Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 28, Number 15, Indianapolis, Marion County, 9 April 1879 — Page 7

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IN POLITICS. Ex.&gvHmor Thomas rA.' Hendricks' -? Recent Paper on Negro Ul'i Suffrage.. . Statesman-Like Discussion of a Uewly Revived Political Question!! An Authoritative Statement of the Attitude of the Democratic Party Toward " the Colored Voter. ' ' North American Review. ' Nearly 10 years ago the right of the colored man to rote was made as firm and secure as a constitutional provision could establish it. As a question of public policy and justice it was settled. The people passed upon and decided that. There remained but the tests and ordeal of experience. It was not to be disturbed or questioned except for great and permanent evils. This was the condition of the right ot colored suffrage when two Important facts attracted attention. The first was, that the congressional representation of the Southern States had . been greatly strengthened; and the second was, that the colored vote could no longer be relied upon by the Republican party, but that it was rapidly passing into the Democratic party, resulting in a congressional delegation from the South almost entirely Democratic, and in a solid South. Confident possession and control of that vote were followed by such disappointment at its loss as attends the less of property deemed most secure. The disappointment was intensified by the reflection that the entire colored population is now to be counted in apportioning representation among the several States, and that the political influence of the South is there by increased. . Dissatisfaction and a spirit of resistance appeared among those who had looked upon the colored vote as permanently secure to ,- the parly. -. They bad freely, sometimes harshly, about striking down the increased Southern representation, and seemed willing to abandon colored suffrage, ; if necessary to that end. It was because of this sentiment and feeling that the discussion of negro enfranehisment in the last number of the "Review" was possible. Two or three years ago it would have been welcomed neither by editor nor reader. And from this it appears how little the sentiment i of humanity, ., and how much the consideration of party advantage, influenced and controlled the action of many who at one time were mcst clamorous for negro suffrage. Negro suffrage rests upon the natural right of the citizen, or upon constitutional provision, or upon both. I was opposed to its recognition and establishment in the constitution of the United States; but, when declared to be so established, I recognized it as fixed and permanent. And, in the article which I contributed to the series, I thought it quite sufficient to maintain that it was thus fixed and permanent; and I endeavored to show that, under favorable opportunities, its exercise need not be hurtful to society. It his article, Governor Hampton treats the Question as settled, and says that, what- . ever may have been the policy or t he m oti ves i of mei, the right conferred by the constitution is irrevocable, and that it is now the part of statesmanship to give its exercise , that direction which will be mcst i beneficial and least hurtful to the body ('politic Speaking for the people of Mississippi, Mr. Lamar, with great force and directness, maintains that, being made a free man, a property holder and a taxi ptyer. the negro could not be excluded from I the "privilege and duty," the ' right and obligation" of the citizen to vote. He men- ' tiais the striking fact that, in 1869, "the ' white people - of Mississippi . unanimously , voted at the polls - in favor of ratify -I ing ,'; the - . enfranchising amendI ment. Mr. Stephens ' treats the quec- ' tion of negro suffrage as settled, and not to be disturbed; and declares it the doty of all friends of humanity to give it a fair trial, : "with an earnest and hopeful effort for its success.". I have grouped the arguments of these three distinguished men of the South ! that the justice and liberality of their views : may distinctly and together appear. - - d The most striking" quality ot General Gar- ' field's argument is that, while in set phrase : he is for free suffrage, in tone and spirit he ; makes an apology, for failure. Conceding ! that the . property rights of ' the colored people are every ' year being 1 more and more respected, he yet asris that it is a mockery to say that suffrage ! has been free. With . marked emphasis he declares that in many parts of the South the benefits of suffrage have been defeated by fraud, violence, and threats of loss of employment. Are we compelled to take aview so discouraging? Or is it but the language of the partisan? In respect to political Tights, the races are equal. Together they are now to conduct public affairs. Is there such incompatibility that the races can not harmonize in maintaining good government? Will the etroager race domineer over the weaker? This has been the prediction of many. The hopes of the people rejected the . prediction, flow, however, a strong man, one who has observed much, and whose hopes have all been for the success of what Mr. Blaine speaks of as an experiment, declares it in a large degree a failure, If the experiment has failed during these last 10 years, why has it failed? During much of that time the army of the United States was distributed throughout the South. It wag used to maintain the supremacy of the Republican party, through the instrumentality of the colored vote. For like purpose the Federal judiciary was' nsed in many localities. It may not be claimed that there was then good government in the South. It was bad bad for the colored man, as it was for the while " man.- It r was the substitution of force and fear fer the constitute tional government by the people. That was the period of corruption, and strife and bloodshed. In such period we can not judge of any attribute of free government, or of the capability of any part of the. people 'to maintain free covernment. That period passed away, and with it the corrupting influence of the Freed man's bureau. The political adventurers who exercised power without right or merit, and enjoyed wealth without labor, "sought safety in flight." Thus the malign! influences were removed that bad sowed distrust and dia- ' cord, and excited hostilities between" the r races. If General Garfield will only con aider the colored man's improved condi tion since this change took place, his ereater freedom in the exer cise of his political rights, his conceded aecnritv in the eniovment ot his civu rights. and his more harmonious relations with the white race, he will surely review and recon aider the opinion which he expressed.that, in many parts of the Sontb, the ' negro has been deDrived of all the benefits intended to be conferred upon and secured to him by i th suffrage. ' Mr. Biaine thinks the negro is controlled, whatever way he may vote. He attributes . bis conduct to some influence stronger than that of his own conviction and wilL What does he mean by "the , persuasion ot the freedman's bureau," at the " period when the vote was all one way? To whom does he refer as "the men who eon trolled the negro vote at the outset, in the interest nf the Republican party?" They were the same "adventurers who exercised power without right or merit, and amassed wealth withont labor." They were the co adjutors of the freedman's bureau. The combined influence was pernicious. The officers ' udagouwi of lfce bareaa ir::e its emissaries.

BETRIBUT10N

They were found everywhere. .They obtained and abused the confidence of the colored people. " They provoked and organized' the strife of the races. ' The control of the vote by these influences could not last. . It soon came to an end. : The. colored people could not . be . kept in ignorance of their real and true in teres1.: 'They learned that the increase of publio indebtedness and the profligate expenditure of public money would place burdens upon' their own shoulders, and impair the value of the product of their labor. Influenced by these and other proper considerations, they united inslarge numbers with the Democrats. The result was, as I have said, the restoration to the Southern States of the right of local selfgovernment, and a purer and better administration of public affairs. Mr. Blaine is not willing to concede to the colored voter a change of party relations upon intelligent conviction. He attributes such a changa to fraud and violence; for he says that, by "fraud, intimidation, violence, and murder, free suffrage on the part of the negro in the South is fatally impaired." For a statement so broad Mr. Blaine must rely upon evidence "of a baser sort," much of which has long since been rejected. . How is it that Mr. Blaine may claim much credit for his early and continued support of negro suffrage, and yet deny the negro the capacity of free and uncontrolled action? It may not be questioned that, in the days of his political vas?alage, the negro was under the control of what Mr. Blaine 6"e?cribes as the "persuasion of the Freedman's bareau," and of the men who controlled his vote "In the interest of the Republican party"; but his capacity of intelligent

election Is not to be questioned merely because he may become a Democrat. Mr. Blaine makes the argumant (or rather the claim) that for emancipation, for citizsnship, tor civil rights, and for political privileges, the negro is indebted to the Republican party; and that so long as he is allowed the freedom of choice he can and will vote with no other party. He declares it the "recklessness of assumption," 'the very bravado of argument," to claim that, upon his own choice, be would vote with the Democrats. That is the strongest statement ever made against negro suffrage. The vote is nearly one million. The claim is that it is not free is never to be free, but belongs to a party; that, because of past obligations, it can not change.' In its membership and in its aggregate it can not change. It can not consider questions of principle or questions of policy. It. may not listen to the demands of patriotism, nor the appeals of self interest, as opposed to the requirements of the party. Its obligation to party can never be discharged. Whether questions relate to the honor of the country or the welfare of the people, it can exercise no free and independent judgment.. It would be a matter of serious concern, could a party claim a vassalage so numerous and bo abject. - But that claim is being repudiated by the colored vote itself. In the demonstrations proceeding the elections, and at the polls, its independent action in many of the States has stamped the claim of ownership as false and arrogant. But Mr; Blaine asks the question, "Why should the negro have been disposed to vote wth the Democratic party?" Is that question asked by one who sincerely believes in the ' capacity of the ne?ro to vote intelligently upen questions affecting the public welfare, and that his action will be governed by an enlightened judgment and a patriotic purpose?; Then I answer that the same considerations should govern the negro that ought to govern any other voter. He should vote upon his convictions of right and duty. If Democratic policy is mora likely to promote the public good, then it should be supported by the white and coloted voter alike. He who tells me how the white man Bhould vote tells me as well how the colored man should vote. When once in the box the ballot has no color. Its only quality depends upon the fitness of the candidate it may help to elect, au upon the views he may carry into legislation, or the measures he may adopt in the administrative service. A full answer to the question would require a statement of the reasons why any citizen should give that party his support. Such reasons might be found in its devotion to constitutional obligations; in its adherence to the "supremacy of the civil over the military"; in its maintenance of the separation and mutual independence of church and State, '-for the sake alike nf civil and religious freedom"; in its hostility to a "corrupt centralism," which threatens the destruction . of the tight of local sslf -government; and in its devotion to economy in public expenditures. It may be said by many, both white and black, we do not adopt all the dogmas of th Democratic party, nor approve its entiro record, but we will declare our condemnation of the centralism, the extravagance, and the corruptiin of its powerful opponent. Our record shall not be in approval of tne frightful crimes that characterized a late administration. The taxes were not reduced, but the revenues were impaired. Remorseless severity was the rule ot collection; official favoritism the standard of accountability. We will not help to establish such precedents. Is this not language which the citizen ought to use ? Please tell me why it is not as becoming and proper for the colored as for the white voter? What obligation does he owe to party that takes from him the right to use this, the language of patriotism ? Is the question repeated? Then I 'say that the colored voter, if intelligent to un derstand his duty, and honest to discharga it, could not remain with the party that corrupted and destroyed the State Gov ernments of the South. 1 will bs . pardoned for appropriating an d reproducing what Mr. Lamar has so wel said on this subject: "Reference has been made to the great change which tne election returns show in the negro vote throughout tne (south. The phenomenon is easily ex plained. Let any intelligent Northern man review the history of the State Governments of the South for the last. 10 years under Republican rule their gross and shameless dishonesty, their exorbitant taxation, their reckless expenditure, their oppression of all native interests, the social agonies through which they have forced all tnal was gooa and pure to -pass as through a fiery furnace; the character oi the men many oi men thev have placsd in power; and then say if such a state of things in a Jiorthern or Western State would have been a sure and nat ural precursor of a Republican defeat, so absolute and complete that the very name of the party would have become In that state a name of scorn and reproach. Then why should not that result have occurred in the South? Are we to asrame that the black race have neither insbct nor reason have no ssnse, no intelligence, no conscience, no independence; that in every Southern State the thralldom of the negro vote to party leaders, even when abandoned by them, is so unquestioning and abject that no amount OI misrule can cut mm looaa irotn uieu or teach him the advantage of a more natural and wholesome political alliance? To reason thus is simply to say that the negro Is unfit for suffrage, and to surrender th argument to those who hold that he ought to be disfranchised." .1 The influences that governed many of the colored people in aiding the whites to place the Southern States under Democratic control were truly stated by one of themselves, the most promineotman of the race. For the first time after reconstruction, the Democrats carried "Mississippi - in 1873. .Because tne colored race had tne majority in that State, the fairness of the 'ekction was disputed. In Congress, and in the Northern press, with great bitterness and positiveness, (he result was attributed to fraud and violence, mere was then, as now, no difficulty in 'obtaining the testimony of willing witnesses to estaD lish violence. i Rev. H. W. Revels, a colored mm, had recently, before that time, been a United States senator from that State. - Is .was an observer of publio vents. On the 7 th of November, 1875, a few days af tef the elector, aid feeljre tht xxuit was idly known,

he addressed the following letter to President Grant: ...;!.. .; ' Mi Dear Sm: In -rtew of the results of tne recent election In 'our State, I have determined to write yon a letter canvassing the situation, and giving my views thereon. I will premise by saying that I am no politician. Though having been honored by a seat in the United States Senate, I never have sought political preferment, nor do I ask it now, bnt am engaged in my calling a minister and, feeling an earnest desire for the welfare of all the people. Irrespective of race or oolor,lhave deenicdlt advlnable to submit to yon for consideration a few thoughts In regard to the political situation In this Slate. Since recon rtr action, the mass of my people have been, as it were, enslaved in mind By unprincipled adventurers,' who, caring nothing for the coup try. were willing to stoop-to any. thing, no u.atter how infamous, to secure power to themselves and perpetuate it. My people are naturally Republicans, but, as they grow older in freedom, so do they grow in wisdom. A great portion of vtfem have teamed that they were being nsed ax mere tools, and, as In the late elections, not being able to correct the existing evil among themselves, t'ley determined by casting Ihelr ballots against these unprincipled adventurers to overthrow them.. . .. . , My people have been told by these schemers, when men were plnoed upon the ticket who were notoriously corrupt and dishonest, that they must vote lor them ; that the salvation ot the party depended upon It that the man who scratched the ticket was not a Republican. This Is only one ot the many means these ma lisinaut demagogaes have devhted to perpetui ate the Intellectual bondage of my people. To defeat thin policy at the late election men irrespective of race or party affiliations united and voted together against men. known to be incompetent and dl'honesc - The bitterness and hate created bythe late civil strife have, In my opinion, been obliterated in this state, except, . per-

naps, m Rome localities, ana wauid have been long since entirely effaced were it not for some unprincipled men who would keep alive the bitterness of the pist, and inculcate hatred between the races in order that they may aggrandize themselves by office and that emoluments to control rnv peonle. the effect of which Is to degrade them. 1 give tod my opinion that, had our State administration adhered to Republican principles, and stood by tne piattoriu upon wmcti 1 was elected, t le State would" have been ou the high road to prosperity, if the State administration had advanced only to p&triotiu measures, ap pointed only honest men to office, and sought to restore confidence between the races, bloodshed would have been unknown. Peace would have prevailed, Federal Interference would have been thought of, and harmony, friendship, and mutual confidence would have taken the place of the bayonet. In conalusion, let me say to you, and to the Republican party of the ilorth, that I deem it my duty, in behalf of my people, that I present these facts in order that they and the wh Ite people, their former owners, should not sutler misrepresentation, wnicn certain demagogues seem desirous to encourage. Respectfully, W. II. Rkveia. A stronger document can not be produced sn favor of colored suffrage. It is a plain statement of the cruel bondage that had been maintained by "corrupt rings" over both races, and of the means used to "inculcate" hatred between them. Having a majority in the State, the colored people were able to contmus the strife of me races, and to perpetuate their own political power. But intelligently and patriotically they united with the whites to ovarthrow the power of the "unprincipled adventurers," to drive them from the State, and to restore good government. The help came, like food and water to a starving and famished - people. And for it honorable and grateful return was made, at the next session of the Legislature, in the enactment of laws providing extraordinary security far the rights of labor in Mississippi. ' . Why confuse and cheapen a discussion like the present by thrusting into it questions of personal consistency? Why turn aside to consider one another's motives? Who of the readers of the "Review" care3 for either? But Mr. Blame thinks it useful to his argument to suggest that in my eyes the complexion oi the colored man depends upon his voting the Democratic ticket. Devotion to truth compals me to say that my confidence in his judgment as an independent voter is strengthened by the circumstance that I do not find him voting that ticket. Really, I could not respect him very much if Mr. Blaine's opinion of him were correct, that be is a political fixture, immovable under influences that control other and patriotic minds. Prior to the adoption of tbe Fifteenth amendment, but at late as September, 1865, Governor Morton, in a carefully prepared speech, used the following language! "Look at their condition. As I said before, only one in 500 that can read many of them, nntil within the last few months, never off tbe plantation most of them never out of the county in which they live and were born, except as they were driven by toe slave-drivers. Can yon conceive that a body of men, white or black, who have been in this condition, and their ancestors before them, are qualified to be immediately lifted from their present state into the full exercise of political power, not only to govern themselves and .their neigh bors, but to tase part in tne uovernment oi the United States? Can they be regarded as intelligent or independent voters? The mere statement of tbe fact furnishes the answer to the question." Because of a subsequent zsai. so extreme as to be questionable, for the adoption of the Fifteenth amendment, . would Mr. uiaioe describe him as "a conspicuous convert," and attribute his zeal to a desire to add to the voting strength of his party? Since the adoption of the amendment was declared, it has received vnai true support rrom tne Democratic party which each citizen owes to every provision of the constitution. in the month ot February, 1S0, l visited the city of few Orleans for the first time. Quite unexpectedly I was called npon to speak at a Democratic meeting. Without note or preparation whatever, l stepped up on the platform, decided upon one thing only, and that was to say just what was be coming on my part to speaK, and proper for the men of Louisiana to hear. For no pur-. pose of self vindication, but as expressing my present views, I will quote from what I men said: - - - ' "It Is a Question for yon to consider very carefully what attitude yon men of the South shall occupy toward the colored population. There is a deliberate purpose on the part of adventurers iroin me jiortn a outss oi men who are described as carnet-bneirers to appro priate the entire colored ;vote of tbe S.iuth to their cause. And what is t heir cause? It Is not your cause: It is not thet colored man's cause; it is the cause of plnnder. And the question presents itself in this form: Are you men of the South willing that these adventurers shall appropriate that large vote In some oi tne ooumern otaies a majority or tne entire vomst - ...... new relations nave come to exist -' between you and the colored people of the south. How will you place yourselves in regard to these new relations? They have not been of your seeking, and- they may, perhaps, not have been singht by the negro, but he is a voter in Louisiana, as he will be in Indiana, if the Fifteenth amendment is declared adopted, and it inot worth your while, nor is it worth my while, to go back on the fixed fact: These new rels-tlons are upon yon. How are you to conduct yourselves toward the colored people? Is it possible that the stranger can now come in and make these ancient servants of yours his servants and your enemy? "In my Judgment, the colored people will be satisfied if you assure them that you will give them just laws, fairly administered. Do this, and then the outside adventurer can not turn their votes against you. Let the colored man understand that the legislation of yonr Btate Is not being carried on to make a few men rich at the expense of the great body of the people. Appeal to tne colored man to stand by you : n yonr fight for honesty, for justice, for integrity, and for equal laws, and that appeal will reach his heart as readily as it reaches the heart of the great body of the white people." . . "Why does Mr. Blaine depart from the subject of his argument, to arraign many of the States far their policy toward the colored people? He recites in much detail the . provisions of statutes - which he attributes to the intention of re enslaving the race; and he charges the responsibility upon tne democratic party. Abetter understanding of the responsibility that at taches to either party, in that regard, re quires a more exact statement of the steps by which tne states passed from the condi tion of war into practical relations with the Union. The first period was that of tbe provisional gorsrasisats. The policy of. estab

lishing such governments had its origin in Mr. Linoolna amnesty proclamation of December 8, 18C3. Under its provisions the authority of the United States was declared

restored over portions of tbe 8tate of Louisi ana, and "a loyal State government . was reinaugurated." , , , . , - 2 , Mr. Blaine says. . "It was reserved for "Louisiana to outdo both South Carolina and Mississippi in tbis horrible legislation." and he specifies that, the contract ones made. the -negro laborer was not allowed to leave his place of employment during the year, except upon prescribed conditions; deductions might be made from wriges for injuries done to animals and implements committed to his care; and for bad or negligent work; and impudence, ; swearing and indecent language, and quarreling and fighting with one another, were prohibited and punished. What think yon of - this charge against the Slates, that it is an abridgment ot the freedom of the negro that he is for. bidden to indulge in impudence, swearing and indecent language in the presence ot the family where he is employed? Why were such regulations required or permitted? At that time the agricultural laborers of that 8tate were exclusively colored. They constituted a majority of the entire population. At once, and withont preparation, they were transferred from a condition of servitude to one of freedom. No one could predict what -would follow. It was soon' apparent that their tendency was to abandon the country, and crowd the cities, and follow the camps. Men of both sections contemplated the possible results with anxiety. "Was freedom to mean exemption from labor only? Congregating in large numbers, and unemployed, were they to sink into vice, and to degenerate into va grancy? The benevolent and the humane were anxious about tbe result, for the sake of tbe colored people themselves. Men in responsible and public positions had alto to 'consider the possible effect upon the material welfare of the country. Wis an entire sec tion to remain without labor? Were tbe lands to . lie without cultivation? Should we . become the purchasers from other lands, and not the producers of the great staples of the South? Mr. Lincoln seems to have considered all these questions; for in his amnesty proclamation, to which I have referred, there is this remarkable paragraph: "I do further proclaim, declare and make known that any provision which may be adopted oy such state uovernment in re lation to the freed people of such State, which Bhail recognize and declare their per manent freedom, provide for their education and which may yet oe consistent as a tempo rary arrangement with their present condi tion as a laboring, landless and homeless class, will not be objected to by the National executive. A State constitution was soon thereafter adopted. It established the permanent free dom and provided for the education ot the "freed people." To carry out Mr. Lincoln's suggestion in the paragraph which I have quoted, it only remained to adopt such reg ulations as were necessary and proper for the "freed people," as a "laboring, landless and homeless class." General Banks was then in command in Louisiana. He gave construction to the par' agrapb in the orders he - issued and in the regulation he adopted.- In his general order ro. 2d, February 6, Isbl, he based his regu lations of labor upon the assumption "that labor is a public duty, and idleness and vagrancy a crime," and that this law of labor should be enforced. He fixed the prices to be paid at from $6 to $3 per month. He provided that wages should be deducted in case of tbe sickness of the laborer, and that. if tbe laborer feigned sickness, food also might be withheld. It was also provided that "indolence, insolence, disobedience of orders, and crime should be suppressed by forfeiture of pay, and such punishments as are provided for similar offenses by army regulations." Under that order the colored laborer of Louisiana was placed under military rule; and, if insolent or disobedient to his employer, would sutler loss ot pay, and other punishment such as would be in flicted upon a soldier guilty of disobeying tbe orders of bis commanding officer. By other regulations, "no hand could leave the place without written license," and "each hand will be responsible for the loss or care' less damage of tools, stock, or any other property." Mr. Blaine denounces these provisions as horrible, and as a "causeless and cruel oppression of a whole race." They are the product of a provisional Uovernment, which rested for its authority upon Mr. Lincoln's proclamation. And neither in their origin, their spirit, nor their purpose can they truthfully be laid to the charge of the Democrats. The fact that they may have passed into the subse quent legislation of the State can not change any responsibility that did attach to their origin or purpose. - And if any one were to repeat that the enactment of such regula tions of labor looks to its re-enslayement. would find the complete vindication from such a charge of the provisional Government and its administration in the fact that the adoption of the State constitution was con current, and that it provided for the imme diate and unconditional emancipation of tbe slaves, xn the year l!Hx provisional govern' ments were established over most of the other Southern States. The proclamations issued by Mr. Johnson res ted upon and were very similar in their provisions to the pro clamation issued by Mr. Lincoln. The latter proposed "to reiaaugurate loyal State gov ernments within and for their respective States," while the former proposed to restore the btates to their "constitutional relations to the Federal Government" At that time Mr. Johnson was in harmony with tbe party that had elected him. It can not be truthfolly said that for bis conduct in 1805, or for the action of the governments which he es tablished, the Democratic party is in any way responsible. In many respects tbe Democrats opposed the policy of 1S05. in lob the Republican party became so powerful in Congress as to be able tc dely the presidential veto. It overthrew the provisional State Governments, and substituted it) iron policy of reconstruction. That policy was embodied in the act of March, 18i7, and the two acts supplementary thereto. The rebel States were declared to be without legal governments. They were divided into military districts, and placed under the absolute authority of military commanders. Tbe commanders were authorized :o take steps for the restoration of civil authority and the establishment of State Governments The work was supervised by tbe military. The negroes were admitted to a full partici pation, while many ot the whites were ex cluded. The military and the negroes con trolled the Government. The effect was to excite strife and create bad blood between the races. This was tbe beginning of the period of reconstruction. The evil influences already mentioned promoted and Intensified the antagonism of the races. In such a strife the colored people became an easy prey to the unscrupulous adventurers who assumed to be their special friends. Bloodshed was frequent, and bad . government was universal. Under such : control the States continued for periods varying from six to nine years. I need not describe the condition of the people during that time. They endured all the evils and misfortunes that attend discordant society and bad government. It was tbe period of evil influences. Its legislation and its administrative service have left no record that can gratify the patriot. Neither race was as secure of any right of person or property as before it came, or after it passed away. . It is barren of all fruits of good government It is a plain over which the lava has flowed. Then came this, the third period In the progress of restoration. It is yet short; in some of the States 'bat two years, and in others; bat three, .four ana five years. - But the work of restoration Is complete. The right of local self-government is now enjoyed In all the States. The beneficent results of this period have been secured through the co-operation of the colored voter. What advantages have com to thea, m a clas, from tbe change LojI

military rule to local self-government? In

the periods of provisional government and ' reconstruction . air. Biaine has described the coloreo) laborer as almost a slave. How is it now? . xie is better protected in bis wages by the laws of manylSouthern States tban is the laborer in any Northern State. By the act of April 14. 1870. the laborer in Mississippi, is given a lien for bis wages upon the crop he helps - to raise, . and for - his portion ' of ' the cron when it is upon shares. The lien is prior to all others, arid exists withont record, ana without any written contract upon judgments for wages no property is exempt frjm execution. These provisions were adopted at tbe first session alter the Democrats obtained the control in Missis sippi. By the act of February 24, 1873, the laborer in Georgia is given a Hen for his wages upon the property of the employer, first above any other lien except for taxes. judgments and decrees, and a special lien npon-the products of his labor, above every other lien, except for taxes. In North Caro lina the farm laborer is given a first hen upon the crop be helps to produce. In 1863, nnder tbe provisional government. South Carolina established and so regulated the domestic relations among the colored people as to promote their morality, virtue, and personal welfare. In the regulations of labor it was provided that "wages due to servant shall be preferred to all other debts or demands except funeral expenses, in cae of tne insufficiency ot the master's property to pay all debts and demands against him." l mow ol no .Northern state that gives to the laborer such extraordinary protection and security for his wages. It has been sought demanded, prayed for by the em ployes of great corporations, but it has been denied, m many northern states. The engineer, whose life is every hour at hazard, and the miner whose labor produces the wealth which others enjoy, have sought se curity lor their wages, but have been denied, It was a tree-will and cheerful clfering by the people of the South, to place the wages of the negro next in payment to taxes and funeral expenses." Am 1 asked ajain why the colored man should vote with the Democrats? I answer, that it is a surer guarantee of bis individual welfare, and that the political association is belter than with the men who seek bis confidence that they may use him for selfish ends. Doubtless many acts of violence and wrong were done to colored people during tbe years immediately succeeding the close of the war. Tbe contest had been long and bitter. The institution of slavery was associated in the minds of the people as one of the causes of the war. . As a result of the war, the white man, impoverished in the struggle, was obliged to recognize the colored man, who had been his hereditary bondsman, as his political equal. Who could eipect that tranquility would at once settle down upon the scenes of such violent disturbance? The wildest optimist could not hope for - that All history teaches that the spirit of violence exists in more or lees activity after the cessation of civil war. To look for anything else would be as vain as to expect the ocean, vexed to its profoundest depths, to subside into instant tranquility when the roar of the temptest is hushed. The difficulties necessarily incident to the condition of the country were aggravated by the unnatural policy which sought to place the emancipated race, in political rule, over the white racs. Harmony could not at once follow. Indeed, it is hardly possible, so long as the colored men, in large masses, assume a position of distrust and hostility toward the white voters. The antagonism of race will disappear from our political contests when the colored people shall declare their freedom from the partisan ownership that is asserted over them, throw off the influence of the selfish adventurers who claim to control them, and atsert their rights as free and independent voters. Now, that 13 years have passed since the close of the war, and the two races, during much of that period, have been living together as citizens equal before the law, while every year their political relations are becoming more harmonious, can the statesman find no better argument to show that the colored man holds his political rights by precarious tenure, than that founded upon social disturbances? If I may accuse Mr. Blaine, in any instance, of employ ing an argument not quite up to the highest plane of statesmanship, and of leading this discussion into the arena of mere party politics, yet I must thank him for the closing paragraph of his last article. For patriotic sentiment, beauty of language, and grandecr of eloquence, it merits a high place among the noblest productions of the English language. The Journal of the Fntnre. . Milwaukee Sentinel. The newspaper of the future and the cot distant future will be independent of the politicians. The experience of - newspapers which have been sincere in their political expressions, which have refused to shield the corrupt and vicious in either party, has been altogether encouraging. Independent journalism does not mean indiscriminate abuse but in this day it either means sickly neutrality or vigor in fighting the evils in both political parties. And here is where the properly independent journal is sometimes misunderstood even by intelligent men. ' A calm and temperate argument, in which the effort to appear fair gives rogues almost a certificate of good character, can not be . effective in a warfare upon rogues; yet the newspaper that takes a rogue by the collar and lifts him up to tbe public gaze as he really is, is sometimes called abusive, malicious, personal. Consider the condition of our politics in the bands of the men who are responsible for much that is bad in tbe press, men with an inordinate greed for office, ready to sacrifice everything to secure office and then to use it in the interest of self and party; consider the false issues with which the people are deluded, the injuries that are inflicted npon the country by partisan legislation, the cor rupt bargainingby which tbe best sentiment among the people is 'outraged imagine where it will lead and ' then say, whether calm and temperate discussion of principles will correct the evils. Yet there are men who will denounce a vigorous wsr - upon political mtsleaders as abusive just as they declare that a preacher who battles bravely against a gigantic error has none of the umility of religion about him. The public is fairly ready to welcome a genuinely honest newspaper, though with not unnatural suspicion. .Newspapers are no longer supported by the people simply because they are party organs, and the man of foresight can find in this the beginning of a sentiment that will eventually demand of the press sincerity. A newspaper that endeavors to be just will make errors human judgment is not infallible, and the only safety from errors lies in strict neutrality or inanity but it will also make a place for itself in the community to which a mere party organ may aspire in vain. . As this truth becomes more generally recognizsd, and as the influence of the professional politician over the people wanes, the subserviency of newspapers to party leaders will vanish, and that paper only will live that endeavors to be just in its treatment of all questions. .t L. , . . . The final decision of - the pope to create Dr. John Henry Newman a -cardinal was arrived at by the strong advice ol Cardinal Manning, and occasions of great rejoicing among the English Catholics. It is also understood that among the cardinals to be created will be not only Dr. Newman and a successor for Cardinal Cnllen, bat an additional Irish cardinal, a Scotch cardinal, and at least one, if not two, additional American prelates. A crying baby is a bora to the whole neighborhood, and the parents should be forced to keep Dr. Bull's Baby Syr op handy. PtiCi 25 Ctnts,

BLOOD & NERVE FOOD

la Pare CasMeatratea I.iqinn r . prepares urnuj xreost tne Wltnoat lentatlem, and all ml It BLOOD. BfKBtTK ASD BKAIIf Setlonnc elements Ta a natnnU state or niausauea. - - NERVOUS DEBaXITY Which underlies all forma of Chrome IMseaM Is speedily overcome by the use of this Food. o For the year oast I have constantly pre. scribed Tbe Ulnar bard Bloed and Nerve Food to my patient of all ages, from eighteen months to eighty-three yean. In every ease ' we resnit naa seen exacuy mat Claimed by yon. It la by far the most valuable and reil able Tonic I have ever met with. Enwann Huttoh Smith, M. D., 30 Irvine Place, New York. FOOD AT LAST A SUBSTITUTE for. FOOD la made a curative agent by concentration and artificial digestion, and it la so slm pie in lta application that The atdTiee el phyftlclans la not required. Thousands of recoveries from chronic diseases are reported, where the beat medical skill has failed. Many of the best physician throughout the country are ItiecardlnK Droet and using tbe Bianeuana Bloed sted Sen Food with the most gratifying results, permanently relieving ail forms of Physical and Mental Debility. The JDyepcpUe and ConnampUve Patient, snilerers from Halarlnl or Blood PsiHonlnir, together with the entire list of complaints peculiar to the female Sea find in the nee of thl Food sure and speeds relief. ij ' Nw York, November 28, 1S77. DR. V. W. Blamchakd: During the past yeal I have prescribed your various preparations of Food Cure, and feel happy to say they have met my most sanguine expectations, giving to patients long enfeebled by blood poison, chronic disease, er over drag dosing the needed nutrition and nerve force. Paor. OLEMKNCE 8. LOZIER, M. D' Dean of Hem. Med. College and Hospital for Women, Hew York CityJ Hundreds of cases of Brlsrlit'a Disease of the Kidneys have been reported cured. For Senralae and Bheamatte Diseases It la almost a specific. - Physical and Mental Debility from the use of Alcohol, Opium and Tobacco or from any uunamable cause, find in this Food a natural and potent remedy. FOB THE ISTKLLECXIJAI. iWORKEB THE BLOOD & NERVE FOOD Affords a certain ana natural means of suplying the waste of the brain resulting lrom kbor that will enable him to do bother and more work than ever before, without danger of mental strain. As a remedy for the I.om of Appetite and Want of Vigor, physical and mental, in children this Food has no rival. :$1.00 per Bottle, or 6 for $5.00. SOLD BY ALL DRUGGISTS, Or Sent by Express on receipt of Price. - o . Aotovkb Theological Smcrjr&KY, Ahpovkb, Mass., March 29, 1878. u- Yonr Life Food Is an excellen t thing. I have no faertitlon, after a thorough trial of it, to recommending it in cases of chronic dyspepsu and nervous prostration. . . Kjsv. Dr. AUSTIN PHELPS THE BLANCH Alt D FOOD CUB 8THTEH now receiving such popular app elation is clearly set forth in a 64 page pa phlet which will be sent to any address on eeipt of 25 cents. Address . Blanchard Food Core Co. 37 CHIOS SQUARE, 9TW TOSH. fltlfiNETTV ICGCOAINF a a MAIM DRESSING FOR THE HAIR IX SOFTENS TJIE HAIB WB3EST BaBSH ASTO XBT. IT S0OTnS TBB XXBTTXTEP SCALP. IX AFFOrtPS TOT! RICHEST LCSTXZ. IT PRETEXTS THE HAIR rXOX FALJLIXO OFF. It rKOXOTES ITS HEALTHY, VIOOBOCS GROWTH. It is kot greasy xcoa sticky. It leaves KO mSAORr.BAWU ODOB. XT KTf.M BA5PB.OFF. ' - ' CLIFFORD'S FEBRIFUGE ERADICATES AT.T. MALARIA! DISEASES from tha SYSTEM. J. C. RICHARDSON, Prop.. tWTor Sale by All DruKflsts. 6T. LOUIS. Cared Wltnf a at Htlpelated Time. Tiio Tries Trass Co-.KsMoi?. ery, N.Y.,orrer SUM) for a rupture they cannot cure. The Triumph Trusses have received the highest honors at all fairs where they have been exhibited. Bend 10 cents for book on the Curaof Bupture toeither offloe, Examinations free. . ELECTRIC BELTS. A sure cure for Nervous Debility, PrematureDecay, Weakness, Consumption, liver and Kidney diseases, General Debility, etc The Owly Kellaele Care. Circular mailed fine. Addreat JT. H. BEEVES.

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