps its readers informed regarding the crops, railroads, public institutions, fairs, conventions and public movements of all kinds in the etate. It prints the governor's message and reports of the state officers ; publishes from time to time exhibits of the condition of the state treasury, and when the legislature is in session contains full and accurate reports of its proceedings. It gives the decisions of Indiana courts. It prints reports of the Indianapolis markets. The New York, Chicago, Cincinnati, Louisville and Detroit papers cither ignore these matters altogether or else handle them in a meager and unsatisfactory, way. The Sentinel also records the transactions of all state organizations and associations of whatever character social, political, religious, fraternal, benevolent, commercial, etc., etc. In its editorial columns The Sentinel upholds the principles and policy of the great party which made Indiana a State ; which founded and built up her splendid system oi public schools, and which has Administered her affairs during the greater portion of her history with economy, wisdom, prudence and patriotism. TnE Sentinel champions the cause of the people In their great struggle against monopoly. It is opposed to high taxation, extravagant expenditures and reckless legislation ; Is in favor of the strict regulation of corporations; against jobs and subsidies and bounties.in whatever guise ; is always with the masses and against the classes. Aside from these things, The Sentinel challenges the favor of the people of Indiana because of its superiority as a newspaper and a family journal. Its news departments are unsurpassed by those of any paper in the United States. It prints In every issue the news of the entire world for the preceding week. Its columns contain the choicest fiction, poetry, nelected miscellany and general reading for the family and home circle. The Sentinel is not only the best but the cheapest. It costs the subscriber les3 than two cents per copy, postage included. TA'e want to double the circulation of Thx Sentinel daring the next sixty days. We ask our friends to help do this. If every subscriber would make a slight effort among his friends and neighbors he could secure at least one additional subscriber for The Sentinel. He could not render a more important service to the democratic party than by helping to extend the circulation of its chief newspaper in Indiana. We ask our friends to make it a point to speak to their neighbors about the superiority of The Sentinel. Ask them to send for a sample copy, which will be mailed free on application; or send us the names of persons that you think could be induced to take The Sentinel and we will send them sample copies. If they once become acquainted with The Eentin el th ey will be eure to want it. Brother democrats, take hold and do what you can to push TnE Sentinel. A way off in an obscure corner of the Jvurnal we find an editorial statement to the effect that Ckn Harrison did not call the greenbackers idiots. What he did lay was that the legislature fchould order an idiot asylum erected for their benefit. He made this remark in a public epeech in. this city in 1S78, and shortly afterward in a speech at Martinsville he stigmatized the jrreenbacks as "vagrant currency." We don't think any of the old Indiana greenbackers will rote for Bex Haberao! this year. Gov. Gray's speech Saturday evening was short, but it was to the point. The governor has the faculty of saying a good deal in very few words, and thatis what

he did Saturday evening. He presented the controlling issue of the campaign tersely and effectively, and his tribute to the democratic candidates was hearty and handsome. Gov. Gray will be found in the front of the right from now until election day, and will do the hardest letting of his life. A Magnificent Demonstration. The democratic demonstration Saturday was a splendid success. Although very little preparation was made there was an immense outpouring of people, and the great speeches of Mr. English, Gov. Gray, ex-Senator McDoxale and the Hon. Jason Brown were received with a furore of enthusiasm. If anything was needed which thera wasn't to show that the democracy of Indianapolis and Marion county are wide awake and full of zeal and energy in the great cause of tariff reform and honest government, List night's grand meeting supplied it. The procession was an imposing one. In the ranks were represented very fully the bone and sinew of the city. The real workingruen the mechanics, the laborers, the toilers in all the departments of industry were out in force. They were out to 6how that they had not forgotten their old friends nor forciven their old enemies ; that they proposed, in this campaign, to stand by those who have stood by them in the past ; to emphasize their hostility to a man who, as a senator of the United States, did all that lay in his power to drown them with a flood of barbarian immigration ; to set the seal of their disapproval upon the candidates nominated by the recent convention of boodlers and monopolists at Chicago, and upon the infamous free-whisky-spoliation-tax platform adopted by that body. The democrats of Indianapolis and Marion county are all right this year. They mean business. They mean to carry Marion county next November for Cleveland and Thcrmax and tax reform. They mean to record a majority of 2,000' against the candidates of the railroad rings and the tariff trusts. We give in our local columns a very full and graphic account of the demonstration, together with a faithful report of the speeches. We bespeak a careful reading of tEem. They discuss the issues of the campaign in an able and effective but plain and straightforward way. They sound the keynote of the great campaign for reform which has just been inaugurated, in which the Indiana democracy is destined to play such a conspicuous and potential part. Down with monopoly taxes. Why Harrison Was for the Chinese. We publish elsewhere an article from the Aha California of San Francisco, which throws a good deal of light upon the motives that inspired Bex Harrison's course in the U. S. senate on the Chinese question. The statement made by the Alia as to the naturalization of Chinese in this city in 1SS0, and their voting for the republican ticket at the election that year, are perfectly accurate. The facts are notorious in this community, and will not be denied by any responsible person because they can be easily substantiated. When Ben Harrison went to the U. S. senate he had behind him, in part, as asserted by theVifor, "a Chinese constituency." lie voted fourteen times - in that body against the restriction of Chinese immigration. He voted to strike out the section of the Miller bill prohibiting the naturalization of the Chinese. IIe voted to sustain President Aether's veto of that bill. He voted against the substitute bill which received the approval of President Arthur, having been so drawn as to obviate the objections urged by him against the original measure. His whole record in the senate, from first to last, was ultra pro-Chinese, like that of Sherman, Hoar and Hawlev. It is claimed for Ben Harrison that he voted against these measures because they conflicted with the Chinese treaties then in existence. This is an afterthought. It is not true. We challenge Ben Harrison or any of his organs to quote a word from the Congressional Record showing that he ever put his opposition on this ground. He never did so ! He made no set ßpeech in the senate on the question, but his views arc unquestionably reflected inthe expressions of his organ, the Indianapolis Journal, while this legislation was pending in congress. Th Journal was under the same management then as to-day. It had the same proprietors and the same editor. On the 23th of March, 1SS2, the Journal said, editorially: Those who shout "The Chinese must jro" are as mistaken as the dweller on the Yazoo who stands upon its banks and curses the father of waters. Again, in the same article, speaking of John Chinaman, it said: His virtues are sobriety, modesty, patience and economy, and he it a teacher to the labor of ulllaiuh. Whatever his faults, Am lesson must be learned by the triker and grumblers everywhere, for none has so successfully met and triumphed over the harder conditions of life. He is a wonder and a marvel, an astonishment and a surprise, but a warning and an admonition as well. Six days after these utterances of his organ, Ben Harrison voted in the senate to sustain President Arthur's veto of the Chinese-restriction bill. On the following day the Journal said, editorially: The president's veto of the anti-Chinese bill will command the approval of the best sentiment of the country. On the 13th of April 18S2, the Journal struck the key-note of Harrison's opposition to Chinese restrictive legislation when it said, editorially: Gire the Chinese rote, and there would be a change come oyer the spirit of the dream of political parties in California and elsewhere. Ben Harrison, be it remembered, voted not only to admit the Chinese without any restrictions, but he also voted to naturalize them to make them citizens and voters." His theory was that by this means trie republican party could secure a vast accession of voting strength. This is not inference, but fact. IIarrisox Jiimself took this ground in conversation repeatedly, and in a paper read some time after his pro-Chinese totes in the senate, before a literary society in this city urged that Chinese immigration should be encouraged rather than repelled. If Ben Harrison were not a political

coward and ajdemacogue he would , not attempt to shirk his Chinese record. He would admit what everybody knows to be true, that he voted against shutting the Chinese out because he wanted the Chinese to come. He would admit what there is abundant circumstantial evidence to prove, that he voted against denying them naturalization, because he wanted them to be naturalized, and to vote, as some of them actually did, under the tutelage of some of Ben Harrison's closest political associates in this city in the election of 18vS0. Ben Harrison's Chinese record is that of an enemy of American labor. He did all that was in his power to do to expose American labor to the most degrading and offensive competion it has ever been called to meet. While he was doing this he was also voting to give enormous bounties to capital and monopoly under the shallow pretext that in that way he was helping to protect labor. The more Ben Harrison's Chinese record is studied by the workingmen of this country, the more they won't vote for him. Down with monopoly taxes ! Why the Farmers Are Toor. The current report of the Illinois board of agriculture shows that two-thirds of the farms in that state are covered with mortgages, and that Illinois farmers are paying tribute to the extent of 514,000,000 annually to Eastern capitalists in the 6hape of interest on loans. In Indiana "the number of mortgaged farms is surprising," and "money can be loaned on mortgages at any time at 8 per cent.," while "the profits of a farm can't pay such interest." So sajy one of the leading agriculturists of the state", and not in the w ay of politics. The farmers, he adds, "spend less and work harder than any other class of people," and he can't understand why they shouldn't be able to keep out of debt and accumulate a little money. But he refuses to believe the spoilation tariff is what keeps their noses to the grindstone. Well, well, there are none so blind as those who won't see ! The census returns show what is the trouble with the farmers, so plainly that a wayfaring man, though a fool, can hardly go astray. They show that in I860, after more than a decade of "free trade" (that is, low tariff) the farmers possessed one-half of the wealth of this country. In 1880, after twenty years of high protection, their share had dwindled to a little more than one-fourth. During the ten years 1850-G0 (low tariff), the value of farms in the United States more than doubled. During the ten years, 1870 SO (high protection), it increased but 9 per cent. In I860 the value of live-stock in the United States was about $1,100,000,000, having doubled in ten years (low tariff) In . 1SS0, after twenty years of high tariff, an increase of only 23 percent was shown. From JS50 to 1S30 the value of farm machinery increased 6 per cent annually; from 1SC0 to.lSSO it increased but 2 J per cent annually. If the" increase in the agricultural wealth of the country between 1SG0 and 1880 had been in the same ratio as between 1850 and 1SG0 the total would have amounted in 1SS0 to $32,000,000,000 instead of only $12,000,000,000, as shown by the census reports. It is as plain as cay that what has all but bankrupted the American farmer is having been compelled, for twenty-seven years, to buy in the dearest market and sell in the cheapest market. The farmer is the victim of the monstrous system of licensed spoliation which the republican party wants to fasten upon the country permanently.

A IkxxHe Candidate. The republican party is not depending upon the merits of its candidates or the strength of its platform to carry it through this campaign. It is depending upon boodle. Levi P. Morton was put on the ticket for no other reason than that he is worth several millions of dollars, and is willing to buy political preferment, which he never could get in any other way. The gentleman who placed his name before the Chicago convention and those who seconded his nomination laid great stress upon his "liberality." They wanted the convention to understand that If Morton wa3 nominated he would "shell out" freely, and without a millionaire on the ticket its chances would be desperate. The language used to convey this idea was plain very plain indeed; so plain that a good many delegates blushed at the shamelessness of the speakers who used it. The convention knew what Morton's nomination would mean and made it without hesitation. If the nomination had been offered to the highest bidder "without reserve," and "knocked down" to Mr. Morton after open competition with other millionaires, the transaction would not have been more barefaced or scandalous. Levi P. Morton bought the nomination just as he has bought every political "honor" that was ever conferred upon him. He bought.his way into congress years ago. He bought the French mission with his liberal contribution to the Garfield corruption fund in 1SS0, which, it is said, amounted to $100,000 or more. He bought the vice presidential nomination. The exact terms upon which the purchase was made have not transpired, but it is safe to say that the empty honor will cost him at least a quarter of a million dollars. A goodly portion of that sum will no doubt be used in an effort to corrupt the voters of Indiana, the state which Gen. Harrison was nominated to carry. Levi P. Morton represents the power of money in politics. He would never have been thought of for any office of trust or profit but for his wealth. He is not a scholar nor a statesman nor a ßoldier. During the war he stayed at home and laid the foundation of his colossal fortune by speculating in the necessities of the government. He calls himself a "business man". That's w hat he is. He regards politics as purely a business matter. He practices "statesmanship" on business principles. He always demands a quid pro quo for his political disbursements. He has the consideration "specified in the bond." He never buys a "pig in a poke," either in politics or in trade. When he was minister to Paris he conducted the American legation in a manner that was in keeping with his antecedents. Perhaps the inside history of certain peculiar operations at the American embassy in Paris during his incumbency may be revealed before this campaign is ended. If so, look out ! There'll be music in the air, and probably a vacancy

on the republican national ticket. Mr. Morton's last appearance before the public prior to his nomination at Chicago was in the capacity of a 6hark, compelled by a court of justice to refund to a widow the pitiful sum of twenty-four hundred dollars, which he had defrauded her. And this is the man whom the "grand old party" has pitted against the "noblest Roman of them all" for the second highest office in the government. Ye gods and little fishes! Boodle cgainst brains! Felf against patriotism! A vulgar money grubber against a pure and able statesman! A trafficker in official position against the stern and relentless foe of jobbery and corruption! Mr. Levi P. Morton represents the very worst that there is in contemporary politics. Allen G. Thurman stands for the best that is in it. More than half a century in public life, surrounded by temptations to illicit gain, passing through an era of profligacy and recklessness which swallowed up the personal integrity and official honor of scores of eminent mea, his name is recognized throughout the length and breadth of the land as a synonym forcpurity, integrity and fearless devotion to public duty. The party of monopoly, the party of the trusts and the combines, of the land grabbers and the money devil, showed when it named Levi P. Morton against this highminded and incorruptible etatesman for the vice-presidency, how low an estimate it places upon tho virtue and the moral sense of the American people. Indiana Under a Ilevenue Tariff. How did Indiana prosper under a tariff very much lower than is proposed by the "Mills bill the tariff made in 1S46, and revised and reduced in 1S57, and which is known as the "free trade tariff." Tho census reports tell the story. During the ten years, from 1S50 to 1SG0, the number of manufacturing institutions in Indiana increased frorr.: 4,392 to 5,323; the amount of capital invested, from $7,750,402 to $19,451,121; average number of hands employed, from 14,440 to 21,85S; average amount of wages paid annually, from $3,728,844 to ffi,31S,a5 ; average value of material used annuall, from $10,3C9,700 to $27,142,597 ; average annual value of products, from $1S,725,423 to $42,803,469. It will be observed that during these ten years of "free trade." the amount of capital invested in manr.faetur s in Indiana increased about 15J per cent; the number of hands employed in manufacturing increased about 50 per cent; the average amount of wages paid, almost 100 per cent; the valuo of materials used about 175 per cent, and the value of tire annual product about 133 per cent. This record of growth cannot be equaled or approximated by that of any decade since the protective policy was established. During the decade from 1S70 to 1S80, under high tariff, the number of manufacturing establishments in Indiana actually decreased. And how about the agricultural interests of the state? The value of Indiana farms increased from $130.3S5,173 in 1850 to $356,712,175 in lSßO, or more than 150 per cent During the same period the value of farming implements and machinery in the state increased from $3,704,444 to $10.-

.457,397: The tvisrs of Indiana grew rich in the fifties because their earnings were not confiscated by the g6vernment to the use of the manufacturers of the East. Indiana was never so prosperous as under a revenue tariff. And now the republican demagogues and the monopoly organs are telling the voters of Indiana that a reduction of tariff taxes to a point vastly highsr than they were during the years when the above splendid record of prosperity and progress was made will bring blue ruin upon the statel Who believes such rot? Republican Free Whisky Programme. The Chicago Tribune has very little to say in favor of the free whisky candidates, but it has a good deal to say about the free whisky platform. In Monday's issue it tells what the consequences Would be if this platfotrn were carried into effect: The whole country would be debauched with cheap whisky. There are plenty of men living who can remember the 25-ccnts-a-gallon whisky days. They can remember how the farmers came to the towns, some with jugs, some "with kesrs, and some with barrels. Some would give excuses that they were atficted with all the diseases to which liesh is heir, and which could only be cured by wliisky. They had malaria, and might have snake-bites to cure. Their drinking water wtui so poor they could not use it without mmiig whisky with it. Never were farmers in such an unhealthy and moribund condition as in those days. They could not get through harvestine, thrashing, plowing, cornhusking, or log-rolling without it. It was as necessary to the hay-mowing and the harvest as the scythe or the sickle. The whisky-jng on such occasions was as common in the West as the rum-jug in New England, when every one, from the deacon to the farm-band, had his wet rations. In those days of cheap -whisky there were ten drunkards to one now. Delirium tremens was a common disease; now it is rare. Then every one filled up with whUky or rum. It was one of the stall's of lifS in every house. The delirium tremens policy is not going to prevail. The moral sense of the country is against it. The business interests of the country are against it. From cyery point of view moral, economic, financial and political it is indefensible. The country does not want the days of twenty-cent whisky and universal drunkenness to return. Hence it will repudiate Ben Harrison at the polls next November, tfor his election means, as Parson Ccmjt says, a "carnival of Beelzebub and Bacchus all over the land." Face th Music, Gentlemen. There is a panic in tho republican ranks over the free whisky plank in the-Chicago platform. The organs try to ignore it, swear it isn't there, declare it doesn't mean what it says, and finally, when they get black in the face with lying about it, yell free trade as hard as ever they can. The republicans in congress try to repudiate it, or explain it .'away. Cannon of Illinois denounces it roundly, Nelson of Minnesota disavows it, and only old Pig Iron Kelley of Pennsylvania, among all the republican leaders in the house, is ready to defend it. But the free whisky plank is there, and the republicans can't dodge it. or ignore it, or lie out of it, or run away from it. It will be remembered that the democratic party tried to run away from its platform in 1BC4 and again in 1880, and that it got gloriously whipped both times. We advise the panicstricken republicans to profit by their example. Let them stand up for their platform, free whisky and all, and face the consequences. - Let them try to convince the country that cheap whisky is what it wants and not 'cheaper clothing and fuel and food, and blankets, and shelter and medicine : Let theni "try to convince the

laboring man that he would be better off if be could get whisky at 20 cents a gallon than if he could get furniture for his house, and shoes for his children, and a dress for his wife at less than what they cost now. Let them try to convince the farmer that with untaxed whisky he could soon pay off that troublesome mortgage and be able to lay by a dollar or two "for a rainy day." Perhaps the people can be brought to see the thing in this light, but whether they can or not that's the light in which it is presented by the Chicago platform, and Bex Harrison has publicly announced that the declarations of this platform are "in harmony with his views." There is nothing left for the republicans to do but to make the best fight they can for the infamous platform adopted at Chicago. To do anything else is to give up the fight before it is fairly begun. Down with monopoly taxes. Should Coffee be Taxed? To the Editor Sir; In this morning's paper you say in answer to a reader from this place that there is no duty on coffee but that there should be. "Will you please explain yourself and show where the consumer would be benefited by having to pay a duty on coffee, as we do not raise any in this country? Citizen. Knightsville, Ind., July 13. . With pleasure. The Sentinel said coffee ought to taxed because every penny that is thus collected goes toward the support of the government, and not one penny into the pockets of private individuals or corporations. It is a revenue tax, and the measure of the burden it places upon the people is the amount it yields at the custom houses. This is not true as to most of the taxes levied by our present system. These cost the people at least six dollars some have estimated it as high as ten dollars for every dollar they yield the government. These taxes are one-sixth for revenue, and five-sixths for bounties to private citizens and corporations, which are taken from the earnings of the people. If a tax were to be placed upon coffee, taxes on other necessaries of life aggregating six times as much could be remitted, without reducing the revenue of the government a single penny. Tue Sentinel thinks this is a good reason why coffee should be taxed in preference to many other commodities upon which duties are now laid. There is another good reason, however, and that is that the abolition of the coffee tax has not afforded American consumers of that article the slightest relief. When the United States took off the coffee dutj-, Brazil, which supplies us with our coffee, put on an export duty which exactly counterbalanced it. The price of coffee, therefore, was not reduced by the abolition of the tax. The reason coffee is untaxed while coal and iron and steel and salt and wool and lumber are taxed, is that there is no ring in this country interested in getting it into the tariff schedules. If there was a coffee ring there would be a coffee tax.

The Handwriting on the Wall. A republican manufacturer of cotton goods at North Adams, Mass., writes a very sensible letter to the Providence Journal, from which we make the following extract: As a manufacturer I see clearly that a reasonable tariff is necessary to the life of industrial New England, but being a manufacturer (even a republican one) does not prevent my also seeing that our present tariff needs reforming, and, moreover, what is more to the point, that reform is bound to come, whether we want it or not. If during the past four months the republican leaders in and out of congress had brought to the question a sincere desire to do that which should be best for the country there could now be no burning tariff issues. And what is this going on in cougress while I write? The republican members lighting as if for the very lifo of the republic, to maintain the tax on lumber to protect the men who are killing the immature and insufficient forests and tax the people to pay for it! Is there a man of sense xn New England who believes that the country, as a whole wiU indorse that sort of "protection" when the time comes for them to pass upon it? I repeat that tariff reform is bound to come, and if, we will not help to fairly settle the question it will be settled without our help. How, then, shall we successfully meet the storm and save that which is good? Can it be done merely with a yell against "free trade" and bearing a protection idol in one hand and free whisky in the other, or by simply talking of the protection of the Aineriin laborer while we leave the floodgates of Europe open to pour in "American laborers" upon us, or by blindly following the leadership that is leading us straight into the ditch, through opposing anything and everything not originating with the republican party? Hardly. If we want any part in this matter we must ourselves become sincere and reasonable tariff reformers. Tariff reform is coming. It is coming fast. As the writer of the foregoing gays, it can't be prevented by yelling free trade or singing the threadbare song about pauper labor. The farmers are getting their eyes open to the iniquities of the existing system. The workingmen are beginning to realize how they are plundered for the benefit of monopoly in the name of "protection." Even the manufacturers are beginning to see, like the North Adams gentleman, that if they resist reasonable reductions in the tariff they are oniy paving the way for the utter destruction of the entire protective system. The country is disgusted with the brazen declaration of the republican party in favor of . free whisky, and against the relief of the people from the intolerable exactions of monopoly taxation. The war taxes must go. Tho Tariff of 184 O. We had a revenue tariff from 1846 to 18G1. It afforded a very moderate degree of protection to our manufacturing interests so moderate, indeed, that it would be called free trade by monopoly taxers of the Pis Iron KellyBeu Harrison school. The period of this low tariff was the mpst uniformly prosperous in the history of the country. Manufactures flourished. Agriculture thrived. There was an enormous expansion of our railroad system. Labor was well paid, and between 1S50 and 1SG0 waees increased more rapidly than ever lefore or since. So satisfactory was this low tariff to the country that it is universally admitted that- it would never have been increased but for the exigencies of the war. Mr. Blaine, in his "Twenty Years in Congress," tears testimony to these facts: The tariff of 1846 was yielding abuudant revenue, and the business of the country was in a flourishing condition. Money became very abundant .fter the year 18-W; large enterprises were .undertaken, speculation was prevalent, and for a considerable period the prosperity of the country was genenvl and apparently genuine. After 1S52 the democrats had almost undisputed control of the government and had gradually become the free trade party. The principles involved in the tariffof 184J seemed for the time to b so entirely vindicated and approved that resistance to it ceased, not only unon.e the people, but amon? the protective economists, and even among the manufacturer! to a larue txtcat. So eeaeral was this

aequiesence- that in 1856 a protective tariff was not suggested or even hinted at by any one of the three parties which presented presidential candidates. It was not surprising, therefore, that in 1SÖ7 the duties were placea lower than they had been since 1812. The Mills bill proposes to leave the tariff, on an average, twice as high as that of 1S4Ö. Republican demagogues say that this will destroy the industries of the country and impoverish our workingmen. It is a senseless and wicked crj raised in the interest of monopoly. The experience of the United States under the tariff of 1846, as narrated by Mr. Blaine, affords the strongest possible argument in favor of the reductions in our customs schedules provided by the Mills bill. TnE Fiev. Dr. Theodore Cuyler, the leading presbyterian divine of Brooklyn, 6ays that if the republican platform is carried into effect, it will bring in a carnival of Beelzebub and Bacchus all over the land. Dr. Cutler has been a republican since the party was organized, but like his eminent fellow divine, the Rev. Dr. Storrs, he w ill not support Harrison and Morton this year. The monopoly tax, free whisky platform adopted at Chicago is driving the Storrses and the Cutlers, the Lows and Elliots out of the g. o. p. by the thousand. To the Editor Sir: To settle a dispute: Can a raiser of tobacco 6ell it in any quantity he desires without paying any revenue on it? Answer through your paper and oblige. A Header, Needham, Ind., July 9. No. The law provides that "farmers and producers of tobacco may sell at the place of production tobacco of their own growth and raising at retail directly to consumers, to an amount not exceeding $100 annually." If they sell more they must take out licenses as retail dealers. A bill reported by the Mills committee repealing all internal taxes on tobacco is now pending in congress. Mr. Breckinridge of Kentucky tersely defined the issue raised by the Mills bill, in the house the other day, when he said: The question presented is whether congress will relieve the manufacturers who have to pay enormous duties for their crude materials duties which prevent them from competing with foreign manufacturers. The true wisdom of congress, in seeking to reduce the public revenue, is to let the system be so altered by conservative and cautious changes that crude material will be brought into the country rather than the finished product. Then the profit of the manufacture will go to the manufacturer and workman. .

The Standard oil company maintains a number of newspapers in various parts of the country, most of which claim to be "independent in politics." The Pittsburg Posf notes the interesting fact that all of them have thrown off the guise of independence and are openly for Harrison and Morton. What are monopoly organs for if not to boom monopoly candidates? Senator McDonald's speech Saturday evening was a happy effort. He made a good many telling hits at the expense of the monopoly candidates and the free whisky platform, and showed up the hypocrisy and the demarogism of the g. o. p. in a most effective way. The grand old democrat was in his best vein, and his speech was a "rouser" in every respect. Mr. English made the republican cry of "state pride" appear very ridiculous in his speech Saturday evening. The campaigns of 1876, 1SS0 and 1884 show what republican state prido really amounts to, and they are not so 'ancient that Indiana democrats have forgotten them. The state pride dodge won't work, as we have before remarked. Jason Brown made a capital tariff reform speech at Tomlinson hall Saturday night. Mr. Brown is thoroughly equipped on the tariff question, and is prepared to make it very interesting for the freewhisky - forty - seven-per - cent.-rnonopoly-taxers in this campaign. A correspondent asks The Sentinel if Indiana ever voted for presidential electors in August. It did not. The state election was held in August prior to the adoption of the new constitution, but presidential electors were always chosen at a later date. Asiibel P. Fitch, a republican congressman from New York, repudiates the free whisky platform and will support Cleveland and Thcrman. Mr. Fitch is an able man of large influence and a most welcome accession to the democracy. If high tariffs make high wages, why are wages so low in Italy, Spain, Mexico and Germany, all high tariff countries? Did vou ever think about that, Mr. Workingman 7 The Sentinel corresponient in one of the trong?st republican cities in Indiana writes: "The Sentinel is booming here." When Baby was ßlck, we gave her Castoria, When she was a Child, she cried for Castoria, When she became Miss, she clung to Castoria, When sh had Children, she sure them Castoria, Fortify the system by the use of Aver's Sarsaparilla, against the disease, peculiar to hot weather. This medicine induces a healthy action of the stomach, liver and kindeys, causing them to prevent the accumulation of the poisons which produce disease A letter from John M. Ward of the New York base ball club and author of the new book 'Case Ball." Pond's Extract Company: Dear Sirs Having used Tond's Extract as an application for the bruises, 6prains and other injuries, incident to ball playing, I can safely recommend it. Yours truly, John M. Ward. New York, June 14, 1SS3." OH! Mr HEAD. The pain from Neuralgia and its companion disease Hheumatism is excruciating. Thousands who could be quickly cured are needlessly suffering. Ath-lo-pho-ros will do for others what it did for the following parties: Wniiair 'port. Ind rtma tüicted witl Oct. 1 1SE7. HiTinirbesa afflicted with Maralti far tn part four tomw. and tTm alm-t rerythirf . but in sin. I ttnallj beard of Athlophon. After Ukinc ono bottle I fonnd it to b helpln m, ami after tVin four fcoitlf of AthluphoroB anl one of l'ill, I found that i was ntirely well. 1 think Uta modicine is puflititeij a sore rar. Chacwoei B. RrrmcK. Mt G&rmeL D.L. Dec a. 187. I hiTO naed Athlnpborua in taj hmili end find it to be tho tiati medicin for neoralxia in ezistaooa and harinc had it fangi ttc-l upon me for the pat 30ani I kno wbervof I apeak. Mu. Jctua Cm.ro. 45-Send 6 cents for the beautiful colored piotu 3. " Moorish Maiden." TH5ATHLQPHQRQS CO. 112 Wall St. N. Y.

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