Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 28, Number 48, Indianapolis, Marion County, 3 December 1879 — Page 7
THE INDIANA STATE SENTINEIi, WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 3, 1879.
7
TURPIE'S TALK
An Eloquent and Brilliant Address by the fix.Senator to the . Hendricks Club.
Age and Origin of the Bights tind Dignity of the States and People.1
Rational Intervention in Elections Sever
'. Buffered, by the People of the ' States or Colonies.
The Forced Immigration or the Nagro-An Outrage Upon the Legal and Const. tuj tlonal B'ghts of Indiana.
ITbursday's Daily.
The Hendricks club last evening bad its
regular semi-monthly meeting.. Captain J.
W. Dodd presided, and the meeting was
called to order promptly at 7:30 o'clock p
m., and the minutes of the previous meet
ing were read and approved. At the con
elusion of the reading of the minutes, the
president announced that the club had as sembled tjhear an address from the Hon.
David Turpie, of this city. By 8 o'clock
quite a fair audience had come io, notwith
standing the miserable state of the weather.
Among the distinguished gentlemen present
were the Hon. T. A. Hendricks, General
M. D. Manson, Colonel B C. Shaw, Hon John J. Cooper, Oo'onel Johnson, James M.
Cropsey,. Huk:hfs Etst, R. C. J.Pendleton, and Hon. J. G Sbanklin. The announcement of the address was re
ceived witn rpiJauee, and wnili ic con
tlnutd Mr. Turpie stepped forward and was
introduced in a few oleasant lemarks by the
president, Hon. J. w. Dodd. Mr. Turpie spoke from note?, but the principal portion of the address was an extern
poraneous effort. Bslow is given the full
text of JIJDGE TGKPIK'S ADDRKS8: ,.
Mb. Pkemidknt asd Gkstlemes-Hiiu
government is said fn-qu-ntly li tie a dlllicu t tbing. Yet I tnlnic a closer view will show that it Is not sucn. Mankind naturally Inclines toward government, if civilized men are thrown into a locality where there is
no government the first ta;-K is to organize one. Tbe instinct or civilization is toward
government thesrjpport ana malntainanceof
government. Merely 10 govern is imiuinicim; to govern justly is so. To control the administration 01 the aflairs of a great people, to do eqnal and exact Justice to all men, that is a
aillicuil taK, a great wort, ana as goo las 11 Is great. The ordinary purposes oi govern
ment, as they are usually spoat-n or, I lie pres-
ervatlou ol pn one peace ana oraer, me secur itv of life and Droiertv are subserved by al
most any form of political institutional' Life and property are as secure, oidlnarlly speak
ing, in 1st. r6tnburgas tuey.are iu iew York. Tbat city is strictly policed. Ho lndeea is tbe
wbole em mre. Civil rigbts are tbere to some extent recognized freedom rt the press, freedom of speecu not at all. Political right axe not known, religious toleration very fm perfectly understood or admin
istered. They spell nation with a large M ovr
there people witn an mnniiesiniauy sn.au P. Liberty Is not written at all excepting in Invisible ink. It will have to be held very
ciosely to tbe fiery wnite heat or levoluilon before it becomes legible at all. But It is
nevertheless, a government. It Is sometimes called a strong government. Ithasa standing army of halt a million men, a corps of luu.O-u
police, ana nas&u,uuo lniormersaistriDutea in every oro- luce and portion of tne country
' It is a military government. The ruler in the chief magistrate. He Is a so the cominanderin chief of tbe army. The soldier role. We have not, in this country, bitberto preferred that system of government. We have thought
any approach to it was a disparagement ol onr ancient liberties and of fiee ins Kutlous. Toere is something, however, vey attractive about a military lorm of administration; the pom p. the pageantry, the rutnless rapidity of
decision anu action. We had recently in- this
country a great war. It is now almost a gen eration since the commencement of in1
contest. The boy of that time Is
now a voter. - Many young men
went into tbe army, and are now inladle-'ge men. A large mass of the voters iu this rountry are. indeed, dating their political informa
tion and notions of our political ssslem from tbe period of tbe war. Tbe war was only an eplsodo In the history of tbe United States a grand em-ode great tor the exhibition of tbe patriotism of the nation aud valo. of the peo pie in the defense of tbe Union and the con- , stitution, bnt merely a span in tbe national existence four years of civil war in a century. Very few nations have had less, es-
PiiCially in the commencement ot tneir career.
? Tint we must to niacn iartner oaca in oraer ic
get tlQS DUUOUH Ul i lit) tnu I'umwjwr uiu iixr tare of our institutions. This nation, like many others which bave grown great in tiro", bad very small beginnings. You mast know, ' then, that mere were in the beginning tin t, tlements commonly called the original colonies, settled in 13 different parts of the countiy along tbe Atlantic coast, or contiguous to it. They were settled under what were called chatters from the British crown. These charters w.re simply conveyances of land named in certain get graphical limits. It controlled and defined no political relations. The settlers were subjects of tbe British crown, but they did, from the very begl nlng, bave the entire management and administration of their local affairs. Every colony had Its own legislature aud its own code ef laws, and no interference was suffered by one colony with a .ot her. Massachusetts Old not attempt to dictate to Soul h Carolina what ber local institutions stiou.cl be, nor did Pennsylvania attempt to enforce : upon New Yoik her ideas, nor did any or the colonies, nor 'all ot tue colonies together, grant the right to any third power, not even to tbe crown of ret -britain, to dictate in any way In respect -to the management ot their local affairs and - Interpol cr.tvArnmotit ' Th - em if nrtlniititl
history is oixt of entire freedomjtnd liberty as far as tbe domestic inst nation were concerned. ' - a very elegant scho.ar of Indiana, the-historian of the Stale, lately deceased, ' bas collected iu a book what he calls tbe cuiiosiu, s of. colonial trg)tltion. Each colony bad a code of laws or its own. You will fin i a vry complete code upon every possible subject; .upon tbe snhji-ct of roads, highways; upon the snbjrct of schools; upon tbe subject ol
- mines ana niunuiacttires; upon iae iuijv oi military power; upon tbe subject of taxation,
- ana upon luvwiuitsn vi eieouuiitf. tuu uuu hu not to bd .a ereat cariosity. It Is verv
C J curious now to lo ik into Ihi- ancient cob nlal '- 'legislation, borne of these tnlng are very , - uriou'. They woold be absura now. but
who wished them, who nacted them lino las. Toere were the blue laws of Connecti-
V - ent. There were tne oanaay laws ot tuna
ebusetta. Tbere wa a law of
. Virginia maamg tuoacco a legai-
tender. There wa a statute of - tbe same State making It a misdemeanor -" to change tbe mark on an unmarked nog rnn- " ninf slid in tne woods. There was a statnLe
of South Carolina providing for tbe Holding tif . court some w nere on a certain Tuesday In fcvbmaTV. nrnvlded 1 he ftame did not Coins unoo
' ' Sunday. These are svme of tbe absurd I t'.t s. I dont know that legislation is deficient In those tlalog now. I recollect tbat we bad in Indkana ttot long ag a law which provides - an mri . ) T.lklf M 4. 1 1 mhl.l I A I thlnb Mil Mil.
'f 'turfnre tie - comes to a eroasine. and whlnle
u.tlnnniu V II I) 1 1 1 na frMWfl lr. IIWHeklk.
B(frlU esand roitosUles of coioolal legislation, 1 tbey donythiog, mark the abeomle freedom and nnlKiaiKled liberty of eolonlalnrtion
tores were fllled y the very beat men The ; . men of tbe very best talent aud sbllilyof tbe
Colonies oceupiea nemtswiiaiu tmse nouses. - Tbey were sometimes called assemblymen, delegates, brirges-s Tbey answered then to
' the mate - legislatures now. They . were . Usually comixvKd of -two Houses, answering
to our rvaie senators ana na e representa
tives. Eaci colony- bad a military code
.nwhfliK for tbe armament of a military
force. ' In Virginia tbey were called tbe troops,
of the ilnet lnrcner woutn mey were can ia ranimii. -la Mancba!tt they were ealled
' . minute men. In Mew York they were ca led
volunteers. These troops were raised; they
-.mre mud. t.hev were nmnerea. Dy colonial
autborliy.ann they could not betaken ont of
tne CO'oaiea in wnicn ioer wb raiseu. swu nrt offiaeivd. except by tbe consent of the
Colonial Iieglalatnre. Maoy of the greaust
victories, best saecesses, of in uruisn crown urKinat tne French and Indiana, tbe early
ocenpante of Ibis territory, were made witn
the aid of the folonlal troops. Washington. Ueorge Rogers Clarke, servea first in tbe Vir
ginia line, ana ineregaineu iuu experience
wbicn tney aiterwara oaeo so eiucienuy in
be war of independence, iacn colony naa a
separate and perfect e jde with respect to taxation. They described what property should
be taxed, ho w It atioma De taxed, wnat amount
sbould be levied! They appointed or elected officers to co.lec ibe taxes. It was wholly done under authority of local legislation.
and it was never auoweu or sanerea mat tne
B itisb Parliament or any otner power suouia irrterlere with the question ot taxes in tbe col
onies. Each Colony bad also an election sys
tem, separate and indepenaent, wnony independent rom royal Intervention, which prescribed tbe qvml.tica lonsor electors, in many Colonies tbere were at first property qualifica
tions. The best a.gu ment ever maue attains a property qualification was made by Benjamin Franklin against tbe Colonial legislation of Pennsylvania upon tbat question. The Co onial Legislature of Pennsylvania had en
acted that in voting lor certain onicers m mn
should have property to the amount of sou.
Franklin put the case: When a man naa a
donkey worth foo the night .before the elec
tion, ana tne aonaey uiea, wuiuu, miu mo,
neui tne vote, me man or toe uoimev . nu-
ever, universal sunrsge prevanea in raosi 01
the Colonle. ' L nlverai sun rage was me gen ersl rule, but some of the Colonies had a rellalona test for holding office. Tbe negro,
even in Massachusetts, in those eariv davs. if be was f ee. voted
the same as a wane man. inese imuufti Leglslatutes were paramount and supreme wl U resnect to the regulation of aomentlc allalrs.
Tbey were composed of the ablest men whom their rnnsiltueiicv couid Drodtice. t-alrlck
Henry and the Lees were In the Colonial Legislature of Vliglnla; New York had Livingston And .lav; MassanhuHBtts had Adams and Han
cock, and so with respect to every Colony. The Colon! l Legislatnte or Assembly was composed of lis oest, wisest and purest men. This system of entire political freedom In tbe Col
onies existed nnaer a long line oi pnuctaur i alers of the English crown. Maoy kings, many queens, two Stewarts, one or two of the Tudonstwo of the Oeorges; and not one of then, ventured to inleriere with these local regulations and laws of the Colonies. There
was one rnier, too, in mat time who waa uu king. You know he wss only Oliver Cromwell. He ruled, bnt he never reigned. He baled kings, yet I am afraid he was not the friend of liberty, but be
did not venture to interfere with the domestic regulations aud . local . laws of the Colonies upon the sub
jects which I have named At
last mere arose a mug uixroge in. no talked much about the royal prerogative.
About his right to enforce that prerogative udoii and aa-aint the people of the Colonies,
and to take awy lrom I hem this rlghtof local
legislation and these iraucnises ot uomrsuc liberty and freedom, which they bd for
centuries enjoyed. He said that his Parlia
ment had a right to tax ine people winioui
representation. If you look Into the Dtclaratloa of Independence, published the 4th day of July, 1776, von will Una there the measure ol Colonial rights, ns well as the accusation of loyal tyrrauy. You will find there that tbe Colonies bad er joyed free elections of all local i fticers. You wui fiod there that the Colonies
regulated and controlled these elections, each for itself. You will find there that each of the
Colouies bad a legislative body and a military
force. oa win nna mat an me
Colonies together denied tbe rignt ot the king of tireat Britain the natioual Uovernment hi tc lr case to Interfere with auy of these regulations. They denied the
right oi tne King 10 quarter uis soiuiers among the people without the consent of tne local Colonial Iegls aiurc. They said the king had
abused the sovereign power lu surrounding
the Legislature with troops, anu compeuiug them, dragoou log I hem, into ooucessiou of the rights of the people to the military power ot the crown. Tney said that KJngUeoige ill. had sent bis officers mere, and bad iiffecied to matte the military superior to and independent of the civil power. They said tbat these powers ol the Legislature, these rights of local freedom which tlitry so long enjoyed, were inalienable they were tbe brthrgbtsof free men only. Much was the Declaration of Independence. When the Colonies found tbat tbe
king still persisted In pressing tbe notlou of
the national interference ana armed intervention to control legislation, tbey made the issue. They declared that lor these abuses and outrages the kins had forfeited any authority
which he had, and instead of
enjoying aud emorcing bis prerogatives bisiory will tell yon tbe story. He lost both prerogative and the Colonies. Tne people
gathered in convention by their delegates
and declared tbat those Colonies were, ana from that time ought to oe, free and inde
pendent States. That is t.'ie first lim- that tbe
word States is used in tbe official history of tbe country. These States met aud they declared bat they would hold the British people enemies in war. In peace friends, as they would the balance of nianfci id; and that they had tbe poorer to levy war: contract alliance, to conclude peace, and every othr power belonging to a free and independent people. Where were then tbe powers of the geneial Government?' Where was then what Is claimed to- be the jurisdiction of Federal authority? -Tbey were iu the Slates and people. For 11 j ears tbe States existed free and independent, and iu that way they went through the revolutionary war and conducted it to a success! ul conclusion, and fcur years afterward they met to lay the foundation of the piesent Uovernment, and for that purpose they did form trie present constitution. For what purpose? To repel foreign invasion? It was said by the statesmen if Europe of that time, and has been said ever since, that tbe Declaration ot Independence was tbe most sublime political document ever published to tbe world. And it was said by the statesmen of that period, and no one bas since com radicted tbem, that the cousil- ' tntion of the United States was tbe most per feet model and pattern of human government ever submitted to a people for their ai proval.
A pattern an model for all m inkiua in the establishment of political institutions. What, then, was tne object of tiiat Government; this Government our Government- so established? Was it to repel foreign invasion? All Governments have ibat power. Is tbat the thing which made it a model and a pireut lor posterity? Switzerland repelled the Anstr aus centuries ago The House of Haps-t-T4 has never set his foot on the m nntaln sloe since. England repelled the Spauish invasion and destroyed the armada. Kussia repetted ' the first Napoleon. There is no Government of any form that has not had the bower and the tie rleht to rebel In
vasion. That certainly was not the object of
.roimiirg tnis pattern and model of political institutions. vVas it to supress insurrection? That Is a power which a so belongs to all Gov. ernments under every tot in china, even, not. many years ago, suppressed an insurrection at a greater cost of b.oodsbed than even ours.- K 'gland. In India, suppressed an iusuriection. we supresed ati Insurrection. It was the only one we have ever had in the country ; we had the rignt to do it; we had the power to do it. The Govern. (lent exercised that power. But was tbat the -hecl In the foriuatl. n of th a Government? Dt es ai.y oue suppiwe mat the Uovei iinmut was formed for tbe purpose of carrying tne malls, col
lecting tbe duties on foreign imports or the sale or public! lands? Look into the constitution Itself and read its preamble. Tuat
will disclose its purpose. The great and prin cipal object of tbe formation of this Govern
ment wait not lor these things, although tbey are necessary powers In all Goveri. merits. Tne
pi lnclpal object was to perpetuate tbe blessing of liberty to ourselves and to our posterity. It was to Insure to the States and people those
rights wnicn centuries oeiorfe tne revolution the people had enjoyed. Tbe war which
closed in Istft was that war waged merely lor
tne saae oi wsr. uiu any man go to it inr
sucn a pnrposeT uia anyone pay taxes in
support of the Government for sucb a pur
pose t it was oecause tnere was something bet'er.bigber.bolier iban war llself.or than any military ruccess In It; tbat waa tbe preservation of tbe rigbts ana liberties of the people nnder the constitution of the United States
The states made the Government, Tbe States
saved tbe Government. Tbey made and
saved it, because In tbe Union under tbe Govt r .uieui the lights ot tbe people would be
tier, a they thought, aud more secure than
without n. It Isnisntiesii ora tne very textol
the constitution ltseii mat whatever the pur
pose of the revolution against U eat Britain
was, It was not lor the purpose of destroying the rights of tbe people. Those very rights
wnicn naa oeen pre erveu ana en)oyexi lor generations before the -evolution, and whatever thr purp tse or object of ihn formatlou of tn constitution afte ward, nude1' which we now dve. It was not to the purpose of destroying ordispsragluv tbrse same rigbts of which l bave spoken. There are two sections of the constitution especially designed for this purpose. One or tbem savs tne enumeration of certain tlghialntbe constitution snail not be taken asadenlal ot others wb'cb are re alned by tue people ret -1 ied by the people never granted aa-ay. Af.o ber of these sections 0' the oonstitu.lon eats, that tbe rlabls-not granted to the Government are reserved to the M ates acd to tbe people, so that It is evident from the text, ot the. Instrument which Is signed tiy Washington and his compatriots man who, tn the camp and In tbe cabinet, am, lVnd Independence and American
freedom. Tnat there was a large clas of rights reserved to the States and the people with -which the general Uovernment was ever eloi tied, over which tbe general Government had no control whatever. Tbey bad notonlv been free aud independent States before this constitution was adopted, in which perU Kl im-jr hud enjoyed -thse rigbts, but for honii.edH of years biore. The people of the Colonies before the revolatlon. and tbe peoole of the Htates after tbe revolution, tbe people of tbe States at the time of the adoption of the
constitution, claimed the enjoyment of these
rights of wnicn i nave rpoaen. last right was perfectly oefluea in one of the enactments of Congress, the rlghtof every Slate in this Union to form and regulate its own domestic institutions perfectly and freely, subject only to the constitution of the United States. This Union
was formed in coniviupration oi law perpetual. The constitution nude provision for the admission ol new States: but it made no provision for tbe withdrawal of old ones. It was, as Mr. Lincoln said, not a free love affair, but a Union permanent In contemplation ol lawperpetual never to be dissolved, and tne constitution of the United States was made supreme law of tbat Union the supreme law or tills Government. Secession the right of withdrawal was never a right. I'- was always acrlm. Secessit n beaten was a crime. Sencdnn accomplished wonld have been a
crime, becausa it was a violation of a constitutional obligation a eonsti nttonal con pact between tbe States, Secession accomplished, what becomes of the common credit, tbe national fame, tbe national faith, the national flag? The secession of a State was suicide. The victim may well rejoice that it has escaped, restrained by a strong hand, the consequences or so absurd and foolb-h a self-destruction. Tbat the -Democratic party bas, at any time, any where, favoied this as a right of the States is a self-evident lie. Applause. 1 I appeal to the memory and name of those great Democrats whose bones have mouldered In dust for years, but wbose spirit still, I bope, with unchanging sympathy, look down npinus In nurefiorts lor tne preservation oi the Uovernment just as Ihey feltlt Jefferson and Jackson. Where will you bud a Democratic president or statesman that has advocated this doctrine There is no one anywhere. Tbe moment a man dirt i, whatever else he was. be ceased to be a Is.mocrat.
There were a class of men in tbe Noun, tbat said tbe Union was a cove
nant witn nen ana a league with death. Tbey were not Democrats. There was a class of men in tbe South tbat said the Union was not compensatory ; that it was a burden, and that tbey would fiee themselves from tt and thrust it away. Tbey were not Democrats. They were enemies of 'lie country, and they bave received the fate or enemies. 1 know it is a lime
now to speak ot these iraraers ot tne uovernment. the lounders of onr Institutions, as old
fashioned. You will bear a certain class f
politicians talking as if tbe Government bad outgrown tbe constitution. They say tbe constitution of tS7 is no more fit for the government ot the United Suites than toe suit which fits the boy is fitted for Ibe man. Th.ey say, look at tbe Increase of the population, ol
wealth, of power, t ormeiiy we were ia mate-.
nowSM. Formerly we bad 3,t0,UU0of people, now 4n,i Oi.utO. At that time we had so many thousand sou are miles ot territory, now au
In cease of a hundred, lold, until the great
oceans of me feast ana west constitute
the national boundaries. Hey say, look at tbe advancement In the arts and sciences, the railroad, tbe teleeranb. the telenboue Will you tell us that
there is danger of civil liberty in a people wbo cherish such Improvements who bave made
sucb progress? I tell 50a that I put no faith In material machinery. Tbere Is no skill In
science, tbere Is no mystery iu art, wblcb will
preserve civil and political irjeootu ror a people who bave made up thei- minds to lose It
wbo prefer the glistening fetters of a newforged chain to lhjr ancient traditions of libel ty. You will find many of these things under the most absolute Governments in tbe world ten Hue Instrumentalities in the hands
of despotism. We can not trust, them to pre serve onr Institutions We must be old-fash
loned. 11 you wish to call it so. We must have
olu-lashioned virtue, va or and knowledge. In order to be tree and remain free (applause knowledge ot the true nature and cuaracler ot
the Government the relations betweeu the
statts and national Government -virtue not to snriender, not to be purchased, in reierence to tneee rights That virtue which made the member ot the first Colonial Congress say, when lie was approached by a bribe to vacate hlsst-at, and to lt-ave his neonie without representation."! am
a poor man, but tbe king 01 Great Britain bas not got money enough to buy me " Valor
like that of Patrick Henry, when be arose In the House or Burgesses. In Virsiola, and said.
"Give me liberty or death." We must huve a
return ot those old fashions before we will have security for the perpetuity of our insti
tutions, which the name and fame of tbe
great foundersand framersot the Government deserve. Tbat these rights aud powers of tbe State the right 01 property, tbe right of Inheritance and desceut.the right to control that property after death, the disposition of a man's estate, the right or life, tbe right or liberty aud the elective franchise, freedom of speech, the freedom of the press all these
rignia, near, near, previous, eiiiuruviua tbe whoe civil aud social relations among
mankind. Tbat these are rights reserved to tne States, that tbey are paramount. Is evi
dent; also from reading the constitution of
your state or any otner state. i ney are not
distant and remote. 11 you look at me twentyeighth section or the first article of the con
stitution of iDdlauaall States bave slmlliar constitutions. You will find tbat treason
against tbe State is defin'Ht and lis punishment awarded. It is said that treason against the state of Indiana shall cons st In levying war gainst it, or I u giving d and comfort its ceinies. Can treason be committed
against a power less than paramount? Can
yu comrp it treason against cny, aguinst
town. airalnst a township, against a country
let inese communities nave an governments.
It Is not so wrllteu. But the State belongs to
that grade of government against which
treason can be committed. So It Is wlui the government ot all the Stales. I know the inhabitants of a State may commit treasou airalnst the United States, and it iseauaily
as clear tbat the olllci ils of tbe Federal Uov
ernment may commit treason against the State. lAoolaase.l There are a number ot
crimes, however, against tbe rights of tbe peo
ple and against tne dignity 01 mates, wnicn tall short of treason, and are misdemeanors.
grave o (lenses, low groveling frauds, cowardly, contemptible impositions, as fatal to the rights of people and 10 the dignity ot States as treason itself! One of these ci imes agaiusl the
rights of tbe states and or the people in them is the deportation into a State or a population
not desired, and of a population not suitable
to tboe wbo Inhabit the Siate, those wbo bave Invested tbeir capital in the State, who have
cast their lives and fortunes in tbe State,
who bave reared tbeir families in the
State. It is a very serious disparagement of the dignity of the r-tale and of the riehtsof the oeoole who Inhabit it. Indiana
nas never repeuea emigration, ine emigrant who comes here in good taitb with means for bis support and maintenance, or with labor provided to earn those means and support, is now welcome and has a ways been welcome, without distinction or race or color; bnt Indiana, in my judgment. Is not nnder auy legal or constitutional obligation to welcome r even to receive the units of a population which Is not needed, not wanted, which must displace our home labor and wblcb is distasteful to those who already inhabit tbe soil We bave an article In the constitution of our State (Art. M) tbat no negr or mulatto shall come
into this state atu-r tne adoption 01 tins constitution. That is the first provision. The sec
ond provision is tbat any person biinelng a negro or mulatto into this State shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, and be fined and pun
ished, aud tbat the amount and snm of these
that shall be collected, shall be applied for the purpose of helping those negroes and mula'-
toes in the Slate to go out of It if they are willing to emigrate. This is tbe written constitution or toe State ot Indlaua. I know it Is notalaw. I don't read it as a law. 1 know It bas been superseded by tbe constitutional amendments a part or the constitution or toe Union the supreme law of the land. I read it as a decla aiion of the pob'lo sentiment on tbat subject, I still think It is the public opinion on tbe
subject of negro emigration in Indiana. At tbe time of the adoption of tbe present constitution tbe whole instrument was submitted to the people at once a- d together. The present constitution took tbe place of tbe constitution of lain, and was adopted by tbe average
majority ot zt.tou votes. This, tne thirteenth amcle, with respect to negro and mulatto Im
migration, was submitted separately t that time to tne people ot Indiana,and was adopted by a majority or 80,000 billots, cast at that election. It was no parly or political question ; It was simply a question witn respect "O the desirableness of a certain class of immigration.
These people, as 1 understand it, don t come they aie sent. Tbey bave not tbe means to come: tbey have not the money to even pay for tbeir passage. Tbey land opon our soil' as paupers. Could tbere be any
thing wrong if tbe people of the localities where this African invasion Is threatened sbould call meetings and at least take an expr.ssiou olpubde sentiment with regard to it?
Any Htate bas the right to protect Itself
against the deportation or importation of psupers into iu sew York, Pennsylvania and Maryiaud has sucb a law, and in the three great cities or those sta es the enforcement of
mat law isoi oauy occurrence They not only don't rec tve the pauper Immigrants, but t-.iey
compel the parties wbo bring them hereto take tbem back, tbey send tbem back, it Is
an exercise of the ordinary police power of
ine mate 10 protect use it against an invasion of pauper-and of mendicants. which must be a
burden upon the tax-pavl g portion of the community wblcb tbey in haul . I think ills
a sut j. ct worthy or couslderai ton for tbe Legislature and the chief executive of oar St.te.
It Is a great deal better to undeceive them
now to do that than to do as the v have done in
Kansas. Il is a great deal better for these poor deluded immigrants themselves. There ought
to pe some sina 01 panne expression ofopin-
IUD, HU14 HUU lMU ftUU Cier IUIU UieV KUU their advlsois may bear and be governed by It.
Tbat tbeir presenee heie Is not wanted ; that tbey mast enter into competition with our
own white labor, and, not finding employment, tbey must be a tax upon tbat same labor for their support and maintenance. And I do believe also thoroughly in tbat one power still, perhaps, left us lu popular rebnke at tha ballot-box, and that political parly wblcb. is now directing this Afrlau colonization, and wbich is hau-tilng rcuemes to further it aud to bring this population upon Indiana that party will not escape tbe consequences, and you will see tills black hurricane met and borne down by tbe whirlwind or bsllotsor white men. Tbere is anoiher method of disparaging tbe rlgli s ol the people and the dignity of the states, aud that is by Federal Interference with the elections In the States. Tbe people may not suffer tbat. The people of tbe Colonies would not bave suffered that iuu years be tore the Declaration of Independence. The people of the Colonies, afterward the peo-
o e ot tbe Stat s. now tbe oeoo'e of tbe Un ion.
control and regulate Ibe.rown elections. Yet,
it Is now claimed that the National uovernment has the ngbt and isiwer to supervise.
control and direct, in matters fbe prerogative
wnicn was deuieo 10 me rtntisn crown, anu wblcb noteven a British ruler lor two centuries attempted, until Ueoige III., toexeicise.
it is claimed the people or tne states nave
erected a Natioual Uovernment which bas
powers wblcb tbey never ackDOWle lged to belong to any national authority, has l:ieu
lrom them powers wnicn they never parted with, and which tbey brooked not tbe disparment or. Even wbeu a despot, an absolute monarch, demanded tbem, they refused lo
sarrender. Under the Federal election laws.
It is claimed, aud tbe argument of the presidential veto last winter was that tbe National Uovernment could use either its mi ltary or civil arm either the puise or the sword to control, sopervlse aud regulate tne elections
111 tue stales.' jueie is a plan provision in the present constitution, jatt as tbere was in tbe Colonial system, tbat wbich was recognised in the whole history of tbls conn try from its-first settlement that the military force of tbe Government shall not be used in any State to suppress domestic violence, tbat is to Keep the peace, except with the consent of its Legislature, If
in session, or tue request 01 tne governor 11 it be not. Bat the present party, dominant la
Washington, say tbat that consent isunueces
sary;we will tot ask your governorwe will
t.ol ask our Legislature, we win send the soldier in the Slates where we wish to. He
shall be at the pol.s. He shall stay there; or.
If we don 1 exercise tuis power, we snaiL retain the right to do it. We sav, on oir part, the Government shall not retain the right.
Wnat is the use of the right if Ills not st some
time and place to be exercised? The right
Itself ia wholly indefensible and Inconsistent wlthlree Institutions, nd tbe right whether It be used or not is a m seal ne of despotism foreign to American liberty. I will call your attention briefly to the lite congressional electoral laws, because I believe that tbe enforcement and existence el these laws constitute the dt
viding line between civil liberty and centralization of power; between borne government, a free control or elections and tbe Insiltall tus of the State and a central, absolute authority, in a free government the voter should control a)'. things; bat suppose you control tt e vol er, what folio ws ? Kit her tbe sold ler or
voter must go; tbey can not ontu stay at tne poiis; either the bayonet or the ballot must yield. If tbe bayouet confronts the billot what liberty have yon leu? Tbe consequences are no far to see. Tbe consequences ol such actions 011 the part of tne central authority are iliat it draws to itself and absorbs 10 Itself tbe dignity and rights of tbe Stales and of the people. Your state government
would be simply a pro-consulate, and your
State Legislature would be simply a board ol
ounty commissioners. Your United states senators tbe nominees ot tbe military chief
tain in power at Washington, and your mem
bers of Congress named and chosen uoderthe direction of the faction which happen to be
doiuinaul at tne capital. 1 tniuK 1 can see 20 years from now some daughter
or child of a lawyer in this city, calling at the office to get the
portion or ner lather s estate inatacetsen
titled tn, anu she is tbere to d the old Si ate law
Is abolished, lou have got to write to toe
minister o? tbe Interior, or some min
lsler who bas cbaige 01 wills and
probate, and she will have lo sign
this paper and cause t bls paper to be sent to
that depararaent or mat bureau, ana pay a tax
to tbe central Government aud a duty to
the prince p estilent and lo tbe minis
ters at Washington. Then she can
get her money. 1 think 1 hear that applicant sav what in tne name or General Jackson bas
tne unitea n tales to do witn a cnua s inneriiance in Indiana. But a class of men will have
come into power who know not Jackson aud
regard nothing ot nis principles, wnninju months from now you may see a man
rested tn this cl.y lor distributing
jLiemoc ratio or isationai tickets; ar
rested bv the United states marshal on
view, without writ or process, and tae en be
fore the temporary tribunal, the United Slaves
coram -ssioner. wny.the deputy marshal will
say, ne was peoilllng these tickets People
would take ineiu ana wouia votetnem, aua
there was no keeping the peace, or keep-
lug my place or- pay witbout arrest
ing nira. Some man may run arouud
aud say, what in the name of Rutherford
B. Wheeler has the United States to do with
the elections In Indianapolis. It has just us much to do with the election in Indianapolis
as it nas to do with ine law 01 descent aua in
heritance in Indiana. Just as much to do
witn one as the other. I sbould think that if
there wasany right inalienable, unquestiona
ble, undeniable, it is tbe rlgln, 01 a Slate
not ouly lo cast its electoral vote, but to bave it counted as it was
cost. I should think that would be I a right guaranteed wllb 2o0 years of freedom
before tue revolution, ana a nuudreu years or freedom since. Yet there bae been States wbo bave not been allowed lo have tbeir electoral vote counted as lats as November, 1X7K The electoral vote was not counted by thereturning board of Lou slana, Tbe canvassing
board there nave very - great power, lu
mis State tbey have very - little power. Here tbey count up and certify such a man has received so many votes and the number that.tbe other man has received, and be who has received the roost voles is commissioned. Hsrdiy any power; it is simply a calculation. Tbere was a law in
lioulsuuia that in any parisn wnere lninnida
Hon had been used In which an election bad
been held, aud it wss so certified by the officer holding tbe e ectlon at tbe time of the elec
tion, they could throw ont the whole vote of tbe precinct. That is a remarkable power. We don't complain ot tbat II Is ttie abu-e and violation of tbose poweis tbat we com
plain ot. This board did not meet in building of tbe State, on any grounds of tbe (state.
Tbey met at the Custom House iu the city of
New Orleans, under federal auspices ana authority, surrounded by the military and
civil ollicets ot tbe National Government at
Washington. Thev knew all abont the eltc-
tion long before the official retnrn was made. They knew tbat the Democratic State officers had been elected by 7,lUl' msjorlty. They
knew that tbe Democratic electoral ticket bad received about 9.100 majority. The State
returns were delivered to tbem in sealed packages. They knew tbat only two of tbose packages contained protests of lntlmldailou, and
inese two wouia not cnange tne result, out simply decrease the Democratic majority. What did tbey do? In violation of the statutes and of tbeir oaths, tbey allowed these sealed packages to be opened and protests of intimi
dation forged and false that were never signed
by the parties purporting to bave signed them. They were all executed In tbe city of New Orleans, miles away from tbe places where tbe elections were held. They allowed these forged certificates of intimidation to be thrust Into tbe sealed packages alter tbe count bad ben proceeded with; they found, after throwing away precinct after precinct, that tbe S ate officers and electoral ticket si ill had some 2,0oo majority. What, then, did they do? They allowed these sealed packages to be broken open again, and farther and additional fotged certificates to be Inserted, and throwing out 7,000 voles tbey declared Mr. Packard elected governor, and throwing oat 8,000 voles tbey declared tbat the present executive bad received the electoral vote for president, and so published their report in a sub cellar in be Custom House at New Orleans, and tbey ordered refreshments in the room alter they bad finished the count I bave no doubt tbat tbey needed them. What a singular bsnquetl The people o the Stale paid no attention to that declaration as to who had been elected when the time came to inaugurate tbe governor tbey met In Lafayette square, tbe city, tbe country, tbe courts all recognized Nlcholl as elected. There were 8,0".0 under arms and they declared tbat Nlcholl must be Inaugurated, but before they proceeded they waited upon tbe commanding officer of tbe United States troops. If you Interfere witn ns we suall not Inaugurate Nlcholl. We know be was elected. We don't want any flu lit witb the Government. We bave bad war enough with tbe Untied States. We will dlspei se; we will go home. The officer telegraphed to Washington for inst nciioos, and the answer was, "Dont interfere," end Mr. Nlcholl and the Slate office! s were inaugurated in obedience to those instructions and uy per mission of tbe military foroes of the Government.
Tbev said, "Ton may tke your State nffloers : we have tbe fraudulent electoral certificates."
I think there might have been some men In Washington or In the Custom House In New
Orleans, with some glimmer of conscience left.
Who sav Is it right, is tt just t can we let In
tbe governor and State officers and exclude
tre preaiaeni ana vice presioeutT wnat
was the answer? Is tbe Infantry
stationed around the Custom Honse square? Is the artillery within striking dlstanoe? la
the gnn boat lying at tbe levee? Are the gun shotted? Are tbe decks cleared? At ten tion! Aeadyt Aim! Count I . Count
1
in thA men not elected, and count I
out the men wbo are elected. Tbe people of tbe United states say they bave cbosen tbeir president and vice president. But tbe com-mander-ln chier or tbe army says tbat others shall be Inaugurated and shall serve. Ihns tbe army and navy chose tbe last presideqt, and tbey will choose tbe next one unless tbe people arise in tbeir majesty and rebuke this wrong. What was tbe constitution of tbe United States during the electoral connt In Louisiana? A battered blackened, worthless paicbmeut, through which tbe military president tbrust his sword to mutilate, end tnen cast It fortb to to be trodden under foot of men. Tbe constitution of the United States, yonr constitution. It was simply a roll of drums snare and tenor drums. The law It was only a file of fixed bayonets. The guarantees of the constitution! Wbat do they amount to In the presence of a president wbo is not a chief magistrate only a military commander wbo bas never governed at Washington, bnt wbo bas only been encamped tbere, as at headquarters. They are without efficiency. Gentlemen, bright and fair will be tbe future or the country if we can restore the Government to its ancient landmarks. We need not expect to
do it witbout determined effort; perhaps, not wltbont tbat extterae effort 01 patriotism and of patience that was employed in its formation. 1 trust to see, bowev.-r, tbe peaceful
restoration of tne Government to iisconsti
tullonal limits and order. I trnat to see a benign administration nnder the distin
guished citizen or Indiana wnose name you bear. Applause.l An administration of tbe United States Government wbich
shall respect all tbe rights of the States and all the rights and franchises of tbe neonie. A
government under which eve-y Htate
aall nlwavs respect and obey the
authority oi the Federal constitution. Sucb a
Government may not bave a standing army.
nor myriads of police and constanulary, bnt It will be a strong Government: strong with
tbe si rength which exceeds tbat of armies and navies. It will be strong in tbe love and af
fection or a free people for their free lnslltu tions. (Continued applause.
1880 the 1880
MDIAIIA WEEKLY
Etate Sentinel.
EWINO THINKS
Enlarged and Improved.
S1.00
Per Annnm.
A Paper for the People and Friend to
the Farmer aid all Other Classsp.
Prospectus for 1880.
Tbat Joel Parker, of Xew Jersey, Would
Blake an Kxcellent President.
New York, Nov. 24 The Tribune to-5y
has tbe following interview with General
Ewine: .
'Wbat are you .Democrats Rome to do in
Washington this witter 7'
-The session preccdicg tbe presidential
election is usually occupied wit making
candidates and sharpening up issues."
'What issues will JJeniosrats devote tbem
selves tosbarpeniDR?"
'We shall bave only one, il yon nominate
Grant tbe third trm; we will need no
other issue. Oj tbat we D mocrats can all
agree."
Have yon made up yonr mtna as to
whom yon want for your candidal?''
'.t fully. I thlur. however. Joel far
ker, of New Jeney, would be an excelleL
man, Ue wss a' war eovrroor, and bas a
good record. Probably we shell bave to
t tke a candtdt te from one of tae mt tropoli
tin Elates."
General Ewing made no a'losiOD to Til
Can.
"It ail onr catty wonld come op solidly
tj the soppott of Judge David Davis, 1
sbould regard him as an exceeding y desli
able candidal 4; but I fear tiey. would riot
He bas never been a pronounced Democrat
and his preteLt position is net tl-sily de
fined. However, il ynn nominal: Grsnt
will net be to Smpoitatit woo tie Dmo-
erst c oandiflhts may be. We shsll give you
a lively hgtt oo tie tiird t;rm qu-ttion.
"doppose MraDt suouia net oa nom
cstd?" "O", I think it's already as good as se
tlfd that ba will be. He eviden-lv want
tbe nomination, and you can't gtt rid of I
him."
The Bayards. An admirer of Senator Bayard wants to know how old he la. He was" 51 on tae 29th of last month. No other family in tbe United States is so largely, and, we may add. so honorably con oecttd with fie Government of the United 8 tat a especially the 8entU, as that i f tbe Bayards. Its bead in tbis country, James Asbeton Baysrd, wbo was born in Poilsdelphia. Peon.. 1707, and died in Wilmington, Uiii., 1815, was a lawyer and statesman of his day. His ancestor, Nicbolss Bayard, a Frencbmar, arrived in tils country in 1647 in company witb bis brotbei-in law, Peter Stoyvissnt, ibe last Dutch governor of New York. James A Bayard, after graduating at Princeton and studying law st Philadelphia, took up his residence in Delaware and tbere rsct!ced his profession. In 17(J0 he was eleoted a representative in Cinra In ISO I he was appointed minister to Fiance, but dtclined. Io tbat year he was a leader in the policy wbich resulted in ibeelic.iun o' J -Hereon ss president by tbe House. In 1S)1 be wss elected to the 8o a'e as the successor of his fatber-it -law. Governor Bissett, and remained there until selected by Madiaon as one of tbe commissioners fur negoliatii.g the treaty of Ghent in 1813 He was afterward appointed m.nlster to R iisis, bat declined. Ricbard Bassett Biytrd, sin of tbe prtcedit g, bora in Delaware iu 170G graduated a' Pino too, aDd bred to tbe law, was chosen Uniti d Stsies senate r liom Drlam are from
1836 to 1839.- and seain from IS I to 1845:
and in 1850 was appointed charge d'affaires
to Belgium. D.ed in 1'hliaut lpaia, March
4 1868.
James Asheton Bixard. brother of tbs pre
ceding, wss born in Delaware in 1799; was
elected to tbe United Sta'es Senate from that
Sta'e lu 1851. and wss rc-?licted in 1H57 and
18i;3. In 18H4 be res'gned, and in 1867 was
appointed to succeed Saaator George K Riddle, deceased. In 1809 he was elected again, but soon afterward n signed on account of ill
heel b. Thomas K. Bayard, son of tbe preceding
and present seua'or, was bnrn at Wilming
ton, Del., Uctiber SJ. 1828. He is a lawyer and came to tbe bar in 1851. In 1853 he was appointed by P erce Uni ed 8 ates district st orney for Dataware, but reef gt ed io 1854 He was first rl-cted to tbe United Stat Smate for the term ommenrIrir in 1869 and ending in 1875 and then re-elected for the term expiring March 3, 1881. On tbe same day of his first elec tion bis father, James A., received bis list r election to tbe Senate from the same State tbe only instance ot the kind that ever occurred. . Hen. William Heilman. The following address to tbe Republicans of Indiana, will explain Iteelf : TO the Republicans of Indiana: Inasmuch as some of. my Republican friends throughout tbe Stats are sti l iu-isi-ing on the tue of my name in oonneo ko with tbe Domination for governor. I desire to itite again, explicitly and unequivoca ly, that nnder no circumstances will 1 be a candidate, nor wonld I accept the nomination if tendered. Iain moved to make tbis announcement because io accepting ruch a position, I would be doing ir justice to myself, as my business would not allow me to make the proper canvass of tbe Elite, - and It would be a aaorfice for me to ettnrt to tbe duties of ibe office if eWced I would also decline to accent bscausa I
would be doing an io justice to my friends
ol tbis district who have so kindly ravored
me with tbeir suSrages io tbe past. Fina ly, I would not accept, because I bave person
al'y pledged my word to Grnersl tibackelford and his friends tbat I woul I not bo tn
tbe rsoe and I bave no desire to equivocate
in this or ar y (.tier matter. B sides Geneial 8hackelford. tbere are a number of other
good name suggmted for the nomination.
and I do not tbink there will be any trouble
in selecting a sniubl- csndida'r; and I have no hesitancy io pledging niyselt for tbe nominee of toe Republican H ate conven
tion, whoever be may be. Witb a united
Republican vote tbere will be no doubt that
we will sweep tbe Stat. William Hulxar,
The coming presidential year promises to
be the mast eventful and thrilling in a political sense that we bave passed through since
1860.
Tbe secret of the Sentinel's success is its
steadfast adherence to tbe principles of tha
Democratic pirty. The duty of tbe Sentinel is tbe dissemination of political truth, and to that end, we ask Democrats every
where to assist in scattering tbe good seed broadcast over the state. Let en ry family
in Indiana have a copy, and specially daring a year eo important to the coming political harvest 4 . Its columns will be faun full of the latest state and general news. Its editorials will present able and strong argumen's in favor of economy and against class legislation. The Agricultural and Commercial departments are nnder the supervision of practical and intelligent editors, making paper of 56 columns, complete In all its appointments.
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