Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 28, Number 19, Indianapolis, Marion County, 7 May 1879 — Page 4

THE INDIANA SCATE SEKTINEL, WEDNESDAY MORNING, MAY 7, 1879;

WBDNESDAY, MAY 7.

Ex Secbetaut McCntiiOCH is going into the lecturing business. ' Philadelphia contemplates erecting monument to George Washington. Tax jetties are to be finished in Jane and then the Mississippi is expected to wash oat its own month. Queer Victoria stands pluckily by Lord Chelmsford, who has been pretty effectually licked several times by the Zulus. It is a significant fact that those who are the foremost advocates of "bayonets at the polls" are in favor of Grant for a third term. - The statement is made upon good authority that the amount of United States bonds now held abroad does not much exceed $200,000,000. - W see it reported that Louisville has subscribed $100,000 for a Board of Trade building. Bat what's the use of the building without tee tradef The conspirators are becoming alarmed at the remarkable rigidity of Hayes1 spine, and are now talking of applying the poultices to take tbe stiffening out of it. Schuez, of the interior, re I uses to deliver college commencement orations. He Is rereserving his steam for fairs, when Hayes and his cub3 swing around the circle. The people demand the repaal of the test oath law, the repeal of the supervisors' law, and tbe repeal of the army interference at elections law. Veto or no veto, these infamous laws must be repealed. Mb. 8. J. Tildkm has already captured Kentucky. Indiana will fait Into line next. Cincinnati Enquirer. - " Indiana is not so easily captured. Henri Watterson does not ran Indiana politic;. Set that down. Ecropeak sovereigns have concluded to "pat their heads together" to see what can be done for the complete extermination of Socialists. The sovereigns will do well to keep their heads apart, else they may all get shot at once. , . Retcbucajjb have been exceedingly generous with advice to Democrats in regard to the best methods of backing down. We conclude they will at an early day be engaged in finding a way for Hayes to back down, for back down he will, or be without an army. -..-,- ..,,.., . . Colonel John Gboesbeok, of Cincinnati, commenced: stock speculations just for amusement, and the business soon got to be n earnest. It was followed up until the last dime had been swallowed up, and then old friends left him to perish. Ho could not face poverty, and cowardly blew his brains out... , ,' . ' " "Bull Ren Russell" is to receive a valuable appointment, ',' and also to "' be knighted by the British Government. The prince of Wales Is said to be" a steadfast ' friend of Dr. 'RusselL' Russell made the best time on record running from the first battle of Bull Run to Washington City after the ' defeat Whether he was scared nearly to death, or was anxious to be'the first to get the news to the London. Times are still open questions.. .... ' . j ,. ChablesR. Fkebmah,! who killed his little five-year-old daughter at Poeaeset, Mass., on - Thursday last, is a Second Adventist, and has been attending revival meetings of that -sect He claims that the. Lord, directed him to kill his daughter. He awakened his wife .' at half -past 3 o'clock in the morning, told ' her that he intended making a sacrifice to the Lord, an 1 taking his little girl from her bed stabbed her with a batcher knife. - His wife says it is "all right," and that Abraham will raise her to life m a few days. . Sesatob Coskijho's .daughter. Btssie, g?t . married the other day to a railroad superintendent, and old Conk, got mad about it, and would not be present at the wedding, Mrs. ConkUngnaviDg" to perform" the cere' mony of giving away the bnde.;; In 'acting the fool in the way he did , at Bessie's wed ding, old Conk, made the greatest mistake of his life. A first class railroad manager is a "vastly superior position to that, or a second' class United States senator and that is i Conk.'s station. '.. . "': : ',' '':'J. . Governor Seymocb declines the nominux tion for governor of New York, ! giving as the chief reason his continued 111 health. He seldom allows an opportunity to pass "' that he 'does not ' counsel his Democratic friends in the words 'of soberness and wis--.. ; dom. The distinguished gentleman thinks ' ' that at no time in the history of the country : has there been greater seed of calm, thought ful and patriotic action; to arrest the dangers ' of sectional passions, than the present time. . The point of this advice fa . that New York J .Democrats are not united. , They never seem I ; to become so until a presidential election - draws them together The- balance of the -. time they consume' in , fighting each other; Governor Seymour 'seems to be the only" New York ..Damor.rftt' . who poaspsaea, the power to heal their dissenaionai -y ' 31 . . PRINCIPLES TO THE TBOHT. ' ' ' ! . Some days since Sesato'r Blaine Informed : -the Senate, and the country, that very few soldiers are In the States east of the Mlssis- . sippl , river, or in any ; of tbe other' States, and argued, therefore, that all this talk about ' troops at the polls was nonsensical, simply because they could not be brought from the frontier to do military duty at tbe polls. Tbe principle of the thing was ignored; the 'great contemplated wrong was obscured by a miserable subterfuge; a falsehood "was perpetrated in the : interest - of - despotism, and the Republican,'; party, f It was the plea of ;" . -demsgogue ; of the most dangerous , type la favor of mil-' - itary supremacy over the ctvii authorities; and what of this is true c4i Blaine is true of every Republican, conspirator and of every ,. . conspirators' organ throughout the country, The Democratic, psrty.' appreciatlng the eitu- - ation, proposes to resist in its iacipieney the " infamous soheme ot ,the Republican jMty.J;

Daniel Webster, many years since, comprehended the value of prompt action when the liberties of the people wen in danger, and with the wealth of . his logics and eloquence, placed a proper estimate upon adhering to principle when he said: . '' Every encroachment, great or small, la important enough to awaken the attention of those who are entrusted with the preservation of a constitutional Government. We are not to wait till great public mischiefs come, till the Government to overthrown, or liberty itself pat Into extreme Jeopardy. We should not be worthy sons of our fathers were we so to regard great questions affecting the general freedom. Those fathers accomplished the revolution on a strict question of principle. The Parliament of Ureat Britain asserted a right to tax the colonies in all cases whatsoever; and it was precisely on this question that they made the revolution tarn. The amount of taxation was trifling, but the claim Itself was inconsistent with liberty, and that was in their eyes enough. It was against the recital of an act of Parliament, rather than against any suffering under Its enactments, that they took np arms. They "went to war against a preamble. - They fought seven years against a declaration. They poured out their treasures and blood like water, in a contest against an assertion whieh those less sagacious, and not so well schooled in the principles or civil liberty, would have regarded as barren phraseology or mere parade of words. . They saw In the claim of the

British Parliament a seminel principle of mischief, the germ of unjust power; they detected it, dragged it forth from underneath its p aosibte disguises, struck at it, nor did it elude either their steady eye or their welldirected blow, till they bad extirpated and destroyed it to the smallest fiber. On this question of principle, while aotual suffering was yet afar off, they raised their flag against a power to which, for purposes of foreign conquest and subjugation, Borne, in the height of her glory, is not to be compared; a power which has dotted over the surface of the whole globe with her pos sessions and military posts, whose morning drum -beat, following the sun' and keeping company with the hoars, circles the earth with one continuous and unbroken strain of the martial airs of England. ' The necessity of holding strictly to the principle upon which free governments are constructed, and to those precise lines which fix the partitions of power between different branches, is as plain, if not as cogent, as that of resisting,. as oar fathers did, the strides of the parent country against the rights of the colonies; because, whether the power which exceeds Its Just limits be foreign or domestic, whether it be the encroachment of ail branches on the rights of the people, or that of one branch on the rights of others, in either, case the balanced and well' adjusted machinery of free government is disturbed, and, if the derangement go on, the whole system must fall. ' xne Democratic party stands forth pro claiming the great truth to the country that troops at the polls are dangerous to the lib erties of tbe people. The principle is right, and mast triumph. If the right to place troops at the polls is conceded the Republic is gone..! The Democratic party will not recede. To back down would be treason. Let Hayes stand, by his. veto, and let the Democratic party stand by its patriotic declaration, "No troops at the polls!'' and rather than take a backward step, let the army perish, if Hayes so ordains. . SIFTING FACTS FROM FICTION, The people are now demanding the facts about congressional legislation, and are winnowing them from the entire mass of Repub lics falsehood and fustian, and, as a result, the public mind is obtaining a pretty clear comprehension of ' tbe entire subject. The facts are coming "stealily and boldly Into prominence. .What are they? , (11 The Democratic party has faithfully fulfilled every ' requirement of .. patriotic duty to the people. ,r. Dismissing all con.' sideration of . the appropriations made at the regular session,' and coming down : "to the- extra session we , find that appropriations have been made to maintain the army. Now then, - with this fact luminous as a noonda.r son, if the army disbands who is to biarce? - The answer comes quick as lightning from . the skiesHayes.. His veto killed the army. His veto stopped the Government machinery. His l reto produced the revolution and brought on the crisis, ' and Hayes and his party are responsible. Why this veto? this revolution? this crisis? i Boil down the subject until you obtain its real essence; press it until it occupies the small est possible space; eliminate every subter fuge, and the answer is this: The Republican party demand the use of the. army , at the polls. Nothing elesi , will, anit the party," ana against the use oi the army at elections'. Tthe . Democratic" party has planted Itse'f,' and is willing to refer the whole subject to the people. -. It were folly to multiply words. TheDemocratic party, true to ever principle ef constitutional lib erty, and In strict, accord with the genius of oar institutions, demands that troops at the polls shall not triumph over the civil an thority; that the Republic shall continue as the fathers ' founded "it. The 'Republican patty favors the use - of soldiers at the polls. It is the party of centralization, of despotic laws and one man power. , The , issues are made np; let the crisis come, and let the revolution boom. ' ' -'' ' 5r f. . GURKEN'T TOPICS. -1,' i ,,. London peelers arrest people who throw ornnfffl npel nrtnn thfl sidewalk: -- A colossal 'staVue of Bismarck will be unveiled at Cologne on the 1st prox. fJ ts A citizenfof amanaPa'.,' has invented"a B team carriage f n which he proposes to travel to the Pacific coast.-,,,' tfs ,j , . The class of 'ftl at Cornell JtTnlversity has presented a blue silk flsg, bearing significant emblems, to the crew that defeated the Harvard boys atEnsenore. ' n -- j "Boston Transcript:' ''The Senate is paved with the good intentions Of the House," remarked a member of the popular branch of the general court the other day. - -- The Hon Robert B. Forbes, of Boston, is president of the board appointed by tbe secretary of the treasury to report -upon life saving devices adapted to the life-saving service. . ,. : - . . . , New Haven Register: Time was when an historical painting or a beautiful tinted landscape was considered the acme of art. . Tbe chef d'xavre nowadays comprises a stork balancing himself on one leg nnder the am brageous shade of three swamp cattails, and stands forth on the canvas like a sore thumb done up in a brown velvet rag. . i . Tbe treasurer, of Fulton county,' Penn.', recently owned a saw-mill, bat when be went to ! look , for it a few days ago it was missing... The mil), saws, wrenches, dogs, crowbars, legs and the - whole concern '. had been carried off by thieves.-'' Being a man i

who- believes in .makiLg the best of every " ' 'x- f' . i" as-. ;

evfl to which ha my be expoaed, he is now

tnanxrui was tne water poi icit behind. A seven-years' convict in the Massachu setts State prison was drawn to serve as a uror in the superior court, Boston, last The fonr-Une will of a lately deceased res ident of N orris town, Penn., bequeathed his entire estate to hie wife, desiring her to give to their three children so much as she thought proper, and to retain the remainder for herself. Mr. Gerald Raonl Perry, her majesty's consul at Cadiz, writes stating that at 2:10 a. m. on April 3, a severe shoes: oi earthquake was feltn that city. It lasted from 12 to 15 seconds and caused much alarm, as it is said to be the first shock of earthquake that for many years has visited that part of Andalusia. Boston Courier: Jadge to witness "How do yon know the defendant is a gentleman ; did yon ever visit at his house?" "No, sir." Did yon ever see mm at me oeastae oi tne sick and suffering?" "No, sir." Have you an intimate acquaintance with him?" ''No, sir; bat he wears the longest ulster with the biggest plaids in It of any man np oar way." Within the past 30 years nine Irish gentlemen have been mad peers by Liberal Governments, and two by the Tories. Three of these were raised to the Irish peerage only. A chief reason why the Whigs have been so ganerous of peerages to Irishmen is that the Irish representative peerage is practically a close eorpo ration of Tories, and never elects a representative peer of diSerent politics. A bootmaker, who boasts of having quarts and gallons of blue blood in his veins, has been ignominiously locked np In an English jail on a charge of drunkenness and disorderly conduct. His name is John Rust, bat he asserts that his mother was a great granddaughter of George II.,-and that his father was the only son of George ILL He professes to have a thorough knowledee of science, and talks glibly about electricity, the telephone, the microphone and the phonograph. The only royal trait which is conspicuous in this boot-maker, is a capacity for becoming as mellow and hilarious as any old-time monarch. ' The Democratic .Programme. ; Washington Special. The Democrats of the Senate and House had separate caucuses to-day. The general talk of the two caucuses crystallizes into the following programme np to a certain point at least: First, the passage as an independent measure of the repeal, or its sustance, that was attached to the army appropriation bill. This, itis generally believed, will be vetoed. Then the Senate will take . np - the legislative bill and it will go to -the president with the political - legislation attached and will be vetoed. After this the political legislation of that bill will be placed in a sepirate measure and this the executive will veto. It is estimated that by the time this point is reached it will be the last of Jnne. There is no doubt that the great majority of Democrats are in favor of stick ing out against any compromise at that time, such for instance as an extension of tbe appropriations and especially as regards the army bill. Whether a few Democrats will go with the Republicans and thereby extend the appropriation cannot now be foretold beyond the fact that a few are against allowing the appropriation to fall; but whether they will bolt the party to accomplish tbis will remain to be seen. It is almost certain that no appaopnation bill can be regularly origins' ed. The Democrats of the House appropriation committee are the most detei mined of any set of men in tbe House. All regular appropriation bills must originate in the House and in that committee. A joint resolution extending the present appropriations might be smuggled in by some other channel of parliamentary tactics, but it is not likely. The Okolona States. - Washington Special ' The first number of the National View, the new Greenback organ, will be out tomorrow. It will contain a letter from tbe editors of the Okolona States to Colonel Lee CrandaU sianea by Harper and Keman. In this we are informed that the States was started in 1872 by Glanville and Harper, both ex Confederate officers. The editors say: "In 1373 Captain Glanville withdrew from -.the , Okolona . States, and Colonel Harper became sole owner and editor. In 1876 he invited Mr. Will H. Hainan, of Ohio, to the post of associate editor. - Mr. Keman has been connected with the newspaper pro fession since 1870. He began his editorial career on the Cincinnati Commoner, a straight-out States right organ, controlled by Hon. William M. Corry. Later he was editorially connected with the Fort Wayne (Ind.) Daily Sentinel, Indianapolis (Ind.) Daily Sentinel. . and other papers, all of which were outspoken opponents of Democratic principles and Democratic pur poses at the time he was identi fied with their interests. The States stands to-day precisely where it stood on tbe 16th ox Usrcb, is2, it has never swerved trom tbe utterances in its initial issue. It has at all times and under all circumstances advocated the principles of State sovereignty, and called for the unconditional repeal of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth amendments. It has always been recognized from the first to laBt as a Democratic paper by press, politi cians and people." It is probable this letter will be read in the iioase to oontouna tne Democrats again. , Contested Seats. ' The following list of representatives in the present Congress, whose seats are to be contested, together with the names of contestants, has been furnished the House by Clerk Adams: ' From the Sixth Massachusetts district, Benton aeamst Lonne. , From the Twentieth Pennsylvania, Curtin against Yocum. , From- the first Nofth Carolina,' Yates against Martin. From the Second North Carolina, O'Hara aeatnst Kitchen. From the Second South Carolina, Mackey against O'Connor. - From the Fourth Alabama, Haralson against Shelley. From the Third Louisiana, Hebert against Acklen. ' :' From the Third Louisiana, Merchant against Acklen. " From the Second' Arkausis, Bradley against Siemens. From the Second Florida, -Bisbee against Hulh-- . ..From the .Third Minnesota, Donnelly against Washburn. ... From the State against WiUteaker, of Oregon, McDowell . Th, Woman Suffrage Convention. - " ; St. Lous Times-Journal. ; : : The National Woman Suffrage con ? entiorf will meet tbe coming week at St. Georee's Hall, Seventh and Locust streets. In the early part of Wednesday a business meeting will be held, and in the evening tbe convention will open formally. Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton is the president of the association, and will preside over the conventioni Each State has a vice president, Missour. being represented by Mrs. Virginia L. Minor, who has received letters indicating that the attendance will be very large. Among the ladies prominent In this movement who are expected here are Su?an B. Anthony, Belva A. Lock wood, tbe lady lately admitted to practice in the Supreme Court of the United States, having been largely instrumental in securing the passage of a law by Congress to tbat end; Ellen J. Foster, Mrs. Saxon, Mrs. Collins, ol New Orleans; Mrs. Meriwether, of Tennessee; Matilda Joslyn Gage, of New York,' anrt Mrs.: - Mary Haggart, of Indianapolis. The convention's setsion will occupy about three days. A social recaption, will probably be given on one of the evenings to tbe delegates. , i :. -

THE PRESIDENT'S YETO.

History of CongressfeOal Legislation on the 8ubJet. Washuigtov. Anril 29. The following is the message of the president oi the United States on returning to the House of Representatives the bill entitled "An act making the appropriation for tbe support oi the army for the fiscal year ending J one 30, 1580, and for other purposes:" To the House of Representatives: - I have maturely considered th Important questions presented by the bill entitled an act mating appropriations lor the support of the army for the fiscal year ending June 80. ln, and for other purposes, and I now return it to the House ot Representatives, In wblcn It originated, with my objections to its appro t1. The bill provides, in the utual form, for the appropriations required for the support of the army during tbe next fiscal year. If it con tained no otner provisions, it would receive my prompt approval. It Includes, however, further legislation, which, attached as it is to appropriations which are requisite for the eiucieut performance of some of the most necessary duties of the Government, involves questions of the gravest character. The sixth section oi tne out isamenaaiory oi a statute now in force in regard to tbe authority of persons in the civil, military and naval service of the United States at the place where any general or special election is held in any Stale. This statute was adopted February 23, 1HS5, after a protracted oeuaie in tne nenate ana almost witnout opposition in the House of Representatives, by the concurrent votes of both of the leading political parties of the country, and became a law by the approval of President Lincoln. It was re-enacted in 1871 in the revised statutes of t he United States, sections 2,002 and 5,528, wiuca are as ioiiows: Section 2,002. No military or naval officer" or other person engaged in the civil, military or navai service oi tue united Hiaies snail order, bring, keep or have under tils authority or control any troops or armed men at a place where any general or special election is held In any State, unless it be necessary to repel the armed enemies or the United States, or to keep peace at the polls Section 5,528. Every officer ofrfhe army or navy or otner person In the civil, military or naval service of the United States who orders, brings, keeps or has under his authority or control any troops or armed men at any place where general or special elections Is held in any State, unless such force is necessaiy to repel the enemies of the United States, or to keep the peace at tbe polls, shall be fined not more man 5,000, and suffer imprisonment at hard labor not less than three months nor more than five years. The amendment proposed in this statute In the bill before me omits from both of tbe foregoing sections the words "or to keep tbe peace at the polls." The effect of the adoption of tbis amendment may he considered first upon tbe right of the United States Government to use military force to keep the peace at elections for members of Congress, and second upon the right ol the Government by civil authority to protect these elections from violence and fraud. In addition to the sections of tbe statute above quoted tbe following provisions of the law relating to the use of the military power at elections are now in force: Section 2,003. No oftictr of the army or navy ot the United States shall prescribe or fix. or attempt to prescribe or fix, by proclamation, order or otherwise the qualification of voters in any State, or in any manner to Interfere with the freedom of any election in any State or with the exercise of the free rights of suffrage in any State. Section b,S29. Every officer or other person in the mill wry or naval service who by force, threat, intimidation, or by advice, or otherwise, preven Is, or attempts to prevent, any qualified voter of any State from freely exercising the right of suffrage at any general or special election in such State, shall be fined not more than 15,000 and imprisoned at hard labor not more than Ave years. Section 5,3.10. Every officer of the army or navy wt'o prescribes or fixes, or attempts to prescribe or fix, whether by proclamation, order or otherwise, the qualifications of voters at any election in any State, shall be punished as provided In the preceding section. Sec 5,531. Every officer or other person in the military or naval service who, by force, threats, intimidation or otherwise compels or attempts to compel any officer holding an election in any State to receive a vote trom a person not legally qualified to vote, or who impose or attempts to impese any-regulations for conducting any general or special election in the State aifferent from those prescribed by law, or who interferes in any manner Willi any officer of election in the discharge of his duty, shall be punished as prescribed In section 5,i2t. Sec. 5,532. Every person convicted of any of me oueuces specmea in tne are preceamg sections shall, in addition to the punishments therein severally preentep, be disqualified Irom holding any office or honor, profit or trust nnder tbe United States; but nothing in those ections shall be construed to prevent any officer, soldier, sailor or marine from exer cising the right of suffrage in any election district to which he may belong, if omerwise quannea according to ine laws OI the State where he offers to vote. The loregolng enactments would seem to be sufficient to prevent the military from Interference with elections, but the lattCongress, to remove all apprehension of such interference, added to this body ot the laws cllon 15 of an act entitled an act making appropriations for tbe support of the army lor the fiscal year ending June ), 1879, and for other purposes, approved June 18. 1878. which Is as follows: Section 15. From and after the passage ot vuinaciiisoau noiDeiaviui to employ any part of tbe army of tbe United States as a posse comltstns, or otherwise, lor tbe purpose of executing the laws, except in such cases and nnder suob circumstances as such employment of raid force may be expressly authorized by the constitution or by act of congress, and no money appropriated by this aot shall be nsed to pay any of the expenses incurred In the employment of any troops in violation of this section, and any person willfully violating the provisions of tbis section shall be deemed euiltv of a mlsdemeaner. and noon conviction thereof (.hall be ponlshed by fine not exceed ing siu,oou, or imprisonment not exoeeuing two years, or doiq bucu uuo aau imprisonment. "" The act passed the Senate, after a full consideration, without a single vote recorded against it on Its final passage, and by a ma jority or more than two-thirds It was concur. red In by the House of Representatives. The purpose of the section quoted was stated In the Henate by one of lis supporters as follows: "Therefore I hope, without getting Into any controversy about the past, but acting wisely for tbe future, that we shall take away the idea that the army can bs used by a general, or special deputy marshal, or any marshal, merely for election purposes, or as a posse ordering mem aooai me pons, or oraering them any where else where there is no election going on, prevent disorders or suppress disturbances tbat should be suppressed by peace officers of tbe State, or if they must bring others to their aid, they should summon unorganized citizens, and not summon officers and men of the army as a posse comitatus to quell disorders, and thus get up a feeling wnicn win oe disastrous to peace among,tne people of the country." - In the House of representatives tbe object of the act of 1878 was stated by tbe gentleman wbo had it in charge in similar terras. He said: "Bat these are all minor pointsoompared with the great principle which was incorporated by the House In the bill in relerence to use of armed men in time of peace. The Senate had already included what they called and what we might accept as a principle, but they had stricken out the penalty and had stricken out the word expressly, so that the army might be used in all cases where Implied authority might be Inferred. In the House the committee planted themselves firmly upon the doctrine that rather than yield this fundamental principle for which for three years tbe House has struggled they would allow the bill to fail notwithstanding the reforms tun we bad secured, regarding these rt-forms of " but little conrequenoe, alongstda the great principle that the army of the United tates in. time 6f peace should be under the control of Congtvss aod obedient to its laws. After long and protracted negotiation the Senate comCUttee naveconciuoea retain mat tne principle In all Its length and nreadth. Including the penalty which the Senate had stricken out. We bring you back, therefore, a report with the alteration of aamaje word which the lawyers aisare me Is proper to be made, restoring to Inks bill the principle for which we have contended so long nod which is so vital to secure the rights and liberties of the people. Thus have we this day secured to the people of this country the same great protection against a standing army which coat the struggle of 200 years for the Commons of England tosecure for the British people." From this brief review of the subject it sufficiently appears to me that under existing laws there can be no military 4nterfer-, ences with elections, no cse of such Interference has In fact occurred since tbe passage of the act last referred to: no officer ot the United States has appeared under orders at any place of election iu anv State: no complaint even ef the presence o United States troops has been made In any quarter. It may, therefore, be confidently stated that there Is no necessity for the enactment of sec' Ion 6 of the bill before me to prevent mlllt-y Interference at elec tions. 'tne laws atreay in fore are all that is required tor that esMLmA. But that part of section

of this bill which Is significant and vitally important is the clause which, U adopted, will deprive tbe civil authorities of the United States or all power to keep the peace at eongressloncl elections. Congressional elections In every district, In a very Important sense, are lastly a matter of political Interest and concern throughout the whole country. Each fctate and every political party Is entitled to a share of the power which is conferred b" legal and constitutional suffrage. It Is the right of every citizen possessing the qualifications gnscnbtd by law to cast one nnlntimidated allot, and to have his ballot honestly eounted. So long as the exercise of this power and the enjoyment of this right are common and equal, practically as well ae formally, submission to suffrage will be accorded loyally and cheerfully , and tbe departments of the Uovennent will feel tbe true vigor of the popular will tons expressed. Two provisions oi the constitution authorize .'eolation by Congress for the regulation of congressional elections. Section 4 of article 1 of tbe conxtituUnn declares that the time, place and manner of holding elections for senators and representatives shall be prescribed in earn State by the Legislature thereof, but Congress may at any time by law make or alter such regulations except as to places or choosing senators. The fifteenth amendment of the constitution Is as follows: Section i, Tbe right of cltlaens orthe United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of race, color or pievla condition of servitude. Sec. 2. The Congress shall nave power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation. Tbe supreme court baa held thai this amendment luvestB eltisens of tbe United Slates with a new constitutional right, which Is within the protecting power of Congress. That light the court declares to be exemption from d scrlmloatlon In the exercise of the elective franchise on account of race, color or previous condition of servitude. The power of Congress lo protect this right by appropriate legislation is expressly affirmed by the court. National legislation to provide safeguards for free and honest elections Is necessary, as exnerlence

has shown, not only to secure the right to vote to the enfranchised race at the South, but also to prevent fraudulent voting in the large cities of the North. Congress has therefore exercised tne power conferred by the constitution, and has enacted certain laws to prevent discrimination on account of race, color or previous condit'on of servitude, and to punJh.li fraud, violence and intimidation at the Federal el -tlons. Attention is called to the following sections of the revised statutes of the United fetatee, viz.: (Section 2,001, which guarantees all citizens the right to vote., without distinction on account of race, color or previous condition of servitude; sections 2.C05 and 2,0u6, which guarantee to all citizens an equal opportunity, without discrimination, Io perform all the acts required by law as a prerequisite or qualification for voting; section 2 0i, which authorizes the United Slates marshal and his deputies to keep the peace and preserve order at Federal elections; section 2,024, which expressly authorizes the United states msrehsl and his deputies to summon a posse oomitatus whenever they or any of them are forcibly resisted in the execution of their duties under the law and are prevented from executing their dutlts by a violation: section 6,524, which provides for punishment of the crime of interfering with supervisors of elections and deputy marshal in the discharge of their duties at elections of representatives In Congrets. These are some of the laws on tbis subject which It is the duty of the executive department of the Government to enforce. The intent and effect of the sixth section of this bill is to prohibit all civil officers or the United States, under penalty of fine and Imprisonment, lrom employing any adequate civil force for this purpose at the place where the enforcement is most necessary, namely at the places where congressional elections are held. A mong the most valuable enactments to which I have referred, are those which protect supervisors or the Federal election in Ihe discharge of their duties at tbe polls. If the pending legislation should become a law, there is no power vested in any officer of the Government to protect from violence the officers of the United States engaged in the discharge of their duties. Their rights and duties under the law will remain, but tbe National Government will be powerless to enforce its own statutes. The State mav employ both military and civil power to keep the p ace, and to enforce the laws at State elections. It is now proposed lo deny to the United Stales even tbe necetsary civil authority to protect the national elections. No suf ficient reasons baa been given for this discrimination In favor of the State and against the national authority. If well-founded ob jections exist against tne present national election laws, all good citizens shold nnite In the amendment of the laws providing that safeguards of e-eclions should be impartial, lust and efficient. They should, if possible, be so nonpartisan and fair in their operation tbat the minority party out of power will have no Just grounds to com plain. The present laws have, in practice, unquestionably conduced to the prevention of lraud and violence at elections. In several of the States the members ot the different political parties have applied for the safeguards which they furnish. It Is the rlghtand duty of the National Government to enact and lnforoe laws which will secure free and fair congressional elections. The law now in force sQouid not be repealed, except in connection with the enactment of measures which will better accomplish that Important end. Believing that section six of the bill beiore me will weaken. If It does not a'toceiher take away the power of the National Government to protect Federal elections by civil authorities, I am forced to the conclusion that it ought not to receive my approval. That section Is, bowever, not ."presented tome as a separate and Independent measure, but fa. as haa-been stated, attached to the bill making the usual annual appropriation, and maklug achanga In tbe election laws of the country, which are in no way connected with the use of the army. It prohibits, under beavy penalties, anv person engaged In the civil service of the United Stales from having an force at any place of election prepared to preserve order, to make arrests, to keep tbe peace or In any manner to enforce the law. This is altogether foreign to the purpose ol any army appropriation bill. The practice of tacking to the array approSriatioa bill measures not pertinent to such ills did not prevail until more than 4U years after tne adoption of the constitution. It has become a common practice. All parties when in power, have adopted it. Many abuses and great waste of public money bave in this way crept into tbe appropriation bills. The public opinion of the country Is repugnant to It. The 8tates whieh have recently adopted constitutions have generally provided a remedy for tbe evil by enacting tbat no law shall contain more than one subject, which shall be plainly expressed In Its title. -The constitutions of more than half of the States eonta n substantially this provision. - Tbe public welfare will be promoted in many ways by a return to the early practice of tbe Government and the true principle of legislation which requires that every measure shall stand or fall according to its own merits. If it were understood that to attach to an - appropriation a measure irrelevant to the general object of the bill would, be to imperil and probably prevent its final passage and approval, a valuable reform in ' the parliamentary - practice of Congress would be accomplished. The best justification that has been offered for attaching irrelevant orders to tbe appropriation bill is that itis done . for convenience sake to facilitate the passage of measures which are deemed expedient by all the branches of the Government which participate la legislation. It can not be claimed tbat there Is any such reason for attaching this amendment of tbe election laws to the army appropriation bill. The history of the measure contradicts this assumption. .A majority of tbe House of Representatives in the last Congress was in favor ol attaching this section to tbis bill. It was known tbat a majority of the Senate was opposed to it, and that as a separate meagre it could not be adopted. It was attached to tbe army appropriation bill to compel the Senate to assent to it. It was plainly announced to the Senate that the army appropriation bill would not be allowed to pass unless tbe proposed amend, meats . '. r-r " the eV?c'lon laws were adopted with it. llie feenauS " refused ' to assent to the" bill on- account this irrelevant section. CoBgresstherenponadiourned "Without passing the appropriation 1U for the army, and tbe present extra session of the Forty-sixth Cob git ss became necessary to furnish means to carry on the Government. The ground upon which- the aoiion of the House of Representatives is defended has been distinctly stated by many of Its advocates. A week before the close of last session of Congress the doctrine in question was stated by one of its ablest defenders as follows: ' " "It is our duty to repeal .these. - It is not r worth while to attempt to repeal except upon the appropriation bill. A Republican Senate would not agree to, nor 6, Republican president sign a bill or such repeal. Whatever objection to legislation upon an appropriation bill may be made, in ordinary cases it does not apply where free elections and the liberty of the citizens are concerned. We have power to vote money. Let us annex conditions to it and insist npon a redress of the grjevan.ee." -. By -another distinguished member ef the House It was said: , . ' The right of repreuentalivee of tbe people to withhold the supples Isas old as English lib. erty." Htitory reoordsnumerous Instances where the Commons feeliug tbat people were oppressed by laws that tbe lords - would not consent to repeal by ordinary methods of leg -lslai Ion, obtained redress at last by refuting appropriations, unless accompanied by , relief measures," , - " - - '! That question, of the gravest magnitude atd new in tbis country, as raised, by .ttiH'cocm or proceeding, was fully recognized nl'Obr its defenders ln;tna.SeBate.flt was saidby dis-

tinguld senator: "Perhaps no greater question n theformeare;brcmgbtieonsider It was eve." considered by the American Congress in the .ime of peace, for it Involve not merely the merits and dements of the laws which tV House bill propose to repeal, but involv Je riguls, ,he privileges, the powers and tL." duties of tbe two branches of Congress and Uu president. It is a question whose impyrtanee scarcely be estimated. It Is a question tlutf nss sever yet been brought so sharply beloTe the American Congress and American peop.'e as it may be now. It is a question which, sooner or later, must be decided, and the deelsloa must determine what are the powers of tbe Kouse of Representatives under tbe constitution, and what is the duty of tbat House In view ot the framers of the constitution, aeoording to 1U letter and its spirit. Mr. President, I honld approach tbis question if I were in the best pocuble condition to speak and to argue it with very grave diffidence, and certainly wttta the utmost anxiety, for no one can think over it as long and carefully as I bave thoughX ot it without seeing tkat we are at tbe beginning, perhaps, of a straggle tbat may last as lonp- In tbis country as a similar struggle lasted On . what we are accustomed to call motherland. The t Draggle lasted for two centuries before it was ultimately decided. It is not - likely t last so long here, but it may last until every man la Ibis chamber is la tSe grave. It Is a question wbetlier or not the Bowse of Representatives has the right to ry 'We wlU grant supplies only npoa condition that grievances are redressed. We are the representatives of the tax-payers of tbe Repablic. We, the House of Representatives, aloae bave the right to origiaste money bills. We, the House of Representatives, alone have the right t originate bills which grant tbe money ot the people. Tbe Senate represents States, we represent the tax-payers of tbe Republic We, therefore, by tbe very terms of the constitution, are charged with tceduty oroTigiaatlng bills which grant the meaey of the people. We claim the right wb ich tbe House ef Com. monsin England established after two centuries or contest, to say that we will not grant tbe money of tbe people unless there Is redress ef grievances.' Upon tbe assembling of this Congress la pursoaaceof a call for an extra session which was made necessary by the failure of Fertyfifth Congress to make the needful appropriations for the support of tbe Government, tbe question v presented whether the attempt maae in tbe last Congress to engraft by construction a new principle upon tbe constitution, should be persisted in or aot. This Congress has amule opportunity and time to pans the appropriation bins, and also to enact any political measure which may be determined upon lu separate bills by the usual and orderly methods oi proceedings but a majority or both Houses have deemed It wise to adhere to the principle asserted and maintained In the last Congress by a majority of the House of Representative, lnat principle is tbat the House of Representatives has tbe sole right to withhold tbe appropriations upon which the existence of the Government may depend, unless tne Senate and president shall give theirastent to any legislation which tbe House may see at to attach to appropriation bills. To establish this principle Is to make a radical, dangerous and unconstitutional change In tbe character of our Institutions. Tbe various departments of the Government and army and navy are established by tbe constitution or by tbe laws passed in pursuance thereof. Their duties are clearly defined and their support Is carefully provided for by law. Tbe money required for this purpose has been collected from the people, and Is now in tbe treasury ready to be paid out as soon as the appropriation bills arc passed. Whether appropriations are made or not, the collection ot taxes will go on. The public money will accumulate in the treasury, it was not the Intention of the tramers rf tbe constitution that any single branch ol the Government should have the power to dictate tbe conditions upon which tbts treasure should be applied to the purposes for which it wis collected. Any such intention. If It had been entertained, would have been plainly expressed in the constitution. That a majority of the Senate now concur in the claim of the Home, adds to tbe gravity of the situation, but does not alter the question at tame. The new doctrine If maintained, wilt result in tbe consolidation of unchecked despotic power in tbe House of Representatives. A bare majority of the House will become tbeGovernment. The executive will no longer be what the framers ot tbe constitution intended, an equal and independent branch of the Government. It is cleat ly tne constitutions Idutyof the president to exercise

nis discretion ana judgment upon au buis presented to him without constraining or duress lrom any other branch of tbe Government. To say that a majority of either or both Houses of Congress may insist on the approval of a bill under the penalty of stopping all the operations of tbe Government for want of the necessary supplies, H to deny to the executive that share of legislative power which is plainly conferred by the second section of tbe seventh article of the constitution. It strikes from the constitution the qualified negative of the president. It Is said ibis should be done because it i tne peculiar function of tbe House of Representatives to represent the will of the people, but no single branch of a department ol Govcrnar.ent has exclusive authority to speak for the aforesaid people. The most authentic and solemn expression of their will Is contained- in the constitution of the United States. By that constitution they have ordained and established a Government whose powers are distributed among the co-ordinate branches, which, aa far as possible, consistently with harm on tons eo-operaUoa, are aosoluteiy Independent cf each other. Tbe people ol the country are unwilling to see- the supremacy of tue constitall"n replaced by the omnipotence of sny department of the Government. The enactment of this bill Into a law will establish a precedent which will tend to destroy the equal independence or the several branches ot tbe Government. Its principle places not merely in theSeDateand executive, but tbe judiciary aim, under the eoerc ve direction of the House. The House alone will be Judge of what constitutes a grievance, and alto of tbe means aud toeuiiiei of redress. An act ef Congress to protect elections Is now the grievance complained of, bat tbe Hoase may en the same principle determine that any ether act of Count ess, a treaty made by the president, with the advice and consent of the Senate; a nomination or appointment to office : or. tbat a decision or opinion of the supreme court is a grievance, and that the measure of redress is to withhold the appropriations required fur the support of - the oilending - branch of tbe Government. Believing that this bill is a dangerous violation of the spirit and meaning of tbe constitution, I am compelled to return It to ihe House, in which itoriginated, without my approval. - The qualified negative with which the constitution invests the president is a trust that involves a duty which 1 can not decline to perform with a firm and conscientious purpose to do What I can to preserve unlmG tired the constitutional powers and equal dependence, not merely of the executive, but of every branch of the Government , which will be imperiled by the adoption of the principle of tbis bill. I desire earnestly to urge upon the House of Representatives a return to the wise and wholesome usage of the earlier days of the Republic, which excluded from tbe appropriation bills all Irrelevant legislation. By this course you will inaugurate an Important reform In the method of congressional legislation. Your action will be in harmony with the fundamental principles of the constitution and tbe patriotic sentiment of nationality, which is their firm support, and you will restore to the country that feeling of confidence, security and repose, which are so essential to the prosperity of ailfoor ie i low citizens. CTUKBnMI B. iiAYKS. " 'mim HCSTfSBEHEDT ttreat klsney sad Liver medicine, en res Pains in the Back. Sidtf or Loins, and all Diseases - of tbe Kidneys. Bladder and Urinary Organs, Dropsy, Gravel, Diabetes, Blight's Disease of the Kidneys, BACK!" Retentltm or Incontinence or Urine, Nervous Diseases, Female Weakness, ana Excesses; tun I'M BKMKDT la prepared EXX'HESS1.X lor these diseases. .. .".,..'.-,. . From Rev. E. G. Taylor, 0. P., pastor First Baptistishurch: . " PbOVTDEVce, R. f .. June , 1878. - T can testify to the virtue of HUNT'S REMEDY In Kidney Diseases from actual trial, having been much benefited by Its nse. ... , E.G. TAYLOR. From a retired minister or the Methedlst Episcopal church: S N. Seventeenth st PHitA., Pa., April 18, 1!78. V. E. CtABkB Dear Sir HISI! .REMEDY, has cured my wife of Dropsy in its worst form. Alt hope had left us for months. All say that it is a miracle. Water bad dropped from her right limb or months. Forty-eight hours had taken all the extra water from the system. All other means bad been tried. None succeeded bat HUNT'S REMEDY. ANTHONY AT WOOD. HTJITT'tS RISEuV is pnrely Vegetable, and is used by the advlee of Physicians. It has stood me test oi time for SO years and the BUNT'S ntmost reliance may be placed in it. ONE TRIAL WILL CON VINCE YOU - ' - '. t- F.?- .' Bend for Pamphlet to - t WM. E. CLAB.KE. "roviuence, ft. COLD OT JJULDBVOOUSTS.

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