Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 28, Number 38, Indianapolis, Marion County, 17 September 1879 — Page 4

THE INDIAKA STATE SENTINEL, WEDNESDAY MOKNING, SEPTEMBER 17, 1879.

'WEDNESDAY. SEPTEMBER 17. I now looks as though, the venerable Archbishop Parcell would go down to his grave burdened with debt. He la a grand old man, and has the sympathy of all good

Mr. Hayes will arrive in the city on Wednesday evening, the first day or October. The industrial parade will take place on Thursday, October 2. This is one day later than at first agreed upon. This four returning board whelps of Louisiana, who helped to swindle Hayes into office ought to be with him while he swings around the circle. Will the Journal state whether or not these four scamps are now with Hayes? Thk Republicans of Maine did not score a majority. Now, can the Journal tell in what States the Republican party has a majority of the voters? Come, neighbor, stand up on your hind legs, and answer, Hind, we want majorities. When will the "internecine" dog-fight, predicted by Judge Martindale, begin in the Republican party in Indiana? We shall be pleased to see the leaders in the ring "chawing" each other up. L9t the "inter' necine" show bgtn at once. Hates is slated for several political speeches while out examining big pumpkins and eating free lunches. Some one ought to ask him just how many villains he has appointed to office for helping to swindle him into the White House. Massachusetts has not yet decided that the laws of the old Commonwealth do or do not permit the murder of children when the murderer claims to have a revelation from Heaven commanding the commission of the crime. It is Btill an open question. Casarave, the black-and-tan sconudrel, will require about $2,509 more from Hayes and John Sherman to pay attorneys' fees. Hayes can pay his part out of Tilden's salary, and John Sherman ought to mike the First National bank of New York pay up his share. The Georgia gold mines are now yielding more than $1,000,000 in bullion annually. Northern capitalists have invested heavily, and the work of gold mining has taken a new start. The probabilities now are that the yield of bullion will reach $10,000,000 annually hereafter. The New York Sun refers to the public reception given Mr. John Welsh as a "splurge" over a "Pecksniff" and says he is the "same self inflated fool" that he was when he went away, and who returned from his foreign mission because he could not live on a salary of $17,500 a year. He was not worth $17.50. It is reported that some one has nominated General Ben Harrison tor president. We are sorry for General Ben. He comes in just in time to get chawed op in the "internecine struggle," which Judge Martindale says will take place in the Republican party at an early day. The figure head of the Mississippi river commission ought to keep away from the "internecine" show. Napoleon, though he died in exile, was worth in cash from $30,003,000 to $100,000,000, which be had stowed away in Amsterdam, Frankfort and London. He knew how to rob like a carpet-bagger, and Napoleon III. inherited the stealing proclivity to a wonderful extent, though he did not stow it away with equal prudence. The probabilities are that the Napoleonic dynasty will rob the French no more. Thk New York Tribune is in a state of alarm about the way things are going on in Ohio. It evidently has little faith in Calico . Charley and his yardstick, while it fears ' Swing's commanding power and influence. But the Cincinnati Commercial tells the Tribune that it is too "breezy," and adds: "There is no great trouble in Ohio. Ewing is defeated. He was beaten when nominated, and has been failing rapidly ever since. The people of Ohio are conscious of their power and csnspiculty." If the TrL bune was too "breezy," the Commercial goes to the other extreme, and whistles to keep its courage up. It proclaims the defeat of Ewing weeks in advance. This is foolish bravado it is the language of an imbecile and goes for less than nothing with welladvised Republicans. Oh, no, Mr. Commer cial, Calico Charley is not ahead, and your bombastic toot won't help him. Tbx following tables, exhibiting the estimated acreage and yield of corn for the year 1879 in the States named, compared with the returns of the agricultural department at Washington, and the reports of State effi cials for the year 1878, have been compiled, the estimated yield per acre for 1879 being 35 bushels to the acre: 187V. States. Illinois Acres. , b,ftti,XM . b.UUO.OUO . 2.W6.UU0 Bushels. 813,775,00 210,0u0,'JU0 10 ,815,000 66,000,009 131 ,260.00 J 13,6 11,000 83,0-10,000 lowa. Kansas . Nebraska.. . l.ttuO.IMI Missouri . Minnesota- . ,750 0UO Wisconsin.. . l,0u(M0 Total 24,700,000 8U,490,000 Bushels. 25000,000 175,25ti,000 81803,000 54,222,000 (H,2,000 11,000,1AM 38,U0,000 1678. Acres. 8.872,1100 6,68t,000 3,406,000 191,000 3.5S2.U00 States. Illinois-. Iowa. KansasNebraska... Missouri.. Minnesota.. iESB.UUU 884,000 Wisconsin. Total. .22,919,1.00 702,683,01)0 Ah old French baron recently banded in bis ehecka, and some of his near relatives desired to spend some money for a goodly number of prayers, to get the old fellow out of purgatory as Boon as possible. But the wife of the old baron put a stop to the expenditure by saying to his loving daughter-n-law, who bad shown a deep anxiety for the old man's welfare, that she did not know what kind of a man the old baron was. nd added: "He was almost Quixotic in bis nnctiliousness and sense vof honor. He would not thank anybody to pray for him. He is too proud; be will insist on remaining there till tbe last moment rather than be under obligations to any on." It it cafe

to say that Hayes is not that sort of a sinner. He would permit his daughter in-law, his wife, cousins or aunts to draw Tilden's salary and then exhaust his barrel to get out of purgatory. But then Hayes' future

abode is not spelled with a P. Thk tide of immigration from England is setting toward the United States pretty strong, and is likely to reach unusual magnitude in the immediate future. Among the immigrants who arrived in New York last Monday in the steamer Helvetia, from Liverpool "were 91 parsons, including eight families from Yorkshire. Each of the heads of the families had about 300 each, and all were of a much better class than are usually found at Castle Garden. All but 12 of the party will sail for Galveston, Texas, on Wednesday by the Morgan steamer. In Texas 14 will settle at Lillian and the rest at New Philadelphia. They say that the crops in England are worse this year than tby have been for 20 years, and consequently they became discouraged and determined to try their fortunes in the United States. They say that large parties of immigrants will follow from Yorkshire." Mr. John Kelly has made a great personal sacrifice for the saae of Democratic principles and municipal integrity in consenting tuthe use of bis name as a candidate for governor. He bad taken a stand. He bad defied tbe un scrupulous and arrogant ring who undertook to rule tbls city in violation of law and had removed faithiul officers without cause. He bad risked everything In the issue for Democratic principles. There was nothing left lor him to do but accept the consequences of his act. And ue is too orave man to antra me re sponsibility of his course, and too magnanimous to allow another to bear the burden which beloBgs on his own shoulders. He has not sought tbe otiice, and does not expect to te elected to it; out ne aoes want to oreaa down now and lorever the corrupt and un scrupulous Tllden ring in this State, aiid to assert the great lunoamentai principles oi municipal self-government lu affairs. And this he will accomplish. New York Express. The condition of political affairs in the Empire State of New York, without refer ence to parties, is. to say the least of it, humiliating. One man in the Republican party (Conkling) rules,- while in the Dem ocratic party Samuel J. Tilden and John Kelly are published to the werld as the supreme autocrats who rule with despotic sway, and the rank and file are expected to submit. Nothing could ba more humilia ting, and it is" this abandonment of the grand old Democratic motto, "Measures not men," that is contributing to the general demoralization of poll tics. Cornell was the most objection able man in New York to the Republican party, and still this man Conkling forced him upon the party, and compels its acquiesence. Robinson was the choice of Tilden, and some one else was the choice of John Kelly. What is the result? Division. And this is the way that political affairs are drifting. The party in csuucil is fast be coming a delusion. In numerous cases it represents some one individual who assumes the right to control the party and to dictate candidates. It is what is understood es "machine" politics, in whicl the voice of the people is silenced and the wel fare of the party sacrificed. New York is just now a notable illustration of its demoralizing results, and it would be well for other States to take warning. The practice now-a-days is to en gage in rheap hero worship, to split up into factions, some for Paul and some for Apol los, and the result is wranglings, splits, de moralization and defeat. The time to name standard bearers is when the party is in council, free from entanglements and alli ances, when there are opportunities for the interchange of opinions, and delegates are left free to act as the interests of the party and the welfare of the country demands. When the representatives of the party meet, pledged to certain candidates, or when certain individuals, assume the right to dictate the action of the convention is in the case of New York, at Saratoga and Syracuse the results that follow are seldom, if ever, in cousonanca with the strength of parties or the good of the country. After such a false step the organs of the factions exhibit intense hostility. Criminations and recrim inations are in order; the breaches widen. and feuds are inaugurated that are never settled until incalculable mischief results. Journals that should discuss measures devote their attention to men, and the fulsome laudations of leaders serve to obscure the importance of issues. In such cases, and New York famishes humiliating example, one set of organs are working to whip the Republican party into the support of Cornell, while other organs are engaged in extolling Mr. Kelly, and still others proclaiming the ascendency of Mr, Tilden. In all of this wrangling the rank and file of the parties Itake little interest Thousands become disgusted, seek new affiliations or change from zaal to indifier ence. What is now wanted in the Demo cratic party is harmony, solidity, aggressive ness and thorough organization upon vital issues. This secured, all other things can be easily and satisfactorily managed. With out these essentials to success defeat should surprise no one. Animate and Inanimate Nature. "Can a thing which has no life move? asked Joseph Cook ot U 1'arfcius "Of course they can," replied Eli. "Why last year 1 saw a watch spring, a rope walk. horse tiy. a match box, a peanut stand, a mill dam, an oyster fry, and a cat fish;" and tb a year continued Eli, "I expect to see a peach blow, a gin snug, oranay smash, ana . "Any thing more, Mr. Perkins?" "Why. yes, I expect to see a stone fence, cane brake, and a hank run." ''Did you ever see a shoe shop, a gum boil, or bear aeon nsh bawl?" asked Mr. Cook. "No, but I've seen a plank walk, a horse whin, and a tree toed, and I would not be surprised some day to see the great Atlantic coast, tbe Facinc slope, a tree box. and "By the way, Mr. Cook," asked Eli, can you tell the dfforence between a tree and your mother in-law?" "No, I don't see the difference, Brother Perkina" "Well, the difference is this: one leaves in the spring and the other don't leave at all. As Mr. Cook left Ed told him that he bad often seen a very mysterious thing that he had seen a uniform smile. "Why, I've often seen a sword fish," said Mr. Cook, "I've Been bogs skm boots, too and once I saw some aligators hide shoes. Yes," be continued, "Mr. Perkins, I have even beard the bark ef a tree actually seen tbe tree bark, seen it holler and commence to leave. The tree held on to its trunk. which they were trying to seize for board. Eli told Cook but never mind the rest It is sufficient that Cook and the church bell were told. "Infallible" is the verdict of tbe afflicted when referring to tbe merit of "Sellers Liver Pills." - , . :':

BPBBOH SXUVXBES BT

HOS. FRANKllS LANDERS, AT Bryan, Ohle, September 11, 1879. Fxixow Citizens I come before you on the Invitation of your State Central committee to say something in behalf ot Democratic principles and policy. It affords me much pleasure to respond to the invitation, for In addition to the love I bear the Democracy, I nave the highest regard for your gallant standardbearers, Ueneraia ewing ana nice, x Know them to be brave in war and wise in council. They fongbt the battles of the country in tbe field, and they have fongbt the battles ot the Denote in the Federal Congress. I served in that body with General Rice, and I speaK what every man before me knows to be true, when I say that the country owes mm nraon lor nis civil services. General Ewing bears an honored name, and bas added to its luster by his efforts on the forum and in the field; bnt it looses none of its brilliancy dv oeing mended with that of the mained and gallant Biee on thA banners of bis nartv. Tb platform upon wnicn you aremaxrag this canvass, while it is of special Interest to tbe State of Ohio, is National in all its features. and all the states ot tnis union are interested In the decision of the people of Ohio at the coming election. Yon have the sympathy of me menus or arepuoncan lorra oi governmeut In all these States because you have boldly met tbe issue that has been forced upon ns by the legislation of tbe Republican party. The right of tbe Federal Government to supervise elections held within the several States, and to control t hose elections by marshals and supervisors appointed by the administration in power, is a revival oi toe oia reaerai aoctnne of 1787. While this is a new doctrine to this generation, it was a prominent question with those who framed the constitu tion of the united suites, me war oi tue rev olution was supported by men dltlering . in their views as to ine formation of tne Government that shou'd be established in case the Independence of the colonies was acknowl edged. Tbls was openly proclaimed when they came to form meir organic laworconsti tutton. It was found that a large party which supported the war for Independence was wed ded to tbe British form of Government, and, while desiring separation from tbe mother country, still wlsaed to retain all tbe forms of that Government. Alexander Hamilton was the great leader of that party, and as a member of the convention that framed the consti tution he brought forward his plan ot Government. In a speech delivered In the conven tion in support of bis polioy he used the lot lowlng language: "We most establish a general and National Government, and annihilate tbe State distinctions and State operations, and unless we do this, no good purpose can be answered. "I foresee tbe difficulty on a consolidated plan of having a representation from so exten Hive a continent to one place. in is, uowever. can oe no conclusive ooiection if it eventuates in the extinction of State governments "I believe the British Government forms the best model tbe world ever produced, and such bas been Its progress in tbe minds of many, that this truth gradually gains ground. 'This Government has for its object pnblic strength and individual security. It la said wun us to ne unattainaoie. it it was once formed it wonld maintain itself. "All communities divide themselves into the few and the many. The first are the rich and well born, the others tbe mass of the peo Die. "Can' a democratic assembly, who annually revolve in tne mass oi tne people, De supposed steadily to pursue tbe public good T "Nothing but a permanent body can check tne imprudence or democracy. Their tnrbn Duientand uncontroiuug disposition requires checks. Let one body of tbe Legislature be constituted annng eooa oenavtor or me. Liit one executive be appointed (for life) who dares execute his powers. "All state laws to oe absolutely void whlcli contravene tbe general laws. An officer to be appointed in each State to have a negative on ail state laws, au tue militia anu tne ap pointment oi oincers tow nnuer tne jNauonat Government, ine people are gradually ripen lng in their opinions of governments: tney begin to tire or an excess ot democracy." rates' Debates of tne convention, pages lil to 137. Mr. Hamilton's proposed scheme of National Government having been adopted in com mittee ot the whole, and reported to the con vention, the federal union advocates, on June 20, ls7, moved to suite out tbe word "National" In the tirsl resolve and to substi tute the words "Government of the United Stales," which was agreed to. The National system of Hamilton was abandoned, and the r eaerai system was aaopiea. Mr Haves, in all his veto messages, uses the woid national.- wnea speaaing of the Gov erumant of i.be United States, iu tils veto message of May 19, 1879. upon the bi 1 passed by the present congress lor the repeal of the law providing for the supervision by the Fed eral Government of all elections held in an y of tbe States wbere members of Congress are vo ne eiecieu. ue says: "If this bill is approved, only the shadow of tne authority ot tue united states, at the Na tional elections, will remain the substance will be gone. The supervision of tbe elections will be rednced to a mere inspection, without authority on tbe part of the supervisors to do any act whatever to make the election a fair one." In view of the fact that the word "Nation" Is nowhere to be ronnd in the constitution and that tbe convention that framed the con sttiutlon named the Government "the Government ot tbe United 'tales," it is strange that our Republican friends have been lor years trying to educate the people up to tbe doctrines of Alexander Hamilton that tills Government is a Nation and not a Govern ment of limited powers. If it is a Nation there is no limit to its autnoriiy. ine Governnien of the United States Is oie of limited powers; ana so careful and -Jealous were the people of the several States as to their State rights, that one of tbe first amendments to tne constitution ot tne united states pro vides that tbe powers not delegated to the United States by tbe constltntlou, nor prohlb lied by it to the States, are reserved to the States, respectively, or to the people. All tbe power that the Federal Government has Is denned or provided lor in the constllu tlon. By examining the constitution. It easv to draw the line of distinction between tbe power of the Federal Government and the reserved powers of tbe States. All power not specially reserved to the Federal Government or denied to tbe States, belongs to the States or to the people. The advocaUs of a Nation, or of a strong Government modeled after that of Britain, were not to be silenced by their defeat in tbe constitutional convention, but sougbt, from time to time, the passage of laws by tbe Federal Government which would practically set aside tbe rights reserved by the States. They advocated the quartering of troops at the polls. ' In 1800, Michael Lelb, of Pennsylvania, a German Republican, Introduced a resolution into tbe House of Representatives In these words: "Resolved, That a committee be appointed to prepare and report avbill containing such legislative provisions as may be Judged expedient either for removing any military force of tbe United States from any place or holding elections, or for preventing their interference In such elections." Tbe resolution, after amendment by the House, which was then controlled by the Federalists, was referred to a committee consisting or John Marshall, Lee. Lelb and Jtls of Massachusetts two Federalists and one Republican. It was ret orted bacc by Marshall, March 14. 17S, and passed the House. Tbe committee provided for In the resolution was duly appointed, and it dratted a bill which was reported to the House ia these vords: - "An aol to prevent the InUrterenes of any military force in certain elections. "Section 1. Be it enacted ,eic: That it shall be unlawful for any military force of the United Stales to appear around or embodied at the place on the day of holding an election for electors of the president and. vice president of the United States, or of any member ot Congress, or of tbe governor, or a member of tbe Legislature, of any State, or in any manner to interfere with such election. "Seo. 2. And belt further enacted: That if any body of troops shall be stationed In the neighborhood of tbe place where such election may be held, and notice tbereot be given, iu writing, by any person or persons holding the same, to tbelr commanding officer. It shall b bis duty. In a special manner, to superintend their conduct on that day, so as to prevent any violation of this act, and lor that purpose to detain them in camp, unless it shall be signified to him in writing by the offioer or officers presiding over or conducting such election that tbe vicinity of such troops will incommode or may overawe the voters, and that he la requested to remove them to such convenient distance, not exceeding one mile, as In such notice may be prescribed, in which case it shall be the duty of the officer to ounform to the request contained In such notice; provided always, that It shall be lawf.il for such offioer to leave at tbe proper station such guard as may be necessary for the protection of the works, military stores and other property which may be intrusted to bis care. "Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That any

officer who shall refuse or fail to observe the regulations of this act shall be adjudged guilty of disobedience of orders, and shall be

"Nothing In this not contained shall be construed to deprive officers or soldiers of their ngnt to vote as citizens, lor which purpose those who are entitled to vote may be petmilted to attend such elections unarmed, aa other persona." Tbe yeas and, nays were not called on its passage, for the wisdom of the measure was apparent to all. It went to tbe Senate, was debated, amended, and voted down, April 4, 18u0. by tbe Federalists, whs then had ma jority in the Senate, which they lost in that year wnen jenerson was elected. It will De seen that the Federalists of those days were for troops at the polls as the friends of consolidated Government, who call themselves Repnoucans in these days, now are. Wbat a commentary on names it Is for a party wear ing tne name oi "Republican" to contend lor the employment of troops - in connection with elections! Jt was tbe Federal party, under John Adams, that sent United States troops riding through Pennsylvania ou political errands, and It was the Republican party under Tbomas Jenerson mat arrestea in is crime against noeny. it was federal troopers tbatcut down liberty notes in Pennsylvania In 10, and It was Pennsylvania Republicans that rose in wrath against this abnse of power, and swept Adams out of office and the Federal party out of existence. Now, we see the principles and the practices of the Federalists revived by men who call themselves Republicans. Tbe General Advertiser, of Philadelphia. under date of April tt, 1800, says of this soldier oiii: The senate has reieeted tbe bill passed by the House of Representatives to prevent the lnterierence oi ine military in onr elections. This bill was referred to a committee, of which James R km, the late candidate for governor of fennsy ivan.a, was oue. "Tbls committee reported against passing tbe bill, and it was consequently reieeted. "Thus we see tbe military are designed for domestic uses, and that, instead ot employ ment against a foreign enemy, they can be so managed as to direct elections. James Kos may hope through sucU Instrumentality, on a iuture occasion, to become governor oi renn sylvan ia, if the foul weather should con tinue." How the history of 80 years ago repeats lt sen: Tne old questions are presented, ine oiu issues revived. Republicans preach a consoli dated government. Republicans hate and persecute tbe foreign born citizen. They debase the Slates, prostitute the people and Invite tne mailed nand of the Federal troops to supervise the ballots of our elections. Contrast the po litical condition of tbe country now with that of tbe Republic then, as described by Jefferson in bis letter to Mazzel, thus: "The aspect of our politics has wonderfully changed since you left us. "In place of that noble love of liberty and republican government which carried ns triumphantly through the war an Anglican mon archical arihtocratical party has sprung up whose avowed object is to draw over us tbe sub stance, as they have already done, the forms of the iiruiso. Government, 'ine mam oooy ot our citizaua. however, remain true to their Kepnbllcan principles; the whole landed interest Is Republican, and bo Is a great mass of talents. Against us are tbe executive, the Judiciary; two out or uiree to tioin brandies oi ine legislature, all tbe officers of the Government, all wuo want to oeomcers, ail umia men.wuo nre'er the calm of despotism to the boisterous seaof liberty, British merchants and Americans trading on Krl'lnh capital, speculators and holders in the banks and public funds, a contrivance invented lor me purposes oi cor ruption and for assimilating us lu ail things to the rotten as well as the sound parts of the British model." Contrast the doctrine then deaonnced by jenerson with tbe condition oi tnings to aay. Against ns are the executive anu tne judiciary. We have the two legislative branches of the Government: but all the officers of tbe Goveminent are against o-t SO.OOO iu number. All who want jo be onicers in u:e neiu are against us. All sorts of men who otefer the calm of despotism to the boisterous sea of liberty are against us. (speculators ano noioers oi Dana siocks ano oi puDiic iunus an inese are against ns. These classes to-day are as they were then used as a contrivance ior tne purpose of corruption and for assimilating us In all things to a stroiiu Government. Gentle men, tue nistoryoi ou years ago repeats iiiseii to-oay. The States were In existence long before the Union, and tbe latter took its birth from their power. Without them tne machinery of the Federal Government would cease to act, and wltbout tbe people as voters of the Slates the whole svstem would tumble to the ground. Tbe Federal Government has no voters; it can make none; it can, constitutionally, con trol none. 11 can not auu to or taae irom tne auallQcations of tbe voter as prescribed by the States, save In protecting him from being discriminated against on account of race, or previous condition. When it asserts the power to create and hold National elections, or to regulate the conductor the voter on election day, or to raalutain equal suffrage, it tramples under foot the very basis of the Federal b.vstem. and seeks to build a consolidated Govern ment from a Democratic Republic. This is the plain purpose of the men now in the control of tbe Federal Government, and to this end the teachings of leading Republicans now axe shaped. Tue State can control the action of the Federal Government as to amendments to the constitution. Ai tide V. provides: "The Congress, whenever two-thirds of both Houses sban deem it necessary, shall propose amendments to this constitution, or, on the application of the Legislatures ot two thirds of the several States, shall call a convention for proposing amendments, wblcb, iu either case, shall be valid to all Intents and purposes, as part of this constitution, wben ratified by the Legislatures of three-lourths ot the several Siates " lu this case the States can force the Federal Government to act. The stale governments are supreme by lnnerent power ongiuauy conceded to them by tbe people as to the con trol of local leeslatlon and administration. The Federal Government has no part or lot in this vast mass of inherent sovereign power, and its interference therewith Is utterly un warrantable. Tuey are supreme, too, in many matters relating to tne u nion linen, xney elect the members of the Tjower Honse of I on. gress, and they elect the United States sena tors. Articiei. anu section a oi tun cudsuiu tion reads: -The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two senators from each State, chosen by the -Legislatures thereof, for six vears. and each senator shall have one vote. Their power Is exclusive aod irresponsible. Thev should act. but it is for them to judge whether they will or not. The executive of the State Issues writs of election to nil vacancies in the Federal House of Representatives. He is responsible for his action to his State alone. Article I., section 2, of the constltntlou reads: "Wnen vacancies happen in tne representation of any stale, the executive authority thereof shall Issue writs of election to rill such vacancies." The States appoint the officers of the Federal militia and provide for their training. Article i. section 8, of the constitution is in these words: "Congress shall have power to provide for organising, arming and disciplining tbe militia, and for governing such parts of them a may be employed in the service of tbe United States, reserving to tbe States respectively the appointment oi tne onicers ana tne autnoriiy oi training tne raunia acroraing to me uiscipline preecri bed nyuoDgress." It is for the Stales tu say whether the Fed eral Government shall erect forts or navy yards within their limits. Article I., section 8, of the constitution, declares: " That Congress shall have power to exercise like authority over all places purchased by tne consent of tbe Legislature of the State in which the same shall be, for tbe erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dock-yards and otner neeaiui ouiwings " Without the consent of a State the Federal Government could not have a navy yard nor a dock-yard In any State. It bas to ask per-mu-sloa of a State bet ore it can bave ttaese things. So, too, the ptople In their State capacity are supreme as to choosing electors of the president of the United States. Artiole II., section 1, provides: "Each State shall appoint, in such manner as tne Legist -itura thereof may direct, a number of electors equal to the wbole number of senators and representatives to which the State may be entitled lu Ike Congress." This argument may be pursued farther. It may seem f mile and unnecessary to bring to your minds the doctrines that Heat i he base of the constitution. The existence ot the Federal Government depends upon tbe existence of tbe Stale governments Wltbout their existence in tbelr entirety it abso utely tumbles into chaos It can not continue ltelf for an hour. Toere are three great parts of the Federal Government the legislative, executive, and the Judiciary. Tbe legislative has two branches, the House and the Senate. There can be no House of Representatives of the United States after tbe State governments have ended. Tbe governments of tbe States must exist or tbe popular branch of Congress falls to exist. Tbls is as certain as that there is a constitution of the United States. Besides this, there is no machinery to compel tbe State Legislatures to act In regard to this subject matter. It must be voluntary action; action by tbe State; Independent action by tbe State Legislatures. I read again from article 1., section S, of the constitution, which Is In these words: "The House of Representatives shall be Composed of members ehosen every second year by the people of the several States, and tbe electors in each State shall , have the

qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State Legislature." -

wnen ever there is a contest lu congress aa to the right of any member to bis seat there. ine inquiry is at once insuiutea as to what tbe qualifications ot those who voted for him were; ana it mey nna not tne quaiincatlons necessary to vote for a member of lae Lower House of the Legislature of their own State, tbey bad no right to vote for a congressman. If they were qualified to vote for a member of tbe moat numerous orancn oi tne legislature within tbelr own Slate, tbey were also qualified to vote for a member ot Congress. section i oi article i. oi tne constitution provides: Tbe times, places and manner of hold Ine elections for senators and representatives shall be prescribed in each state by the Legislature thereof, but the Congress mav at any time, by law, make or alter such regulations, except as to tbe places of cbooslng senators." it is clear rrom tnis reading oi the constitu tion that the trainers of that Instrument never intended that Congress sbonid interfere wiia any regulations ine states might make for tbe election of congressman. Tbe clause providing that tbe legislatures of the states snail prescribe tne time, manner and place for holding elections for members of Congress Is Imperative, and by the same clause Congress is permitted to act in the matter in case the State Legislatures do not prescribe tbe time, manner anu place or sucn elections. The different States that formed the Union at that time expressed themselves freelv upon . 1 1 j . a uwmiujccu iGir jiauiijnuiiv, iu uer convention assembled for the purpose of ratifying iju vuiinuluuuu ui ine uniteu suttee, recom mended tne following alterations ana pro visions: That Congress does not exercise the powers vested in it by tbe fourth section of tbe first article, but In esse where a State shall neglect or refuse to make the regulations therein mentioned, or shall make regulations subversive of the rights of the people to a free ana equal representation in Congress; nor shall Congress in any ease make regulations contrary to a ireeano equal representation. Tbls declaration was made by New Hampshire wben tbat Stale adoptel the Federal constitution, and a like declaration was made by tbe States of Massachusetts, south Carolina. e w i ur , luiuue isianu ana xvonn Carolina - North Carolina refuting for some time to come Into the Union under the constitution, insisting that the constitution should be amended upon tnis point as lollows: "That Congress shall not alter, modify or in terfere in the times, places or manner of holding elections for senators or representatives. or eitherof them, except wben the legislature oi any siaie snati neieci, reiuse or oe disabled by invasion or rebellion, to prescribe the same." Tbls was the clear understanding ofaill the States as to this particular provision of tbe constitution. Wltbont that understanding no Uniou would ever have been formed. - This supervision of States, this law for the sunervrMon of elections and for tne anoolntmentof marshals to take charge of the elections in the different States, was proven by Senator Thurman, of your own State, to be the invention of the Union League club, of tbe city of New York, and that it was its purpose, through the medium of this law, to control the elections of the North. It applied tocitie with a population of over 20.0UO. We have 64 Northern cities with an excess of population over 20,(00, while in tbe Southern states there are but 10. The amendments to the law of lsea. made in 1870 and 18-1, are the most oojeotionab e features of it: and tbls was after the Rcoubllcau party had roboed tbe States of the south and bankrupted them, and had so disgusted tbe people of those States that even the colored men were leaving tnelr party. The doctrine now advocated by tbe Republican party never would bave been espoused bad li not been ior tne secession oi t tie sonthei n States. The Repu bl leans now talk of secession as Slate rights, secession was rebellion, not State right, and has no connection with state lights, 1 he Republican party bas been manufacturing a great deal of prejudice In the minds oi ine people oecause oi tne secession oi moee States, and now goes Just as far In the other direction, and Juntas fatal to tbe interests of tne people denying tne states tne ngnts tney are Justly entitled to under tbe constitution. It is to be regretted that our Southern friends ever acted in such a way aa to enable the Republican party to prejudice the minds of the people against the rights the States bave under the constitution: and it is to be feared tbat tbe Republican party will mislead some ignorant people ou that point. By usurping the rights of the States and placiDg their supervisors over taem, as I before slated, they nave n-bbea tne soutn. Tney aisirancnisea the white population of the South, and corrupt men in their party commonly called carpet-bsggers soon found their way into tbe South and became the leaders of the colored people. These Republican carpet-baggers were placed In office. Tbe colored men and tbe carpetbaggers controlled tbe South, and engaged in wild i-cbemes of lniernl improvement in order that they coula hav a pretext for issuing State bonds. All kinds of extravagances were Indulged in, and State bonds were issued and sold or rather, stolen in large quanti ties. The States did not derive any benefit from tbelr internal improvement hchemes; but their indebtedness was Increased from Sll8.ai7.8H8. In 1860, to 232.47786, showing an increase or inaeoieoneMt to me amount oi $113,829.6. In this calculation, if tbe indeut ednets of Louisiana and Tennessee oe ineluded, these carpet-bag thieves managed to rob the Southern States of si8U.oou.uuo. in view of this fact, is t here any wonder that there is a solid sontn against the Kepuoncan parivf do we neea any lunuer experience wim this Republican supervision of tbe Slates to convince us tbat it Is not in accordance with the principles of repnblican or honest govern ment, but, on tbe contrary, tbat it is in accord ance with tbe principles of a monarchical government? By.t his supervision that the Federal Govern ment has bad over the States we lost tbe pres ldential election in 1878. Mr. Tilden and Mr. Hendricks were honestly and fairly elected. respectively president and vice-president of these united stales; and nau (i not been for corrupt supervisors and returning boards, managed and controlled Dy me reaerai Government and backed up by tbe Fed eral army, they wou'd have been so returned. No greater fraud was ever committed, and no blacaer page has been written concerning this Government than tbat recording the great swindle oi tne centennial year. Could it be expected tbat a man who Is In debt to returning boards and to marsh" Is and to su pervlsors of elections for the office be boldx. would favor the repeal of a law under which be was corruptly placed in his seat? There were aopointed 740 deputy marshals in Florida, and 8-0 were appoln ed in tbe State of Louisiana for the presidential election of 1878, and they were backed by a large number of the United Stales forces In each of these States. To them Mr. Hayes is Indebted for tne position ne now noias. Tbe Southern States being no longera profit able field for the coi rupt carpet baggers, they left them. A very large number of the Intelligent men of tbe I'oath, having been relieved from their disfranchisement, showed up tbe corruption and fraud of these carpet-baggers in such a light tbat it was no longer bealtby for these vermin to remain mere, in proof oi mis it may oe wen to state mat wnen at Haves was inaugurated as president be made no declaration as to wbo was governor of Louisiana. A carpet-bagger by the name of Packard claimed to be governor, aa did Mr. Nichols, and when Mr. Haves decided to remove tbe army from Louisiana. Packard said tbe president bad gone back on him, and be packed his capet sack and was ready to move with the army, thus showing clearly anon whom be relied lor strength and aid. Without me army, mere was no cat pel-bag uovernment. Tbe South having been bankrupted and prejudiced against the Republican thieving policy, the leaders had to seek new fields oi operation, and tbey chose New York and Philadelphia. According to the law passed hy a Republican Congress for tbe supervision of elections, it is made tne duty or supervisors or elections to superintend tbe registry of voters as well aa of elections. Under that provision of the law. In tbe year 1878 a very large number of fraudulent namea were placed on tbe registry or rnuaueipma. nut toe rraua was aiscovere-: before tue election. It was seen tbat the reg lstraUon of Philadelphia was very exeesslw a ca-e was brought before the court, and the court was engaged -for a mouth previous to the election lu trying theae cases alone, and but for want of time many more pames would bave been stricken off the list, aa V0 petitions which bad been referred, had not been, reached when tbe investigation by tne courts was dosed. Over 20,000 of the names thus at tacbed were stricken en, or marked with a red cross. - Our Republican friends claim tbls supervision In order tbat they may have honest elections. Does this look like bonest elections? You, here In Ohio, demand the repeal of that law, and declare tbat not a dollar should be appropriated for tbe payment of supervisors and marshals. From this statement or facts, does it not appear to be necessary tbat the law should be repealed in order tbat we may get rid of those supervisors? If this law is not repealed, our elections will become a farce. In tbe year 1878 there was paid out for supervisors and marshals under to is odious eleo.lon law C221.71 iS4 In Southern New York, which embraces tbe city of New York, there was raid tbe aum of $57JBOO, In Eastern New York there was paid $33fltU.i, and in Northern New York: there was paid (25.558.80. In Eastern Pennsylvania, which would embrace ibe city of Philadelphia, there was paid (40,820, and In Western Pennsylvania (8,121, In South Carolina there was paid out (1,15Aj. In Texas nothing was paid, and in all tbe Southern States there was

but a trifling sum spent, and very few super visors appointed. 1 here were ovr SJXW persons arrested and placed ia prison on elec

tion aay ana a rew aaya preceding It, I . tbe principal charge being that their naturalization papers were Invalid, bat in every cue tbe court decided tbey were valid. Tnis vole was lost, and that was wbat was desired by tbe Republican party and laelr marshals and supervisors of elections. ai bi. Liouis, at ine election or 1S76, tney appointed I MM deputy marshals. Thev vim ordered to arrest, according to the report of a committee the truth of which baa sever been, questioned (House Doc, 218, second session rorty-fourth Congress), all Democrats that Mma Wltllln Ihnlp r. n u sn in.... .n I. . . ...... ...... u.. .... yrt uuu UlCUl, . ia uiuri mat uicr wiusju De m imm wnr int. The result was they got three Repnblican congressmen, whereas we could bave had any time under a peaceable election three Democratic congressmen. 1 am gratified to know that there Is yet a party in this ceuntry, and a very large one, in . lavor of the Government established by Jefferson. Too much can not be aald In favor of tbe bold action taken by lemocrats in Congress in opposition to the acts of Congress, passed by the Republican party, providing for tbe appointment of supervisors and marshals to take control of the elections. In view of me . fart tbat the Democrats at that time bad a majority in both branches of Congress, and in view of the farther fact that at tbe last election a majority of 22,000 ot tbe popular vote was cast for tbe Democratic candidates for president and vice president, there can be no donbtbut that t he next president of the United States will be a Democrat, and tbe acts ot Congrvss, tbat the Democrats are now endeavoring to repeal, could be made Just as uselul in their hands in oppressing Republicans as tbey bave been used by Republicans to oppress Democrats. It is a remaraable fact that Democrats, in view of their coming complete success, notwithstanding their oppression by those laws, and notwithstanding the use tbey could make of them to oppress Republicans, have exerted -every means known to parliamentary law to have them repealed. I now want to call the attention of Republicans to their resolution upon the subject of State rights lonnd in their National platform of I860. We make no b-sue wi'h those who stand on that platform to-day. The resolution reads: "That the maintenance inviolate of tbe " rights of the States, and especUllv of each SUte, Jtt order and control its own "domestic lnstllimons, according to lis own Judgment, exclusively, is essential to tbat balance of power. In which the perfection and endurance of onr political fabric depends, and we denounce the lawless Invasion by armed force upon the soil of any Slate or Territory, no matter under wbat pretense, as one of tbe greatest of Crimea" i uncerstana mat uenerai Ewing and General rilce stand tqnare upon this doctrine, and If the Republicans of Ohio stand there, mere is no reason why they should not east their votes for the Democrat lc candidates. Tbe bold declarations tbat you bave made upon tbe subject of finance bas the true ring ot Democracy. Democracy meanstbe support ot measures in the interest of the many as against the few. and when you state tbat tbe issue of money iu any form and the regulation thereof belongs to the general Government alone, and ought not to be delegated or entrusted to Individuals or corporations, you -declare lu favor of the many as agulnst the tew. Tbe issue of paper money is profitable toi nose w no issue it; tnat oeing me case, ine Government ought not to delegate that power to the few to tbe exclusion of the many. The Government bas always Issued tbe gold and silver coins of the country tbe only money mat ever has been or can be issued wbere there is IKely to be any loss: therefore abe should retain lor herself the Issue of that class of money In which there is never any loss. ine constitution provides mat congress shail bave power to coin money and reguiate the value thereof. You are claiming now in Ohio that the congress of the United States should exercise the power given it by tbe constiiutiour-the power to issue money. There has ever been a contest in this Government as to wbo should Issue the paper money of tbe country. It is admitted tbat paper money is a commer cial necessity, without which the commerce of me country comu not De carried ou. lianas are Also a. rnmntfuwlit nMHSilr. In nriifr Ia secure the accumulation of larye amounts of money wnere it can be essuy obtained to perioral large operations. This can only be done through banks. The ifsue of bills to circulate as money is no part of the business of bank- - rag. ine issue oi a inn oy a Dane is aim pi y its note, and the idea of a Goverament authorizing or giving credit to a few men or an incorporation to issue their notes aod loan them to others, for otber notes drawing interest. thus getting Interest on their own Indebtedness, is so contrary to the principles of Democracy that It ought not to be tolerated for a single moment. Toomas Jefferson said that no man bad the right to the title of a money js uu-l uusiEm asb liou iiiuuv J .w iunu s- j expressing bis condemnation of the policy of tne uovernment in estaousning a nana oi tne United Stales. A Dank ot Issue does not, as an incorporation, pretend to lend money but to leud Its own ldebtedness. The Democratic party has ever opposed the issue of bank paper by incorporations. Mr. JeUerson and Mr. Msdison in tbelr day opposed the establishment of a National bank, but the ability and ingenuity of tbe leader of the Federal party (Mr. Hamilton)enabled him in an early day to secuie the establishment of a Na tonal bank. This was ever held both by Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Mad iso u to be unconstitutional and detrimental to the interests ol me great mass of the people. When Andrew jackson was president of tne United Slates It was thought necessary torecbarler me national Dana, its cnaner having expired, bnt be regarded ll as so In consistent with tbe constitution and me In terests of tbe country mat be vetoed tne measure. It was ever, then, tbe policy of the Democratic party to issue treasury notes whenever tbe indebtedness of swUie Federal Government would Justify It in doing so. In the earlier days of tbe Republic there was but utile Indebtedness Therefore, a sufficient amount of treasury notes could not be issued to do the business of the country, and there was a struggle by tbe banks for the issue of tbe remainder. We bave ample in debtedness now, and bave had forears,lo issue treasury notes In sufficient numbers to do the business of the country. If there tad been no National banks established and the Government bad Issued treasury notes in lieu of those of the National banks, we would bave been rid of more than one-lourtu of our Government's indebtedness without ay lug out one cent. The Interest paid upou the bonds deposited to secure tbe National bank cur rency wouia, to tnis time, amount tu mo than one-fouxthof tne Government's Indebt edness. Tbe great advantage to the people of baving a treasury note in lieu of a National bank note Is this: The treasury note costs eveiy man wbo receives it lou cents to tbe dollar: tbe National bank note costs the banker one cent; be pays one cent to tbe Government to issue to blm his note. A circulation ai costly to tbe bolder as all treasury notes could not be kept idle. It costs too much, while with a National bank note, cosing only 1 per cent., mere la no particular loss to tbe incorporation issuing them 11 the notes are idle. Wuh treasury notes we would have them generally In circulation. Wlih National bank notes, whenever it ia to the , Interest of Ibe banker to retire them from circulation, in order to increase bis rate of interest-, he ran very easily do so. But wben we raise tbla question our Republican friends put up a man of straw and commence fighting bim. Tney say if we retire N ationat ban a notes we will bave in tbelr stead state bank notes. Why do they aay this? You, here in Ohio, declare In favor of tue Issue of all money Individuals. Tbe comptroller of the treasury, Mr. Knox, InblsspeecU before tbe Btuke convention, at Saratoga, August tt, 187W. Insisted U National bank utiles were retired, that the law pasted by Congress taxing State bank notes oat of circulation wou.d be repealed. Why does he or any other man say this wben there is not a platform nor an Individual anywhere wbo belongs to tbe Democratic party or any otber party I know of that is in favor of going back to the sj stem ot State or private banka? Tbe argument oi Mr. Knox lean endeavor to show the superiority of National bank notes over state bank notes. He does not pretend to argue tbe : question, - or , even assert that National bank notes are - superior to treasury notes. I know of uo man of respectability who does. We have had a long experience wltn paper money, and we want the beat tnat eau oe msAlo; and wben you demand In your platlorin tbat all that Is made abaii be a like legal tender you are asserting a principle tbat ia in tbe Interest of ibe wbole people. Whenever there is a dollar Issued that la short or being a full legal leader the money- shark and money changer will sometime or otber depreciate It and force the holder to take less than Its lace for it. I now quotfe from a prominent Republican to show me superiority of treasury notes over any otber paper money, t read Irotn General Grant' message of December 1, 1S73, lmme d lately after me panic. He says: "Tlie experience of the present panic baa Eroveo that the currency of the country, aed as it la upon the credit of the country, ia tbe beat tbat has ever been devised. Usually, In times of such trials, currency has became worthless, or ro much depreciated in value aa to inflate the values of all tbe necessaries of life as compared with tbe currency. Every one holding it bas been anxious to diepose of it on any terms. Now we witness tbe reverse. Holders ol currency hoard lias thev

tint ; -..-. .I-"." - - . ' - "