Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 28, Number 17, Indianapolis, Marion County, 23 April 1879 — Page 2

,- THE INDJNA STATE. SENTINEL, :7EDNE8D AY MORNESTG, AERIL. 23, 1G79.

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that the heroes of the revolution had died In vain, and thai their blood -was not ahed In the cause of free government. Sir, these laws are not the offspring of that great instrumenV which haa descended to us with sver-lDCreas-ing strength and giory from tne days of our revolutionary ancestors. They emanate rather from that malignant spirit of political oppression and tyranny which preceded the French revolutin,and caused Us fires at last to break forth ; which filled the prisons of France wit a victims acrested on secret orders, and made evtry citizen tremble aa one who fear a blow in the dark. They emanate from that spirit which ruled over Venice, when a. whisper of a loot of suspicion was more to be dreaded than tbe blow of a dagger, aud wjien the silent and voiceless accusation doomed its object to walk the brtdze of sighs into the caverns of a ruthless and lingering death. In English history there never was a period in which they ecnld have been executed. Cnanes the First lost his head, James the second his throne, and George the Third his Ametican colonies in attemptinT far less encroachments n the liberties of Englishmen than these laws perpetrau on the liberties of Americans, feiouvsins, tne tyrant of Syracuse, suspended a sword by a single hair over the heads of his enests at a banquet, and enjoyed their terror. The party bat yesterday in power in this chamber has "suspended over the heads of the American people and pot Into operation in their midst ;enactments far deadlier than the sword: for without the unassailable safeguards of personal liberty life itseif is of no value. The senator from Maine IMr, Blanel has urged that oppoiitiou to these enactments Is afalse issue on the part of those who have not felt their cruel enforcement. He asserts that because the Federal election laws have not been called into active execution In some portions of the counlrv. and troops have not been placed at alt the polls, therefore the people have no reason for resentment. The tories of the revolution argued the same way 10U years ago on the stamp act an! the tax on tea. f hey insisted that the claim of rlaht to bind the colonies In all thine put forth by the :Brltish Parliament could do no harm, and ought to be submitted to as long as no attempt waa made to enforce it. But it was that very claim of right which made the revolution. It waa not the amount of MX collected, or even demanded, that enused the sword of Banker Hill to be drawn. It was the naked assertion of a prinolp'e subversive ot local self-government which drove the colonists to armed resistance and kept the army of the revolution In the field under Washington nnti'. American Independence was secured. Our fathers were unwilling for a claim of despotic power to hang over them ax a threat liable at any time to be put in execution. They revolted against the idea that they were to bold their rights subject only to the forbearance of their rulers. They resented the menace of the British Government contained in its declaration of power as they would a peronal indignity. Bnrke, in his speech or March. 177.5, on conciliation with America, thns describes the colonists: "In other countries the people, more simple and of a Jess mercurial cast. Judge of an ill principle In government only by an actual grievance; here they anticipate the evil, and fudge of the pressure ol the grievance by the badness of the principle. They angnr misgovernment at a distance and snuff the approach of tyranny in ever tainted breeie." This wat the sublime sentiment of liberty which Inspired Jefferson and John Adams, Patrick Henry and John Hancock: which welded together the toil-worn and destitute veterans of Virginia and Massachusetts in manv a bitter and bloody charge. The sound of the clank'ng chains of political bondage was heard in the distance, and it was eneugh. They did not sit supinely and heedlessly nntil tha manacles were fastened on their limbs. Are their descendants or this day so degenerate that they will wait until the hand of power clutches them by the throat and hurls them into prison bafore they will turn and destroy the laws which provide lor such debasement? Shall we salute with reverence the tokens of tyranny, the emblems of our enslavement? The Swiss peasant reinsed to bow his uncovered head to the cap of the Austrian tyrant elevated-- as a sign of subjugation ; and the hearts of brave men and air women in all the four quarters of the globe have poured Incense to the name of William Tell. John Hampden thought 20 shillings of ship money too dear a price to pay for security, ease, peace, and li(e Itself, as long as the prerogative to levy such a tax was claimed by the king; and he yielded up bis

peeness spirit, on tue puiins oi vuaigrave i u defying an unjust principle of government. Notwithstanding tne derision of the senator from Maine, all history attests the danger of leaving instruments of usurpation and oopression ready for the use of those intrusted with executive authority. The usurper will come at last. The hour of his advent is inevitable. The temptations of supreme and arbitrary power have never yet failed to deve!op a Ctesar, a Cromwell, or a Napoleon, whenever the people have relaxed their TigUance and suffered their laws to pave the way toward despotism. Bnt in the present instance we have vastly more than the mere menace or threat of future subjugation by virtue of the laws under discussion. We are not left to conjecture what will be done hereafter. Already these laws have been executed over the prostrate forms and liberties of American citizens in a manner and to an extent which would arouse any people in Europe to revolt, except, perhaps, the serfs of Russia. I speak not now of the South, which has so long been considered a legitimate prey to the spoiler, but of t ie great, dominant and stalwart North. Loos to New York, that mighty emporium of the wealth and commerce of .the Western hemisphere. Scenes have been enacted there within the last few years which bring shame and disgrace to the Republic wherever they are known. John I. Davenport is chief supervisor of elections in the city of New York, appointed by Mie circuit court of the United States. He is : ilno the clerk of the United State circuit court and a United States commissioner. "With all the powers of these manifold official positions combined in his own person he has Indeed been the autocrat of the ballot-box. In the elections of 1H76 he had under him 1.07a supervisors, 2,503 deputy marshals, and an indefinite number of commissioners, at an expense for them and for himself of 194,587. In 1878 he employed 1,226 supervisors, 1,850 deputy marshals, and commissioners In proportion, for all whose pay and expenses he drew upon the money of the people In the treasury. In June, 1876, as clerk of the United States circuit court, he issued warrants for the arrest of 2, MA) naturalized voters to be brought before him as United States commissioner and chief supervisor, for the purpose of making mem surrender rneir naturalization papers. The Federal courts themselves afterward held that the naturalization papers In question were all legal and valid, but the desired remit 1 bad been accomplished: The terror Inspired by these arrests intimidated thousands from going to the polls. It became well known that there waa no personal security in New York in connection with the elections, and the poor, the timid, and the humble staid away. The same course was pursued In 1878. During the summer of that year 9,400 citizens were notified that they would be arrested unless they surrendered their naturalization papers to the bead -overseer, John I. Davenport. In the month of October, 1878, 8,100 persons were actually arrested, and a reign of terror inaugurated just in advance of the election. The pretense that these persons held fraudulent naturalization papers had already been shown to be false, but it was necessary to party success that an alarm should be raised and a panic created in the minds of foreignborn citizens and of the poor laboring classes generally. The movement was successful, and it has been estimate! that 10,000 legal voters remained away from the polls rather than risk the jails and the prison pens of the chief supervisor and his subordinates. But it was reserved for the day of election Itself to give free scope to the frightful powers with which this band of Federal Kuklux is Invested. Thoe who braved the daugers which environed the ballot box, and approached it as if they were still freemen, soon found their mistake. They quickly ascertained that the previous threats and warnings which they had heard were neither idle nor unmeaning. As a specimen of thousands of similar occurrences on election day, I quote a statement recently made by a member of the other branch of Congress from New York. Speaking from his place on the floor, he said : "A neighbor of mine, who bad resided in the same district for 17 years, and a soldier of the Union army at that, was arrested. I was asked to go to the Republican headquarters In an adjoining district, whither he had been taken. The street for an entire block waa ined with ca riages. in which the unfortunate! citizens, who had fallen into the hands of the Philistines had been or were to be conveyed. When I entered the building I found the front room decorated with the paraphernalia of a political headquarters, and filled with Republican politicians. In the back room a United States commissioner was holding court. The door was closed, watched by a Cerberus. No one was allowed inside but the prisoner and the Republican managers. After about half an hour's watting I was informed by the doorkeeper that the man I was looking for was no longer there. I asked whither he had been taken. 'Suppose to Fort Davenport,' was the laconic reply." Sir, most likely this soldier of the Union army was with Grant in the Wilderness, at Cold Harbor and at Petersburg. Or perhaps he was with Sherman iu his march to the sea, and as a soldier of the army of the Tennesson took part in the bloody battle of Atlanta. Wherever he was, however, and on whatever field he was baptized with fire, he was assured that he was offering his life for the preservation of the Union under the safeguards of constitutional liberty. He was also assured that humm slavery should not survive the triumph Of tne Union cause, and he rejoiced to oelleve

that his country would in fact soon be the land only f the free. "What, must have been his reflections, therefore, in November last to find. In attempting to cast bis ballot, that be waa as very a slave in the hands of a brutal -overseer as anynegroever driven In a cotton-HeW, and that he had no more power under existing laws to protect his personal freedom than au African bondsman on the auction block before the war. Did he not, most probably, conclude that one of the frntta of the war, under the nurture and cultivation of the Republican party, was the extension of s .every, rather thau its overthrow and destruction? Was lie not impressed with the fact that the liberation of one race bad been followed by the enslavement of another? What were his thoughts, and the thoughts of his fellow-victims, who had also been his fellow-soldiers, as they lay like felons in prison, in "Fort Davenport, for ottering to vote? How did their bitter thoughts In that hour of degredation compare with their glorloas dreams as they often lay together on the tented field; when their ' bugles sang truce; for the night cloud had lowered. . . And the sentinel stars set their watch in the sky. And thousands had sunk: on the ground overpowered The weary to sleepand the wounded to die. In such an hour as this they dreamed not only or returning to the dear ones at home, of of their rapturous,' clinging embrace and burning kiss, but they likewise dreamed of returning to a land of liberty, to borne made free from the invasive steps of the spy and informer, and to a state of per-onai security under laws of their own making. , These bright dreams have all vanished, and in their place the returned soldier, and all others, have em1 braced a reality as horrible and as unbearable to the soul of a man fit to be free as Dante's

conceptions of Inferno are to the Christian mina. ine loiiowingaescripuon oi election day in Davenport's court In New York Is said to be but a tame and Imperfect, presentment of the facta as they there transpire from j ear to. year as the electlonsoccur: "Such a scene as the rooms of this court presented on that election day has never be ore been witnessed in this city or in this-country, and it is to be hoped never wiil again. From early morning until after the polls were closed these rooms were packed and jammed with a mass of prisoners and marshals. Not only were they crowded beyond their capacity, but the halls and corridors were thronged with those who were unable to obtain admission, so that the counsel representing the prisoners and the bondsmen who were offered to secure tneir release had the greatest difficulty, and were frequently unsuccessful in obtaining entrance. In addition to all this was that de'ertable iron 'pen on the upper floor, in which men were crowded nntil it resembled the black hole of Caloutta, and where they were kept for hours hungry, thirsty, suffering in every way, until tneir case could be reached. With scarcely an exception these men had gone to the polls expecting to be absent but a short time. Many of them were thinly clad; numbers had sick wives or relatives; some were sick themselves. There were carmen who had left their horses standing in the public streets; men whose situations depended on their speedy return; men who wished to leave the city on certain trains. Every Imaginable vexation, inconvenience. Injury, and wrongs which the aiind ean conceive existed in their cases, so that It was painful for the counsel who were endeavoring to secure their release to approach sufficiently near the railing to hear their piteous appeals aud witness the distress which they had no power to alleviate. And over all this pushing, struggling, complaining crowd Mr. Commissioner Jonn I. Davenport sat supreme, with a soit of oriental magnificence, calmly Indifferent to everything but the single fact that no man who ws arrested was allowed to vote." May I not, in view or this dark and shameful picture, appeal to senators without impropriety to know whither we are drifting? Are we still hugging tue miserable delusion that there is no uanger, while scenes are being enacted in strict accordance with the laws on our statute books which would be a disgrace to Turkish civilization If enacted by the arbitrary authority of the sultan? Has a fatal lethargy seized the American people, aud are we luueed to follow the downward pathway of all the republics that have risen and fallen in the past? Tne sailor in Northern seas veers off into safer waters the moment he feels the current of the great maelstrom under his keel. We are in the very vortex of the whirl pool wherein every local privilege, every right of citizenship, all the sanctuaries of hour , and the ship of state itself is being drawn dtwu and dashed to pieces, a od y et the cry ths il is well, uttered by false pilots, lulls us into a sense of security and repose. 1 call upon my countrymen to awaken, for the hour of mortal peril to their institutions is here. What has happened in New York has happened elsewhere, aud may happen every wheie. Shall the laws which make such scenes possible remain in force?l invoke against them the memories of the mighty dead who fell for In- -dependence; who enriched the soil of Massachusetts with their blood at Lexington, Concord and - Bunker Hill; who struggled with Washington at Brandywine, and charged under his eye at Princeton, Trenton and Monmouth; who tasted death at Camden, the Cowpens, and Eutaw Springs, in order that we might be free; who yielded up their brave spirits on the plains of York town In the precious hour of final victory. By these great souls, by their privations, sorrows, anguish and paiu, lim-, plore the American people not to forget the value of those liberties which are now trampled under foot with every circumstance of scorn and contempt. : At this point, however, and in this connection, another branch of legislation on the. subject of popular elections calls for our consideration. In presenting the elaborate and carefully constructed system jot laws for the suppression of self-government, we are next confronted by those provisions which place the land and naval forces of the United Slates at the polls. Thosa who conceived and enacted these laws were not content until the sword as well as the purse of the nation was prostituted to the suppression of free elections. I have only to appeal to the laws themselves to make food this statement, strong as it may appear, he section most familiar to the public mind , Is 5.52S of the revised statutes, and is often cited in proof of the harmless purposes of t he army. It has in fact, at a hasty glance, a somewhat Innocent aspect, but a moment's inspection will show mat like the Trojan horse us real object is to carry armed men into a citadelin this instance tne citadel of liberty without exciting suspicion or resistnace. It was enacted in February, 18tia, aud Its language Is as fo lows: "Every officer of the army or navy, or other person In the civil, military or naval service of the United States, who orders, brings, keeps, or has under his authority or control any troops or armed men at any place where a general or special election Is heid In any State, unless such force be ne-'-wsary to repel armed enemies of the United States or to keep pesos at the polls, shall be fined not more than $5,0Uu, and suffer Imprisonment at hard labor , not less than three months nor more than five years." Here is simply a cbeap display of pretended severity asalnst military interference with elections, while the sole purpose of the section was to authorise the presence of armed troops at the polls under the vague pretext of keeping the peace. Sir, who is to determine the necessity of the presence of ths army or navy at the place of voting on election day to keep the eace? Who Is to pass upon this plea of military necessity and give tne command to close In on the ballot-box with the bayonet? Under this section It Is evident that the president of the United States as commander-in-chief would have that duty to perform. What a dazzling field here opens for the usurper! It is a matter of history that Cw-ar while in Gaul sent his emissaries to Rome to incite riots and disturbances at the elections in order to give him the pretext he craved, to keen the peace at the noils with his trained legions at his back. Napoleon the Great crushed the liberties oi r ranee nnaer tne tyrant's usual guise of preserving public order bv force of arms: and Naioieon the Lesser in our own day followed his example.. What a temptation is presented, Dy toe section I have read, to some American executive to nractloe the same usurpations I He nas only to stir up troubk s through bis partisan emissaries in the South, as has often been done heretofore, and the occasion is made for the nse of the army to any ex.ent he may choose. He is the Judge of the number of troops and tne time tbev are to move and the places they are to invest. He may order any number of shiDSOf war into the harbor or New York or in front of New Orleans on election day or at any time before that day to overawe W.e people, simply avowing that he does so under this law to keep the peace at the polls. It is difficult to conceive that such aa enactment could be found among the statutes or a Republic, but It is my painful duty to show two others on the same subject fci- more dangerous, if possible, than this. (Section l,i9, found in the revised statutes under the title "civil rights," confers on ths president In ex press terms the powers which are Implied in section bfiM. There is no attempt here lo deceive, xne army ana navy are boldlv olaoea at tne disposal oi tne presi dent to nse at his discretion over a range of subjects ana In the control oi tneir aeiaus as extensive as the rights of man under a free constitution. The words ef the section are as follows: "It shall be lawful for the president of the TTnlte'i Slates, or sueh person as he may em power for that purpose, to employ such part of tne lana or navat forces oi uw uiuuomii, or of the militia, as may be necessary to aid In the execution' of Judicial process Issued under any of the preceding provisions, or as shall be necessary to prevent the violation and enforce the due execution of the provisions of this title." There are 15 seetlons la this title, and they embrace the assertion and enforcement ef

every right and privilege known to American cltlsHnship. They were prepared and enacted for the pumose of placing the negro on an exaet equality in every particular with the whits man before the law, and they consequently cover as much ground as the constitution Itself. For instance, the first section of this title provides for the right to make and enforce contracts, to sue, be parties, and give evidence; and the second section provides for the right to inherit, purchase, lease, sell, hold and convey real and .personal property. It is made lawful for the president, at his own will and pleasure, and without reference to State laws on these subjects, to launch the army into auy State he may choose to crush, under the pretenee of enforcing these provisions or preventing their violation. The third section of this title relates to actions at law and suits in equity for damages by such as deem themselves deprived oi any rights, privileges or immunities secured by the constitution and laws. The ' fourth section treats of conspiracies first, , to intimidate persons from accepting and holding office; second, to deter witnesses from testifying in any United States court, to influence grand or petit jurors, or in any manner to impede or defeat the due course of Justice; and, third, to deprive any class of persons of the equal protection of ue law, or to pi event any one from voting for the candidate of hit. choice. The section concludes by giving a right of civil suit for damages to any one conceiving himself aggrieved under its provisions. Other sections follow of intricate and diversified character, but I have cited enough to show the vast and sweeping scope of the duties devolved on the army and navy by virtue of section 1,W9, and the absolute supremacy of one-man power there created. Under the wide and uni

versal provisions oi me civil riguis ime, which we are now considering, there Is not a phase in human affairs wherein the army and navy of the United States can not be called by the executive to prevent or to enforce the execution of some act by Individuals, States and Territories. Section l,feV contemplates the military control of elections not only, bnt of everything else that belong to the States, Territories, counties, cities, and every other species of municipality. It utterly abrogates the constitution of the United States. By that instrument, section four, article four, the extent of the pswer ol tha Federal Government to send troop to a State Is defined: "The United States snail guarantee to every Stale in this Union a republican form of government, and shall protect each of them against invasion, and on application oi the Legislature, or of the executive, (when the Legislature can not be convened) against domestic violence." This short and pregnant sentence marks the boundaries, as understood by the fathers, between the Federal Government and the States in regard to the character and enforcement of State constitutions and laws. There has been much confusion of Ideas and the wildest vagaries of construction growing out of this clause of the Federal constitution, and eiec tally In relation to that part of it which guarantees to every State a republican form of government. I have heard it contended in debate i.i Congress that by virtue of this power of guarantee the Federal Government could unseat members of a State Legislature, annul laws Oi their enactment, direct other members to be sworn In, and other laws to be enacted, and In a general and in an especial manner take charge of all local Interests. All this, too. was to be upheld and enforced by United Stales military authority if necessary. Sir, may it not be well to understand exactly what it is that the Federal Government is called on to guarantee to the States? A republican form of government Is something easily defined. The term "republic," as applied to a political organization, Is derived irom the two Latin words, "res," a thing, an affiilr, and "publics." public, meaning a public affairin which all have a common Interest, in which there is neither royalty nor rank fixed by law. Webster defines a republican form of government to be: "A State in which the sovereign power is exercised by representatives elected by the people; a commonwealth." Taking this as the true meaning of the expression used in the Federal constitution, and we have no difficulty in understanding that when a State has frame l and adopted a constitution in harmony therewith, and maintains it, the Federal Government has no more power to Interfere with or send armed forces into the State, except upon its own application to resist invasion or to suppress domestic vioience. than the State has to assume the functions of the Federal Govern.-nent. If the Legislature of a State should pass laws repugnant to the constitution or the laws of the United States, wheih together with treaties are the supreme law, the courts are charged with the duty of arresting them. If riots break out at elections, or on any other occasion, beget ting domestic violence wuicu tne state can not put down ; or If Invasion occurs, and the State calls for assistance in the manner prescribed by tbe constitution, then and only then can the Government of the United Stales come to its relief in martial array. A contrary doctrine to this, the doctrine contained injthe section under discussion .changes the Government in the twinkling of an eye from a Republic to a consolidated military despotism, governed in all Its parts and details the commander-in-chief, the president of the L niteu states. There is no more escape irom this conclusion than there is from the evi dence of our senses that light follows the morning and darkness the night. By this section the president Is left to determine everything, and to execute without restraint irom any quarter nis arbitrary conclusions. He may declare it necessary to aid In the execution of judicial process with the army In auy portion of the country, whether it is S3 or not. He may declare any city of over 20,000 Inhabitants, or any county or parish In the United States, in a state of Insurrection, station troaps iu them, proclaim martial law, and cut them off from ail communication with other parts of the world. Hut there remains one more section aumorizing the use of the army and navy to subvert free elections which demands our attention. I torn to it. I cod fees, with feelings of repug nance. It completes the degredation of that army and navy whose fame and glory fill the wnoie eann. it snows to wnai Daae uses tne heroes of a hundred battles may be put by the vaulting ambition of radical partisans. It is section 1984, and it reads as follows: ' rue commissioners autnorizea to os appointed by the preceding section are empow ered, within their respective counties, to ap point, in writing, unuei tnier nanus, one or more suitable persons, from time to time, who shall execute all such warrants or other process as ths commissioners may Issue in the lawful performance of their duties, and tne persons so appoiuted shall have authority to summon and call to their aid the bystanders or posse comitstus of tbe proper county, or such pcrtlon of the land or naval forces of the united states, or oi tne muita, as may ue necessary to tbe performance of the duty with which they are chanted: and such warrants shall run and be executed anywhere in the state or Territory within which they are issued." .- The warrants or other process mentioned in this section, and which the commissioners may issue, are snch as are provided for the arrest and intimidation of voters before elections on election dav. and afterward. They are such as are contemplated in chapter 7 of the title "Crimes," on w-,ich I have already commented. We behold, therefore, oy virtue of this most amazing section, the army and navy of the United States, not placed under the command of tbe president or such person as he may empower, presumably an officer of nign rank and onaracter, to regulate auu control elections, but ordered to obey the "summon and call" of the lowest agents, and, nat urally, the vilest Instruments of this whole pernicious business. Let us pause an 1 look for a moment at the scene which Is here provided for. The circuit courts of the United States and the district courts of the Territories are authorized by section l.w3 to increase the number of commissioners Irom time to time, so as to afford a speedy and convenient means for the arrest and examination of persons charged with crimes against the election laws, until the whole land shall swarm with commission era bent on the success of their party. Then these commissioners, appointed for a political purpose, are empowered in every county in the United States to appoint one or more persons whom they may deem suitable to execute their process and carry out their edicts. And bow astounding and incredible it seems, in this age of advanced civilization, that these Innumerable deputy commissioners, these Irresponsible sublessees of unconstitu tional power, should hsva, by the express words of American law, the authority to sum mon ana cai: to tneir aid not merely tne Bystanders and the posse comltatus of the couu ty, bnt such portion of tbe land or naval forces of the United Slates or of the militia as they msy consider necessary to the performance of their duties: Here are the plain words of the law.and there is not a senator on this floor who will gainsay my statement. Sir, who are these people on whom the most tremendous powers known to human governments have been so lavishly bestowed? I have no word of disparagement for United States commissioners, appointed to perform the legitimate duties of that useful office, but for political instruments, thrust by partisan hate and ambition into that position, and for those still b-ilow them, I have neither respect nor forbearance. The experience of the last few years 111 the different States, ana notably In New York, shows that political commisuoners, their deputies and subordinates, foisted into the control of elections, belong essentially to that class of human pests so powerfully described by Carran In his detense of Rowan, who, in the language of the great Irishman, "overwhelmed in the torrent of corruption at an early period, lay at the bottom like drowned bodies while soundness or sanity remained In them: but at length becoming buoyant by putrefaction, they rose aa they rotted and floated to the surface of the polluted stream, where they .were drifted

along, the objects of terror and contagion and abomination.".- ... Yet of Buch as tbese are made the commanders of the military and naval forces of this Government; to these miserable, cringing campfollowers of any party in power, occupying, as they do, the lowest and most disreputable places in the rear rank or political warfare, the proudest plumed chieftains, the most peerless warriors on land and sea, must bow their tall heads and obey their mandates. Will some senator tell me how the brave and brilliant Sherman, bearing a higher rank than even Washington ever bore, is to escape obedience to a deputy United States commissioner? Will some one point out to me how, under the law as it now stands, Sheridan, Hancock, or the secretary of war himself, is to refuse military subjection and co-operation to any offspring of the political sewer appointed by a United States commissioner aud bearing a warrant or other process for the arrest of a citizen charged with an offense against the election laws? I assert, fearless of contradiction, that under the seciion 1 have read the veriest reptile of ward politics, the most abandoned scavenger of party warfare, armed with a commissioner's appointment and any sort of process against the liberty of an American citizen, can call the whole army and navy to bis support, and the tallest heads must bow to his command. The scarred and veteran legions who bore the eagles of tbe Republic in triumph In Mexico and who are yet in the army; the dauntless, chivalric and generous hearts wbo closed with their own equal kindred In the mortal grasp ofclvil war; all these, and others besides, are placed at the beck and nod of a commander selected by a United States commissioner.

1 will not s too lo sav tbat this Is monstrous. That will be the universal verdict. I will not pause to denounce such laws as wholly infamous, for that will be the iudgment notonlv of tbe American people but of all the civilized nations of the world. Simply to call up and exhibit such a horrible death's head as this in the laws of a commonwealth pretending to be free is enough to excite tbe jeers, the hisses, aud the execrations of every lover of liberty on the Inhabitable globe. The army and the navy or tbe United States! How often the banquet hall and the festive board have rung with eloquence In their praise! How often their achievements have been the theme ot poetry and of song! Whose heart has not swelled with emotion at the mention of revolutionary fields of fame? Whose eye ha not kindled at the story of Lundy's Lane, the Thames, Tippecanoe, and New Orleans? Whose spirit does not reel exalted when Buena Vista, Montery, Cerro Gordo, Cherobusco, and Chapultepec pass In stately review? And wnose eyes nave not grown moist ana ana with enthusiasm in reading the battles of the ocan, those deadly conflicts of the sea which have made American genius and courage as Imperishable In history as the fixed stars are in tne neavens over our heads? Sir. these sentiments, are universal in the American heart, but who now will sneak tbe eulogy or sing in heroic verse the deeds of the army anu tne navy oi the United states used to overthrow free elections under the command of deputy United States commissioners? Others may answer the question ; I can not. to tne final result or such legislation. All tbe free governments of the past have withered away and perished by the introduction of military force into the management of their civil affairs. We will prove nociception to this Invariable rule. Even in England, the home of monarchy, governed by kings and queens and a hereditary nobility, the people nearly 160 years ago, demanded and eufoiced the entire absence of troops from the polls on election any, in oruer mat tney mignt preserve tneir rights, whatever they were, under the British constitution. A committee of this body on a loruier occasion uescnoea me objects ot tne well known statute ol Georsref f.in the follow ing terms: It can not escape notice that the leading object of this ancient statute, as sufficiently evidenced by the preamble, was the preserva tion oi tne riEiits and liberties or the kingdom, not their destruction. And the history of the times shows that the prohibition to keep military forces near places where there was an elec' ion of members of Parliament , arose from outrages practiced upon the electors ny the ministers In posting troops so as to overawe them, and coerce them into the returning of candidates friendly to the ministerial party, and the supporters of prerogative against popular rights." This description of the use of the mlhtnry on election day sounds painfully familiar at this time to American ears. Our ancestors, even In the dark reign of the second George, a century and a halt ago, would not brook uch outrages upon the electors. Are we, with all the increase of light and liberty now in the world, to be denounced for demanding Just what they did? Tbe senator from Massachusetts Mr. Hoar in his recent speech found nothing to censure or disapprove in the use of the army or the navy to control elections. Another senator from the same State held different views. Daniel Webiter declared : "If men would enjoy the blessings of republican government they must govern themselves by reason, by mutual counsel and consultation, by a sense and feeling of general interest, and by the acquiescence of tue minority in the will of the majority properly expressed ; and above all the military must be kept, according to tbe language of our bill of rights, In strict subordination to the civil authority. Wherever this lesson is not learned and practiced there can be no political free dom. Absurd, preposterous is it, a scoff and a satire upon free forms of constitutional liberty, for forms of government to be prescribed by military leaders, and the right of suffrage to be exercised at the point of the sword." Passing, however, In the order of discussion to another part of th is general system for the suppression of free elections, I approach next the improper use of the Federal (udiclary. A greater calamity than political courts hardly ever befell any people. There Is no form of oppression so dangerous as judicial unfairness. An armed invasion of constitutional rights can ba speedily met by armed resistance. Force provokes force in return, and the hum blest intellect can comprehend such an issue as quickly as the greatest. The proceedings of courts, on the other hand, are not always plain to the common mind. Little by little they can, by false constructions, destroy the principles of free government unobserved except by the few who are learned in tue law. Judges, therefore, of a partisan bias, carrying with them on the bench party convictions and party zeal, are of all the officers of the Government the most formidable Instruments or political warlare. It was of such as these tbat Jefferson spoke In 1820 when he said: "The judiciary of the United States is the subtle oorps of sappers and miners constantly working under ground to undermine the foundations of our confederated fabric. They are construing our constitution from a co ordination of a general and special government to a general and supreme one alone," It was In view also of partisan J udges that he said: "Our Judges are as honest as other men and not more so. They have, with others, the same passions for party, for power, and the privilege of their corps. Their maxim is 'bonl Judicla est ampllare Jurlsdictlonem,' and their power tbe mere dangerous as they are in office for life, and not responsible, as tbe other functionaries are, to the elective control." It Is, indeed, a most obvious fact, verified by the experience of all ages, as well as by the wisdom of the foremost minds in history, that courts of Justice can not be Invested with political purposes without demoralizing the whole Judicial system, and Inflicting danger on every right belonging to tbe citizen. Yet the judiciary of the United States has been boldly seized upon, and nearly ail its parts applied to the support ana permanence of a political party. The authors of the laws for that purpose made the circuit and the district courts of the United States the fountain and the beginning of the entire plot against the freedom of the ballot-box. An v two per sons filled with party zeal in a city or town of over ai.uuo inhabitants, or any iu persons under tbe same inspiration iu a county or parish without respect to population can oomraand the Federal courts at theirpleasure. At their orders the circuit Judge shall open court, and In his absence the district Judge shall obey tbe call. This shall occur in vacation as well as term time, and the court shall remain open, or In the language of the law, "be always open for the transaction of business under this title," tbat Is to say, the business of the elections, until tbe elections are over. Not only is the court to be alwavs open, but the fudge Is to be pursued to his chambers by eager local party leaders where be has tbe same powers on this subject as when sitting In court. Tbe absolute subserviency of tbe Federal judges, wherever found, whether in court or in oham ben, being thus secured, their duties are necessarily of an injurious and odious character. Every squad of supervisors of e actions, equipped as spies. Informers, bailiffs and burglars at tbe ballot-box, emanate directly irom tne hands ana tea is ot tue federal ju diclarv. The chief supervisor, the commander-in-chief in certain respects of ibis invading force, is likewise an otfrpriugoi judicial prostitution Bo also the Innumerable hordes of political United States commissioners contemplated and authorized by section 1,983, and all their deputies under mem, witn power as i nave shown, to command the army and navy: all - these strange and ii'.egltlmate election officials spring from the Federal courts, embraoed as tney nave been oy an arrogant ana lawless political party. The deputy United states marshals, unlimited In number and viciously Continued on Third Page. Settlement of ft long dispute. Physicians have at last corn to the conclusion that tha best medicine, for taething children ia Dr. Bull's Baby Syrup.

nADWAT8 ZUSMBBXBB

XJC. JSCStrong Testimony from " Bra.- eeorsje Starr as to m Power of Kadway'a Heady Keller In a Cm of feelatle Rheumatism. ... No. S Van Neks-flack, New York. Dr. Rakwat: With me your ReUei has worked wonders. For the last three years I have had frequent and severe attacks of sciatica, sometimes extending from the lumbar regions to my ankles, and, at times, in both lower limbs. During the time I have been afflcted I have tried almost all the remedies recommended by wise men and fools, hoping to find relief, but all proved to be failures. I have tried various kinds or baths, manipulations, outward applications of liniments, too numerous to mention, and prescriptions of the most eminent physicians, all of which failed to give me relief. Last September, at the urgent request of a friend (who had been afflicted as mvself ), 1 was Induced to try your remedy. I was then su Bering tearfully with one of my old turns. To my surprise and delight the first application gave me ease, after bathing and rubbing tbe parts affected, leaving the limb In a warm glow, created by the Relief. In a short time the pain pass entirely away, although I have slight periodical attacks approaching a change of weather. I know now how to cure myselr, and feel quite master of the situation. RAD WAY'S READY RELIEF is my friend. I never travel without a bottle in my valise. Yours truly, GEO. STARR. Rheumatism, Neuralgia, Dipl.llierla, InUuenza, Sore Throat, IMttlcmt Breathing RELIEVED IN A FEW MINUTES BY RADWAVS READY RELIEF. For Headache, whether sick or nervous; rheumatism, lumbago, pains and weakness in the back, spine or kidneys; pains around the liver, pleurisy, swellings of the Joints, pains in the bowels, heartburn and pains of all kinds, chilblains and frost-bites, Rad way's Ready Relief will afford Immediate ease, and its continued use for a few days eflect a permanent cure Price, 50 cents. nADHAY'S READY RELIEF! CURES THE WORST PAINS IN FROM ONE TO TWENTY MINUTES NOT ONE HOUR After BmmIIds; thfa Advertisement Heed Aar Os BsAef with rsla, RADWATU READY RELIEF la a Cure for Every Pain. It was the first, and Is tha ONLY PAIN REMEDY that instantly stops tha most excrunlatlng pains, allays inflammation and cures congestions, whether of the Lungs, Stomach, Bowels, or other glands or organs, by one application. IN FROM ONE TO TWENTY MINUTES. No matter how violent or excruciating th pain, the Rheumatic, Bed-ridden, Infirm, Crippled, Nervous, Neuralgic or prostrated with disease may suffer Eadway's Ready Relief WILL AFFORDNSTANT EASE. Inflammation of the Kidneys, Inflammation of the Bladder, Inflammation of the Bowels, Congestion of the Lungs, Sore Throat, Difficult BreathiugTPalpltation of the Heart, Hysterics, Croup, Diphtheria. Catarrh Influenza, Headache, Toothache, Neuralgia, Rheumatism, Cold Chills. Ague Chilis, Chilblains and Frost Bites. The application of tbe Ready Relief to ths part or parts where the pain or difficulty exists will afford ease and comfort. Thirty to sixty drops in half a tumbler oi water will, in a few moments, cure Cramp, Spasms, Sour Stomach, Heartburn, Sick Head ache. Diarrhoea, Dysentery, Colic, Wind In ths Bowels, and all internal pains. Travelers should always carry a bottle of RADWAY'8 READY RELIEF with them. A Few drops In water will prevent sickness ot pains from change of water. It is better than Frenoh Brandy or Bitters as a stimulant. FETEB AND AGUE. FEVER AND AGUE cured for fifty eenta There is not a remedial agent In this world that will cure Fever and Ague and all other Malarious, Bilious, Scarlet, Typhoid, Yellow and other Fevers (sided by RADWAYU PILLS) so quickly as RAD WAY'S BEADY RELIEF. Fifty cents per bottle. DR. BADWArS Sarsaparillian Resolvent! The Great Blood Purifier, For the Care of Chronic Disease, Scrofula or Bvphilittc, Hereditary or Contagious, Be It seated in the K.nngs or Stomach, Shin or Bosua r lean or aeryea. Corrupting the Solids and Vitiating the Fluids Chronlo Rheumatism, Scrofula, Glandular Swelling, Hacking, Dry Cough, Cancerous Affections, Syphilitic Com plain Is, Bleeding of the Lungs, Dyspepsia, Water Brash, Tie Doloreaux, white Swelling, Tumors, Ulcers, Skin and Hip Diseases, Mercurial Diseases, Femais Complaints. Uout, Dropsy. Salt Rheum. Bron chitis, Consumption. liver Complaint, Etc Not only does the Sarsaparillian Resolvent excel all remedial agents In the cure of Chronic, Scrofulous, Constitutional and Skin Diseases, but it is the only positive cure lor Kidney and Bladder Complaints, Urinary and Womb Diseases, Gravel, Diabetes Dropsy .Stoppage of Water, Incontinence ol Urine, Bright's Disease, Albuminuria, and In all eases where there are brickdust deposits or the water is thick, cloudy, mixed with substances like the white of an egg. or threads like white silk, or there is a morbid, dark, bilious appearance and white boned ust deposits, or when there is a pricking, burning sensation when passing water, and pain In the small of the back and along tbe loins. Sold by. Druggists. PRICE ONE DOLLAR. OVARIAN TUMOR OF TEN YEARS' GROWTH CUBED BY DR. BAD WAY'S REMEDIES Dr. RAD WAY A CO. 82 Warren St., N. Y. DB. BADWATS REGULATIITG pills Perfectly tasteless, elegantly coated with sweet gum, purge, regulate, purify, cleanse and strengthen. Rad way's Pills for the cere of ail diseases of the Stomach, Liver, Bowels, Kidneys, Bladder, Nervous Diseases, Headache, Uili.Uivuuu, vyv 5 M , "HJ ..J f J pepsla. Biliousness, Fever, Inflammation of tbe Bowels, rues, anu au uerangemenia ot toe Internal Viscera. Warranted to effect a positive cure. Purely vegetable, containing no mercury, mineral, or aeiewnous arugs. SWObserve the following symptom resulting from Disorders of the Digestive Organs: Constipation, Inward Piles, Fullness ef ths Blood in tbe Head, Acidity of the Stomach, or Weight ia the Stomacn, Sour Eructations, sinkings or r luitenngs m uie r ib oi we atomV. rM Ktt 1 7 nail Un-Hl - i I 1 1 f . flcult Breathing, Fluttering of tbe Heart, Choking or Suffocating Sensations when in a lying posture, Dots or Webs before the Sight, Fever and dull Pain in the Head, Deficiency of Perspiration, Yellowness of the Skin and Eyes, Pain In the Side, Chest, Limbs, and Rmlden Flushes of Heat. Burning In the Flesh A few doses of Rad way's Pills will free the system from an ot tne above namea disorders. Prloe eenta per ooz. Bold ny aruggisia. "FALSE AND TRUE." Send one letter stamp to RADWAT CO Wo. U Warren, comer Chursh street, New XOTK. Information .worth tfionesntsi will be mo Jest

Catarrh.

Thousands suffer without knowing the nature of this almost universal complaint. It s an ulceration of the head. Its indications are. hawking, spitting, weak inflamed eyes, frequent soreness of the throat, dryness and heat of the nose, matter running from the head down the throat, often ringing or deafness in the ears, loss of smell, memory Impaired, dullness and dizziness of the bead, often In the first stages, but more commonly In its advan ced stages, attended with pains in chest or left side, and under tbe sdoulder blades. Indigestion usually attends Catarrh ; a backing cough and colds are very common, some have all these symptoms, others only a part. Very lit tle pain attends Catarrh until the liver and the lungs are attacked In consequence of the stream of pollution running from the head Into the stomach. All persons thns affected take cold easily and hare frequently a running at the nostras; the breath sometimes reveals to all around tne corruption wltliin, while the patient nas frequently lost all sense of smell. The disease advances covertly, until pain In the chest, lungs or bowels startles him; he backs and coughs, has dyspepsia, liver complaint, and is urged by his doctor to take this or that; perhaps cod liver oil is prescribed- Per fectly ridiculous! The foul ulcers in the head cannot be reached by pouring such stuff info the poor, laded stomach. The patient becomes nervous, the voice Is harsh and unnatural, he feels disheartened, memory loses ber power. Judgment her seal, gloomy forebodings bang overhead; hundreds, yes, thousands In such circumstances, feel that to die would be a relief, and many even do cut the thread of life to end their sorrows. ... Thousands are Dying In early life with consumption, who can look back a few years perhaps only months when It wasouly Catarrh. Neglected when a cure ia possible, very soon it will transform the fea tures of health and youth into the dark, pallid appearance, while the backing cough, the excess of blood gushing from the lungs, or night sweats, all significantly proclaim It is too late; and thns a neglected Catarrh ends in the consumptive's grave. NASAL CATARRH. Sometimes the disease only affects the mem branes lining- T.ne nasal passages, and they may ne easily reamed and cured Dy simple means But when It Is located in the frontal sinus, or In the Dostenor nares. or if it has entered the eustachian tubes and is lnjuiing the ears, then nothing but finely medicated vapor can effect ually reach it and destroy it- And certainly after it has aflected the throat and bronchial tubes, - all well read physicians will readily attest, nothing can be relied on to effect a permanent cure but the inhalation of properly medicated vapor. In the same manner that we breathe common air, we can Inhale and breathe a medicated air; and it is perfectly simple, any one can see, thus to treat disease of the throat, bronchial pipes and lungs. How much better this method by which remedies are conveyed directly to the seat of the disease, than to resort to the uncertain and too frequent mischievous action of medicines taken into the stomach. TK4CHKM Iff OrR SCHOOLS are greatly subject to this fearful malady. Confinement in close, ill-ventilated school rooms; the over-heated atmosphere, charged with the steaming poison exuding from the bodies of the not always over-clean children, breed this disease with fearful rapidity. Many of our leading divines, lawyers and prominent business men have tried this Mr. Chllds as an honest christian man. Cin cinnati Dally Gazette. PUBLIC SPEAKER!, after lea vine the platform, over-heated with the strain of their ' mental anu pnysicai enoru neglect sumcienc irecautlon, and a cold is the result. This negected opens the way to catarrh, and to a pos sible loss of voice. I have suffered so keenly mvself that 1 ean not urge upon Duhiio speakers too strongly the nec-esslty of removing disease when a cure Is possible. . MY EXPExracixcz:. E ghteen years 01 terrible headache, disgust lng nasal discharges, dryness of the throat, acute bronchitis, coughing, soreness of tbe lungs, raising bloody mucus, and even night sweats, incapacitating me for my professional duties, and bringing me to tbe verge or the grave A ll caused by And the results of. Nasal Catarrh. After spending hundreds of dollars, and obtaining no relief, 1 compounded my Catarrh Specific and Cold Air Inhaling Balm, and wrought upon myself a wonderful cure. Now I can speak for hours with no difficulty, and can breathe freely In any atmosphere. My cure Is certain, thorough and peneet, and is indorsed by every phjsiciim who has examined IU . T. P. CH1LDS. , FROM THE CHANCELLOR OF THE UNIVERSITY OF NEBRASKA. T. P. CnrLDS Dear Fir: 1 think you have the true theory and practice for the cure of Masai Catarrh, and also for the treatment of the respiratory organs. My throat Is now aowell restored that I lecture dally without difficulty, and I find no difficulty whatever in preach lng. You are at full liberty to use my name for the benefit of others. Yours very truly, E. B. FaXBrtaxn, D. D.. LL. D., Lincoln, Neb. ! Judgx J. Cotxjrrr, or Lima, O., writes: "You well remember bow terribly Catarrh had taken hold upon me, making me offensive to myself and to all around, and wllbal suffering day and night I am cured: head free, air jtassages all open, and breathing natural. (Write to him.) Many surprising incidents of peculiarly die treating cams, cured, will be sent on application. CONCLUSION. It is now a well established fact that Chllds' Catarrh Specific, for thoroughness, completeness and efliciency, has no equal in the world. Everything known to be good for Nasal Catarrh in alt its horrid forms. In. the head, throat and brononlal tabes, arranged into one complete system of treatment. Do not trifle with some chtap thing, which at best can not afford but temporarary relief, while the roots of the vile disease are left to strike deeper and deeper. Be in karitsst and thorough, or do wothiwo! Circulars, price lists and all necessary Information for self treatment at home, can be had by addressing (with return stamp), Rev. T. P. CmLD3, Troy, Ohio. swpiaase state that you saw this ad' mem m we CMtniuiet,