Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 27, Number 53, Indianapolis, Marion County, 21 August 1878 — Page 7

THE INDIANA STATE SENTINEL WEDNESDAY MOKNING, AUGUST 21, 1878

7

TETJRMAN'S THUNDER.

The. Speech of the Hon. A, G. Thurnian Delirered at Ham. ilton, Ohio, Yesterday. A Masterly Review of the Financial Issues Objections to the National Bank System. Details of the Ruinous Policy of the Bepublicans Facta and Figures for the Millions. OHIO'S SENATOR. The Meeting at Hamilton Yewterday Senator Tbnrmsn'i Speech. Bj Telegraph to the Sentinel. Hamilton, O., Aug. 13. Senator Thurman opened the campaign here this afternoon, speaking to an immense crowd. The following is a report of his speech in full: Mr. President and Fellow Citizens I have seen several statements in the public press to tne e fleet that the object ot my appointment to address you to-day was that I should "sound the key note of the campaign." I wish, in the very outset of my remarks, to disclaim any such pretention. Under free institutions It is for the people to give the key note; and, so far as the democracy of Ohio ft re concerned, they have discharged that duty in the platform adopted by our late state convention. I stand squarely on that platform. I have advocated its principles heretofore and I snail continue to advocate them. Perhaps this is all I should say about myself but, Inasmuch a in certain quarters, I am denounced as a man who has surrendered his convictions to appease a popular clamor, it may be pardonable in me to occupy a :ew moments in repelling this charge. Ihe accusation has reference to my support of the financial plank in the platform. .Now, what Is this financial plank? It condemns contraction of the currency; demand the repeal of the resumption act; advocates "the removal of all -restrictions to the coinage of silver, and the re-establishment of silver as a money metal, the same as gold the same as It wis before its fraudulent demonetization ; the gradual suDslltution of United States legal tender paper for national bank notes, and its permanent establishment as the sole paper money of the country, made receivable for all dues to the government, and of equ U tender with coin the amount of such Issues ttbe so regulated by legislation or organic law as to give the people assurance of stability la the volume of currency, and the consequent stability of the value; no further Increase in the bonded debt, and no furlher sale of bonds for the purchase of coin for resumption purposes, but the gradual extinction of the public debt, rigid economy, the reduction of expenditures in all branches of the public service, and a tariff lor revenue only." These are the financial doctrines of the platform, and now, I confidently defy my critics, one and all, to nameauy vte that I have f iven, during the nine years that I have eat n the senate, that was Inconsistent with these principles. I have steadily opposed contrattion ever since it was inaugurated. I poke and voted against. the resumption act when it passed, and at the last session of congress voted for it4 repeal. I woked hard to restore silver to the place it held before Us demonetization. Several years ago I drew a resolution for our state convention favoring the gradual substitution of greenbacks for nationafbaok notes, and that resolution, injudiciously amended, as I believe every one now admits, was passed by the convention. I was one of the first to proose in the senate that greenbacks should be receivable for custom duties, and at the last sessidu I voted for the bill making them thus receivable. I have been the advocate of a stable currency, and your platform demands stability. I have contended that the precious metals ought not to be demonetized, and the platform asserts the same doctrine. 1 have spoken and voted against an increase of our bonded debt. I have aavocated, to the best of my ability, strict economy, reduction of expenditures, and a revenue tariff. My course, therefore, has been perfectly consistent with the platlormot our convention, as the Journals and debates of the senate will show. And 1 beg leave t j add that I have never given a vote, in the nine years that I have sat in the senate, to whicn exception was taken by the democracy of Ohio, so far as 1 know, or nave ever heard. Fellow citizens, I trust that 1 have not offended propriety or .good taste by making thess few remarks about myself. You are a ortionof my constituents and have a right to know whether I have represented you correctly or otherwise. It I have a reputation" werth preserving, it is for your interest as well as mine that It shall not be unj ustly tarnished. But enough upon this theme. When the currency part of the platform is carefully scrutinized, ft will be found that its principal feature Is the proposed substitution of greenbacks tor national bank notes. I tliiuk that I do them no injustice when I Bay that the leaders of the republic party are in favor of directly the opposite coarse that is to say, they would retire ail the greenbacks In order that their places might be filled with national bank notes. Let either course be taken and the metallic money of the country remains the same. Use either kind of papaper and the amount of coin in actnal circulation, apart from tUi small coins used for change, wll be comparatively small, so long as one and two and live dollar notes are freely issued, for such notes always drive coin ont of circulation. And whenever conversion Into coin is practicable and desirable, it will be just as easy to convert greenbacks as to convert bank notes. The question then is narrowed down to this: Shall our paper money be national bank notes or greenbacks? For several reasons, that I will briefly state, I think that the latter are preferable. 1. In the first place, a national bank currency means the indefinite perpetuation of the national debt. The national banks, so far as their circulation is concerned, are founded on that debt. It Is the security for their notes, and whenever the debt be paid ihe banks must retire their circulation and cta.se fo Issue notes. In order, therefore, to perpetuate their privilege of issuing notes, they mast strive to perpetuate the national deb And you may rest assured that they will da so; and the Influence cl more than two thousand such institutions spread all over the country will be very powerful indeed. Now, I am not one of those who believe that a national debt is a national blessing. I believe that the reverse of this is trut, and that such a debt is a national curse. To say nothing of Its corrupting influences, Its drain of the resources of the people to pay interest is fearfully oppressive, especially wien a larxejxjrtlon of the uebt is held abroad. In a eomparativtly brief period the amount of Interest paid exceeds the principal of the debt, while the drain continues in undiminished force. Heavy taxation is the necessary result, and every One who has studied the subject knows that oDpressive tax.tlon Is one of the worse foes to the industry and prosperity of a country. It is true that the national debt can not be speedily pid, but we ought not to put unnecessary obstacles in the way of ts payment. The national bank notes are such an obstacle, and for that reason are objectionable. Your platform wisely advocates "the gradual extinction of the public debt." It thus favors its honest payment, and opposes it indefinite perpetuation. And In strict harmooy with this principle. It condemns a bank note system that -lends to perpetuate it. 2. A second objection to the national bank system is. that it tends to combine, concentrate, and Intensify the money power. I shall indulge in no declamation against the money power. I seek to excite no passion, no prejudice. 1 wish to reason fairly, and I wish you to JuJge fairly. And I do reason fairly when I say that, in view of the undoubted fact that during the whole period of the unlimited sway of the republican party, the legislation of congress steadily favored the moneyed Interest and thereby added greatly to the burdens of the people; that the purchasing power of mor.ey has Immensely increased while the exchangeable or purchasing power of everything else has remained stationary or has dimUhed; and In view of the further fact that the national bank system coufers special privileges upon the banks that no other instltut'ons and no Individuals enjoy: that it combines more thaa two thousand institutions now, and, if perpetuated, may combine thousands more, in a common purpose, and with a common interest to maintain their power and prolong their privileges; that thei-e Institutions ate scattered all over the republic, and, acting openly or in see et, fc.e able to influence legislatures, c ngre&seg, and thousands voters; It Is not injustice, bet, ontheeontaary, it is the expression of a wise anxiety to suggest that such a system is fraught with danger to the prmperlty of the people and to the Durit7 of their government. If, In the time Of Andrew Jackson, trie existence of the national bank wl'h a capita of only B35,0U0,0U0, and a few branches here and there, was considered daiigeroiM to the welfare and the Institutions oi the country, what shall we say of a widespread combination of 2,UW national bank, now wielding nearly fire hundred millions of capital and destined, if perpetuated,

to vastly multiply In number, and to control thousands of millions? 8. A third objection to the national bank circulation is, that It is a special privilege that puts many millions of dollars annually into the pockets of the shareholders and takes many millions annually out of the pockets of the people. The general rule is that a person pays Interest upon what he owes; but In the case of a bank note this rule Is reversed. The note is a debt due by the bank, but Instead of paying Interest upon it, the bank Is authorized to loan It as money, and take Interest upon the loan. It thus enjoys a privilege no one else enjoys. It draws interest upon its own indebtedness, and this privilege of the national banks brings them an annual 'ncome of probably twenty millions of dollar Their aggregate circulation is, in round numbers, three hundred and twenty-two millions. I think it may be reasonably assumed that three hundred millions of these notes are loaned at an average rate of interest of at least seven per cent. If so, the annual interest they receive from the loan, not ol money, not of capital, but of their own indebtedness, Is twenty-one million dollars. And this sum is taken out of the annual prouuct of the country, before that product in divided between labor and capital. The general rule is, that the product of human Industry is ultimately divided between labor ana capital; but when a bank note circulation Is used the banks first step In, and, by virtue ol their special privilege, take a large slice in the shape of interest upon their own indebtedness. In the case of our national banks this slice, as we have seen, amounts to twenty-one millions every year. Now, il there can be no sound paper currency but bank notes, then there is nothing left for us but to bear this burthen or try to reduce the amount of the exaction. But If the greenback Is as good as the bank note, and nobody denies that it Is, why should it not be substituated foe the bank note, and an end put to And, consider further, that for every greenback it has Issued, the government has received value. That greenback has paid for services rendered, or materials furnished, or it has discharged a portion of the interest-bearing public debt. There is thus a saving to the government, or to the people, of an amount equal to Interest upon the outstanding greenback circulation; lor had the greenback not been Issued, the government would have had to raise the money, by loan or taxation, to meet its expenditures. It it raised it by loan it would, of course, have to pay Interest upon the loan. II It raised it by taxation, the taxpayers lose the interest their money would nave earned had they not been compelled to give it to the government. The greenbacks now putstandlng amount to liiti,tsl,OUj. Computing the Interest upon this sum at the lowest rate at which the government can borrow money, 4 per cent., and we have an annual saving to the people, resulting from the use of greenback, of 13,M7, 210. rut if greenbacks were substituted for the 322,UU0,OU0 of national bank notes now outstanding, there would be a further saving to the people of 4 per cent, annually on that sum, namely, $12,8W,00O making a total annual saving by the use of the greenback of 26,17fi.'K From t his, however, deduct the taxes on this circulation paid bylthefbanks, amounting to about three millions annually, and the net saving would be about twenty-three and three-quarter . millions. Perhaps, in strictness, this deduction for taxes ought not to be made, for it is probable that the banks throw the burthen of the taxation upon their customers, who in turn shift it to the shoulders of those with whom they deal, until, like all other taxation, it finally falls upon the great body of consumers, the people. I have thus given you, fellow citizens, some reasons in favor of substituting greenbacks for bank notes. I now proceed to consider the only objection to the 8tfl3tiiution that seems to have much weight. It is said that if greenbacks were to constitute our only paper currency, its volume would depend upon the action of congress, and not upon the natural laws of trade; and that as congress is liable to be influenced by popular feeling on the one hand, or the arts and appliances of special interests on the other, the currency would be subject to inflation or contraction, as either influence might prevail, to a degree that would be ruinous to business and prosperity. In aoswer to Hits objection, and admitting that it Is not without force. I have to say, in the first place, that it is equally potent whether our paper currency be greenbacks exclusively or bank noies exclusively ; for, let It be the one or the other, congress wuld have the power to expand it or contract it at;wiil (or instance, were congress to repeal Untax on state bank circulation, a multitude of banks would spring up under state laws, and a great inflation of the currency would take p ace. On the other hand, should congress retain t he tax and retire the greenbacks, as the republican financiers demand, a frightful contraction would result. In brief, it congress should have neither sense nor honesty, it might, for the time being, ruin the country; but to assume that it would do so would betocoudemn our form of government. But our platform squarely meets this difficulty. It condemns contraction on the one hand or "kiting" on the other. It demands that "the amount of such issues (greenbacks) be so regulated by legislation or organic law as to give the people an assurance of stability in volume of currency and consequent stability of value," and, In unmistakable terms.it opposes the demonetization, or disuse, of the precious metals. Could anything, I appeal to you, be more conservative than this, if conservatism means to conserve the interests of the people at large and not those of a particular class? Can any Intelligent man reasonably object to a policy that preserves gold and silver from destruction and aeinands a stability In the volume and value of the currency greater than has ever yet been attained? Fellow citizens, our platform has been denounced by men who never read it, and by others whose interests or prejudices incline them to misrepresent it ; and now the answer I make to them is to ask you to read and study it. It is in vain ffr Its enemies to say tlmt it means what it does not express. Its language is too plain to be misunderstood by a candid man, and the character of the committee that reported and the convention that adopted it is sufficient to shield it from the charge of deception. It Is an honest , platform, and meant Just ' what it says. It means opposition to monopoly, opposition to special privileges, opposition to contraction ot the currency, opposition to the demonetization of he metals, opposition to wasteful expenditure and opposition to a never ending public debt. And 11 means equal rights and privileges, an honest and stable currency, a strict economy and lighter taxes and a faithful payment of he public debt. It gives no sanction to irreliglon and communism; but it fu ly recognizes the dignity of labor and ulneerely sympathizes with the laboring man in his toil and privation. It asserts the principles upon which the government was tounded and which are essential to its usefulness and perpetuity. It promotes fraternal feeling throughout the length and breadth of the republic and condemns sectionalism as the worst foe of the union. In a word, it is an honest platform of honest men, a patriotic platform for patriots to stand upou. Keliow citizens, If 1 am not In error In what I have said, I have given you a sufficient reason why there should be a change In our federal administration. If our financial policy Is correct, that of the republican party, or at least of those who shate Its legislation, is wrong. If this be so, then, as soon as the forms of- the constitution will permit, that party should cease to rule. But there are other reasons why there should be a change, and to some of them I wish briefly to call your attention. The claim ot a party in power to a prolongation of its rule necessarily Involves an inquiry into its policy and government In the past. If its past rule has been viclousor unwise, prudence obviously dictates that an end, for the tune being at least, should be put to Its dominion. Now has the rule of the republican party since the close of the civil war, thirteen y?ars ago. been wise and beneficent? I 'think that this question must be answered la the negative. It Is not necessary to go into a detailed examination of all its measures, nor could that be done in the limit of a speech, or indeed of many speeches. Nor is It necessary to assert that all its measures have been bad and injurious. It is sufliclent to look at the general result, and see whether that is good government and prosperity or the reverse. Now, certainly no one will deny that this country has for the last five years suffered, as perhaps no other country ever did sutler, from depression in every branch of business, In every industrial occupation. The entire body of the producing classes eraplovers,empIoyes, and middle-men have been affected. Bankruptcies are numbered by tens if not by hundreds of thousands, and the aggregate of losses almost defies computation. The number of laborers thrown outof employment or reduced to half time and diminisneu wages has been estimated bymiUious, and however exaggerated the estimate maybe, the extent of the evil has no parallel in the histiry of this if indeed it has iu the history of any people. Startling is the fact, and at first view almost Incomprehensible, that In a country whose population averages but eleven persons to the square mile, there have been, and there yet are, thousands destitute of bread. A single interest the moneyed Interest has flourished and vet flourishes, and that, it is to be remembered, Is precisely that in.eret that has received the fostei log care of republican legislation. Now. my friend, so far as this deplorable state of things ia the result of vicious legislation or of fche omiwlon of wise legislation, the republican party, or at least hose who have con rolled it, kire responsible. From the 4th day of March, lsel. to the Oral Monday la Deceulber, 1S75, more than fourteen years, that psrty had uncontrolled power In every department of the fedeial government, and since then It has con-

tinned to hold the senate and the presidency, Sbd to have th consequent power to negative any measure of relief a democratic house of representatives might propose. . Is there, then, nuy injustice in calling thatT party to account for the evils the country has s uttered and yet sutlers? Can it with truth be said that these evils could not be foreseen, or, if foreseen, could not have been avoided or diminished? He would be a bold man who would make that assertion. For, although no government ever was, or ever wul be, omniscient and omnipotent, althoughdi.sasters.bave happened that no rulers, however wise, could have foreseen or averted, yet the d Rasters of which I am speaking are not of that character, and might have been foreseen and. to a great extent, prevented. It is but Justice, then, to say to our republican rulers, you have bad every opportunity to do good and avert evil, and you have failed to do either. You have had opportunities such as no otber part ever enjoyed to benefit your country, and you have, by want of Intelligence or viriue, or both, brought it to the verge of ruin. It la time, high time, that you surrender the reins of government. 1. And now, fellow citizens, as pertinent to this topic, let me call your attention to some particulars. It is not uncommon to hear it asserted that there has been no contraction of the carrency, and it is but a few months since the chairman of the finance committee of the senate asserted that the charge of contraction was simply "a contraction of the truth." But what is the truth ? I shall not go into the disputed question of what, for practical purposes, constituted our currency at the end of the war and for several years afterward. I shall confine myself to the three years and a half that have elapsed since the passage of the resumption act, January 14, 187o, and to what is undeniable currency namely, greenbacks and national bank notes. Now, on January 14, 1875, there were out standing: Of greenbacks, In round numbers...t3X2,000,fO0 On Jnne 1, 1S78..... 8ltt,tiel,ot8 Decrease ; 135,328,984 On January 14, 1875, there were outstanding: Of national bank notes $15161,450 On June 1, 1S7S..................... ........ 2,615,115 So that, since the passage of the resumption act, the decrease, in greenbacks and banknotes &,328,y84 plus 29uo,4s5 -has produced a contraction of Wl,634,4t. If to this be added the 1 11.550,903 of greenbacks on deposit In the treasury tor the redemption of bank notes and which are, consequently, w thdrawn from circulation, the contraction amounts to over f7(J,0sXJ,ttx), being at the rate of over one mllliri eight hundred thousand dollars per month. But, say the advocates of the resumption act, this contraction was necessary. In order to resume specie payment on January 1, 1.S79. Now, fellow citizens, it is one thing to begin specie payment, and it is quite another thing to maiutain it. It is quite probable that the ecretary of the treasury cm begin to pay upheld for greenbacks on January 1, 1S71I, and that most, if not all, ot the bants can begin to pay specie or greenbacks at the same time; but the great question icrnains, could such specie payment le maintained? If it could not, why should tbe people be ground between the upper and the nether millstone in order to begin specie payments somewhat earlier than the condition o' the country would insure Us continuance? On this question the fodowing facts are of value: Great Britain ami France are pre-eminently the bard money countries or Christendom. The former has, in coin and bullion, about three dol ars for every dollar of her paper, money. Of course she can maintain specie' pat ments, at least so long as she avoids war. France has more meta lie than paper money, and, when at ieace. can easily maintain specie payment. But the United States have at least three dollars in paper for every dollar in coin, and even a little war, or a change in the balance of trade, might, so long as that dlspropoitlon exists make shipwreck of tneir pretended specie Fayment. According to the best information can obtain, the product of our mines is likely to fall off. It is probable that the maximum product has been reached, and that, unless new and valuable mines be discovered, there will henceforth be a steady decrease in production; but, nevertheless. If the balance of trade should continue in our favor, the influx of gold and silver, together with the product of the mines, would enable us to begin and maintain specie payments quite as soon as J est Ice to the debtor diss would permit. If this lie true, why resort to forcinl resumption? Why crush the unfortunate in order to anticipate, by a comparatively brief period, an advent that would come naturally and unattended with severe distress? 2. 1 now turn to another topic, the expenditures oC the government, to which ton little attention has leen paid. 1 propose to compare democratic expenditure with republican expenditure, In order that you may Judge which of the two parties is the better entitled to praise for honest and economical government ; or, to put it In another form, which parly ought to be condemned for dishonest and wasteful extravagance. The last fiscal year of democratic administration was that ending June 30, 1800. Tbe ordinary expenses of the government for that year, exclusive of pensions and interest ou public debt, were S5H.iK,9j2. These expenses, stated in detail were Committing cents;: For the war department.....- 516,172,202 For the navv department. ............ 11,M4;649 For the Indian department..... - 2,fd,lJl For the miscellaneous or civil 27,1)77,978 Nov compare these expenditures with those ot the last year In which the republican party had unlimred control, the fiscal year ending June 30,1875. The ordinary exien.ses of the government for that year (exclusive of pensions and interest on the public debt) were S112,073,(vU; being J83,117,(Wi in excess of the last year of democratic admlnlstrtion: or, in other words, the republican expenditures were nearly two and a half times as great as the democratic expenditures. Put it may be said that our population was much greater in 1875 than it was in lt0, and that this accounts for the Increase 1 expenses of government. This explanation will not suffice. The population In lS-JUwas 31.413,321, and the 'expenditures were at t he rate of f 1.87 per capita. In 1875 the population, as nexriy as it can be estimated, wa 43,000,00(77 and the expenditures were at the rate of (1.30 per capita. Attain, it may be said that the increase of expenses grew out of the war. This explanation will not answer. In the figures I have given and those I shall hereafter give, I exclude the expenditures occasioned by tbe war, namely, pensions, tbe public debt and the interest thereon; and confine my comparison to tire ordinary expenses of government, namely, the cost of ihe war, navy, Indian and civil departments in time ot peace. The increase In these departments is shown in detail In the following table: DETAILS.

lKtfO. War department...l6,47202 Navy 11.511,619 Indian 2,991,121 1S75. 41,12)1,645 21,4U7,2(J 8,l,t5tf Increase. iM,UH,44:i 8,!tS2,977 5.39J.&35 .Miscellaneous or civil-. 2777178 71,70,702 43,092,721 Increase-......, 8.yi7,b79 But it may be said that the comparison should not be ot a single year with a single year, because special circumstances might make sueh a comparison nnfalr; and that the only fair mode is to compare a period of several years with a like period. ery well ; let us see the result of such a comparison. Let us take a )erlod of seven years of democratic administration and compare it with a like period of republican administration, both periods being years of profound pe-ce. Let us take the seve-H flt-cal years commencing July 1, 18. and ending June 30, 1800, when the democracy were In power, and compare them with the evcBTlscal years commencing July 1, 1838 (thre years alter the close of the war), and ending June 1875, when the republicans had unlimited control, and what is the result? Tbe following tables show, It: July 1, 1853 to Juae 30, I860, seven years. ORDIXAET EXPKNUrrURES, I.KSS Fiscal year ending June 30, 1S54 Fiscal year ending June 30, 1K5 Fiscal year ending June 30, Is-Vl . Fiscal year ending June 30, 1857... Fiscal year ending Jurre 30. 18.'s.. Fiscal year ending June 3u, 1k.tS.. Fiscal year ending June 30, 18U0. .. PENSIONS. .. va,ru,m 6458,585 &5,:f6,298 .. 64,7:W,7t 71,110,WB .. 5,W,728 .. 56.55,952 A VK.ee Hmmmnmt.Mnf' JvjC Average annual expenditure, tIx4,409, Kxpendlture, per capita, f 1.91. July 1, 13i8, to June 3d, 1875, seyea years Total. U30,8!i0,858 ORDINARY EXPENDITURES, LESS TENSIONS. Fiscal year ending Jnue 3T, ISfift f 102,019,733 Fiscal year ending June 30, 170 l:W,usir' Fiscal year ending June 30, 1K71. 123,139.933 Flf-cal year ending J une 30, 1S72... 124,w8,4.4 Fiscal year ending June 30, l.S73.-.. 151,129,210 Fiscal year ending June 30, ls7t..... ltt".ijsi,.:ri Fiscal year ending June 30, 1875....... 112,073,632 Total. ..1110149238 Average annnal expenditure, 1113,450,119. Expenditure per capita, S3.45. All these figures aie derived from official sources, and It appears by them that the average annual ordinary expenses of government in seven years of democratic rule were til,554,409, while the like average annual expenses In seven years of republican rule were f H l,4.vi,l 19, being an average annual excess under republican administration of 11,901,710. And this excess can not be explained by the Increase of population, for the expense per dpi la In the seven republican years was 13.45, while in the seven democratic years it was only f 1.94,

Nor can it be explained as necessarily resulting from the war; for, as I have said, Phave excluded from the comparison expenses caused by It, namely, pensions, public debt and Interest thereon ; and the first of the seven republican years 1 have taken was the third year after the war. 3. Of the corruption that lias brought disgrace upon tbe republic and furnished the advocates of despotism the world over with arguments against popular government, it is not necessary for me to speak in detail. Unfortunately for the credit of the nation, the Instances are so notorious that a bare reference to them brings forth a picture from which the mind turns with loathing and Indignation. Tne credit mobllier.the Paclrie mall, the Belknap trial, the vlllanles of the custom house, the straw bids of the post office,the Indian and whisky rings and the long list of defaulters in every department have become matters of history, and attest too clearly for controversy the need of reform. But no substantial reform, you may rest assured, will take place so long as republican rule shall prevail. The evil is too deep seated to be reached by anything short of an entire change of administration. 4. But, fellow citizens, there is one great drama of fraud, one buge black spot upon the national escutcheon, that can npt be passed by with a mere allusion. ' The seat of the chief magistrate that seat that in times past has been and in all times should be an emblem of purity and honor is cccupied by a m in who was never elected to It. and whose elevation was accomplished by the grossest frauds and boldest usurpations that ever disgraced the historyof a free people. I have no time to-day, to go Into a detailed statement of these frauds and usurpations. I have no time to show you how the returning board of Florida, in plain violation of the law of the state, in equally plain violation of the kolemn decision of the highest court of the state, threw out a sufficient number of democratic ballots to give the vote of the state to the

.Hayes electors Instead of to tbe Tllden elec tors, who had been chosen by the people. Nor how, in like manner, the returning board of Louisiana threw out from six to eight thousand votes given to the Tllden electors, there-. by disfranchising the people of whole pre cincts and counties, and completely reversing the vote of the state. Nor how, by a vote of eight to seven in the electoral commission, all inquiry Into these frauds and usurpations was precluded, and the doctrine solemnly announced and acted upon that no matter by what frauds, no. matter by what illegalities, no matter by what usurpations a returning or canvassing board may defeat the will of ihe people, the wrong is remediless, the constitution is powerless, the people are helpless, and usurpation must triumph and prevail. These, fellow citizens, are now all masters of hl'tory; but although the erroneous decision by which congress counted in Hayes and Wheeler may not be reversible, that fact only makes it tlie more Incumbent upon the people to condemn the decision and the means by which it was brought about. If such an usurpation can pass without rebuke, it will soon be in vain to talk of constitutional modes and honest elections. If the will of the people can, with impunity, be overthrown by obscure and corrupt returning boards, and there is no remedy for the wrong, it will soon be the ' yoice of such boards and not the voice of the people, that will make your presidents. And how long, I pray you, could your government stand under such a system, or what claim would it have to be called a government of the people. My friends, if the people ever condone this great sin, if they ever pardon the guilty men who perpetrated it and nearly every one of whom has been rewarded by office under the administration the most sanguine advocate of popular government will have reason to hang his head in Fhame. and doubt the possibility of its success. Yes, my fellow citizens, the very existence of popular government, the question wL ether it is po sible to maintain It. and to maintain It In purity, is now on trial before you. As you love the institutions bequeathed to yon by the fathers, as you revere ucerour constitution and value your freedom, as you esteem virtue and detest all wickedness, you are bound, in no uncertain tones, to manifest your nbtiorrence of the great usurpation. 5. Another grest topic remains to be considered, and w ten I shall have offered some brief observations upon it, my task will be done. Fellow cltizens.nothingin politics seems more certain to me than that the republican leaders rest their hopes of a prolongation of their power upon the success that may attend a studied and energetic effort on their part to excite and perpetuate sectional feeling. And nothing seems to me more unwarranted, unpatriotic and detestable than this scheme. It is cot enough that the south has frankly and manfully accepted the results of the war: that, waiving all questions as to the mode of their adoption, no .voice is raised against the binding force ot the constitutional amendments; that every law passed by a radical congress, however doubtful its constitutionality, or manifest its Injustice and impolicy, is nevertheless obeyed; that a desire for harmony and peace and a determination to aid in the preservation of the Union, are unmistakable and plainly tne dominant sentiments of the southern people all this Is not enough to deter the republican managers from resorting to all the weapons in tne arsenal of the demagogue, by which actional hatred can be aroused and perpetuated, and a wild nortli thereby created to rule with a rod of Iron a prostrate south. It is thirteen years since the close of the war, thirteen years si nee a a hand was raised or a word was spoken RgAnst the preservation of the Union, and yet articles are now written and speecnes are now male by men, prominent in tbe republican party, the bitterness of which is scarcely paralleled by anything- that was written or said when war was flagrant and the Union was In danger. Fellow citizens, nothing more unjust, nothing mo-e nnpatriotic, nothing more Injnrlous to the peace, welfare, and prosperity of the lepubllc, nothing more cleany demonstrative of the necessity for a change of rulers and the inauguration of an era of justice and fraternity, than is afforded by these facts, can be imagined. I o you wish, the Union preserved? Then support those who would bind it together by the ties of fraternal feeling and a common Interest, as well as by constitutions and laws. Do you revere justice and advocate equality and rights? Then support the party on whose banner "Justice and Equality" are indelibly inscribed. Do you wish to see the couutry strong and prosperous? Then support the policy that, shedding its benign influence upon every part, gives irresistible strength and universal well being to the Whole. An Intermission Simply. Detroit Free Press. Yesterday afternoon a commotion was observed in a farmer's wagon on Woodward avenue, near Davenport street, and a citizen advanced to discover that tbe farmer and his wife were haviDg a regular old fashioned domestic Mght in the bottom of the wagon, while the horses were eating grass over the curb stone. "Here; what's to pay," shouted the citizen as he climbed upon tbe wheel. "Fightin'!' gasped the woman, whose head was half buried in the straw. The farmer made no reply. His head was under the seat, one leg over the wKoii box, and he was clawing the air like a roan whose lungs wanted more air. "I should think you'd wait till you get outside the city to engage in such disgrace,ful conduct," continued the citizen. "I know we orter," replied the woman as she sat up, "but when I found six plugs of tobacco, a new dime novel and a pack of keerd vn his hind pocket, and remembered how I ha-i waited six months lor a kallker dress, I riz right up and tackled him on the spot. I couldn't wait a minute then, mister, but now if you'll check up that . nigh hoss I'll drive along and renew tbe combat beyond the toll gate!" The citizen complied, and 6hewasseted across her husband's knees as she shook the lines and shouted, "Gitap!" A Friendly Ilerse. Christian Advocate. A few days since, as we were leaving our residence on our usual morning visit to the office, a sorrel horse belonging to us galloped up and caught our ami, and made an attempt to pull us in the direction ho wished to go. He then left, and went off in a quick gait towards a pasture on a farm about a quarter of a mile distant from our residence. In a few minutes he approached us ngsii, making an unusual noise, and seemed by his action to desire us to follow him. This we did, and when we reached the pasture we observed the mate of the horse entangled in a bridge, which bad broken through with him. After we had extricated his companion from his dangerous position, the horse which had given us notice of his companion s danger, came up and rubbed his head against ns, showing great signs of satisfaction. Strange, If True. fNew Albany Ledger-Standard. It was an interesting fact, and repeated in history, that the thunder of the artillery at Waterloo was heard at a distance ot forty miles, and yet the roar of the ward politician is beard all oyer the land without exciting comment.

THE CRUSHED POET.

Softly, gently, o'er me stealing. Born upon the evening breeze, I hear a plaintive mourn! ul murmur "tetraw ber-e-e-ese !" (He-ihanges his position restlessly.) From afar fc sweet voice calls me, Over rivers, mountains, seas. Laden with the soulful lay of "Straw ber-e-e-ese !" (He glares wUdly around.) Ah, what vision glides before me, O fairy form, O graceful ease, O lovely face, O sweet voi te moaning "Stra w ber-e-e-ese J" (A hopeless gloom settles on his young brow.) Ah, my love! In summer weather. When we sat beneath the trees, Did you tremble when I murmured "Htraw ber-e-e-ese !" (His eye becomes glazed and fixed.) Lost to me, art thou sweet vision, But when death shall bilng releaae, We will meet in otber spheres as "Btrawber-e-ee-e-e-ese!" (Becomes a raving maniac.) Joaquin jiilller In Galaxy for August. ODDS AND ENDS. Emperor William's phya'cal strength returns but slowly. The London Figaro thinks Clara Morns should play Cleopatra. . A man was fined lately in London for insisting on riding on the platform of the street car instead. of going inside. A "pure white swallow" has been observed in Hartford, and the New Haven Register suspects it was gin. Tbaddeus Stevens made provision in his will for the founding of an asylum for the insane. Preparations are noW in progress to carry out his plan. A Miss Flamme is said to be an eligible spinster with a fortune at Easton, Pa. She will require a Flamme-beau before she can light the torch of Hymen. Boston Corbett, who shot the assassin Booth, and never tried to make money out of the honor, has left Camden, N. J., and settled on a claim in Nevada. - Miss Dana's contribution to Scribner's Monthly, discoursing on the school days of the late Queen Mercedes, Las been translated into French and appears in Figaro. The famous portraits of Daniel Webster and Lord Ashburton, by Healy, in possession ofthe Webster family, are for sale, the money to be applied to the rebuilding of the Webster homestead. A California coroner returned this verdict for a man who had been killed by a circular saw: "An upright man, a good citizen and a model Christian, but not up on the management of circular saws." "What would you say If you should see the Indians 'coming right down upon you now?" asks an Oregon paper. Haven't given the question much thought, but strikes ns we would say, "excuse my back." Army and Navy Journal. Edwin Booth played a banjo when he was a boy. There are no traditions concerning the childhood of Lawrence -Barrett, though it is supposed he was a boy once, stood on his head, and walked Iik a living human being before he thought of becoming Hamlet Lord Lome will have a talary of $50,000 a year, and his wife has $30,000, and besides the "markiss" .has a comfortable fortune of his own; so. taking it all in all, the young couple may manage to get along in. the wilds of Canada by the exercise of reasonable economy. It isn't paying the girls' board that scares the young men out of the matrimonial market; it's simply the dread of housekeeping in the future, with an additional burden in tbe shape of a handsome hired girl to support, without any adequate return for the investment. Nilason, they say, will be shortly installed as grand mistress of the ancient charitable masonic order of "The Eastern Star,' composed chiefly of ladies of rank and distinction whose male relatives belong to the fraternity, and who devote themselycs to works Of mercy and charity. Thackeray, when speaking about fame, would frequently tell the following anecdote: "When at dinner in St. Louis, one day, he heard one waiter say to another, 'Do you know who that is?' 'No,' wss the answer. 'That is tbe celebrated Mr. Thackeray.' 'What's he doner 'Blessed . if I know,' was the reply." . Prince Alfred is once more to be made a father, and the occasion is to be improved to show the good feeling existing between England and itussia. Queen Victoria will be present and meet the czar, while the duchess of Edinburg, "with the full assent of her own family," has commanded the services of an English accoucheur. Lake Tahoe. a favorite summer resort of Californians, is one of the wonders of the world. Here you have a sea ot pure fresh water, 1,500 feet deep.cold as snow and bluer than the sky, resting In a vast mountain basin elevated more than 6,000 feet among the crests of the Sierra. All around it rise mountain slopes, clothed with fragrant forests of pine, fir and cedar. 1ST OTICK is hereby given to the citizens of the Twenty-third (23) ward, in the city of Indianapolis, Center township, Marion coun ty, Indiana, that I, Frederick Kapp, a male inhabitant of said ward, over the age of twenty-one years, will apply to the Board of County Commissioners of s-iid county, at their next meeting, for a license to sell for one year, spirituous, vinous and malt liquors, in a less quantity than a quart at a time, with tbe privilege of allowing the same le be drank on my premises. The precise location of tbe premises whereon I desire to sell said' liquors is described as follows: Lot No. fl in Reiser's lleim' addition and known as No. 4S5 Madison avenne, In the city of Indianapolis, Center township, Marion county, state of Indiana. (Signed) FREDERICK RAPP. "VTOTICE is hereby given to the citizens of the Nineteenth ward, in the city of Indianapolis, Center townsh'p, Marion county, Indiana, that I. Eugene itenard. a male in habitant ot said ward, ov( r the age of twen-1 ty-one years, will apply to the board of county commissioners of said county, at their Septem ber meeting, for a license to sell, for one year, spiritous, vinous and ma;t liquors in a lew quantity than a quart at a time, with the privilege of allowing the si .me to be drank on my premhies. The precise location of tbe premises whereon I desire to sell said liquors is described as follows: Being part of ontlot 83 and northeast corner of said lot on Washington street and known as No. 299 East Washington' street, in the city of Indianapolis. Center township, Marion county, Indiana. (Signed) EUGENE REWARD. CLEVELAND FEMALE SEMINARY. Next Term begins Hepteraber 5. For Prospectus and admist-ion apply to 8. N. HANFOKD President, Cleveland, O. DS. E. H. PRITCHARD, VETERINARY SURGEON, 27 West Ohio Street. Office and Infirmary at tbe American Stables, Bird St., bat, Meridian and Illinois Sts.

The BLAXCnARD BLOOD & NERVE FOOD Is m Pure Concentrated LIQUID Food, prepared directly from tbe WHEAT KERNED, Without Fermentation, mad retaining: all of Its BLOOD, NERVE AND BRAIN Restoring elements in a natural state Of TlUllzttion.

NERVOUS DEBILITY Which underlies all forms or Chronic Disease, Is speedily overcome by the use of this Food. For the year past I have constantly prescribed The Blnncnurd Blood and Srtt Food to my patients of all sges, from eighteen months to eighty-three years In every case the result ha been exactly that claimed by you. It is by ter the most valuable and reliable Tonic I have ever met wi b,. Howard Sutton Smith, M. D , 2U Irving Place, New York. AT LAST DRUGS A SUBSTITUTE for, FOOD is made a curative agent by concentration and artificial digestion, and it is so simple in its application that The advice of physicians not required. Thousands of recoveries from chronic diseases are reported, where the best medical skill has failed. Many of the best physicians throughout the country are IHwcnnllnic Irngrs and using the Blanehara Itlood and Nerve Food with the most gratifying results, permanently relieving all forms of Physical and Mental lability. The Dyspeptic and Consumptive Patient, sufferers from Malarial or Blood Poitoninjr, together with the entire list of complaints eculiar to the Female Sex find In the use of this Food sure and speedy relief. - ,T New York, November 28, 1877. pa. V. W. Blascuaed: During the past year I have prescribed your various preparations of rood Cure, and feel happy to say thev hve met my most sanguine expectations, giving to patients long enfeebled bv blood poison, chronic disease, or over drug dosing the needed nutrition and nerve force. Prof. CLEM EN CE 8. LOZIER, M. D., Dean of Horn. Med. Codege and Hospital for Women, New York City. Hundreds of cases of BrlKht's Disease of the Kidneys have been reported cured. For Neuralgic and Rheumatic Disease It lsslmostaffpeciCc. Physical and Mental Debility from the use of Alcohol. Opium and Tohaeeo or from any unnamable cause, find in this Food a natural and potent remedy. FOR THE INTELLECTUAL WORKER THE I5L,1XCII4KI BLOOD & NERVE FOOD Affords a certain and natural means or supplying tbe waste of the brain resulting from labor that will enable him to do better and more wo-k than ever before, without danger of mental strain. As a remedy for the Lows of Appetite and Want of Vigor, physical and mental, in children, this Food has no rival. $1.00 per Bottle, or 6 for $5.00. SOLD BY ALL DRUGGISTS, Or Sent by Express on receipt of Price. 0 Andover Theological Seminary, An hover, Mass., March 29, 1878. Your Life Food is an excellent thing. I have no hesitation, after a thorough trial of it, in recommending it In cases of chronic dyspepsia and nervous prostration. Rev. Dr. AUSTIN PIELPS. THE BLANCITARD FOOD CURE STNTEW now receiving such popular appreciation Is clearly set fortli in a 61 page pamphlet whicn will be sent to any address on receipt of 25 cents. Address Blanchard Food Care Co., 27 UNION SQUARE. NEW YORK. SURE REWARD. 0 YEARS TO PAY FOB A FiRTI, $4 to $10 Per Acre. Beech and IHaple Land In OTIrliigair In the MILLION At HK (JIM.NT of the Grand Rapids and Indiana Railroad Company. TITLE PERFECT. Strong noil-aure crops plenty of tlm ber no drought no chlach bussno 4 hoppers. Running streams pnre water ready markets schools Railroad completed through centre of the grant. Send for pamphlet-, Enellah or Ucriuau, Address W. O. Ill CHART, Land Commissioner.. GRAND RAPIDS, JTllCIt. MANUFACTORY OF GRIST HILLS OF FrencD Burr Stone. EdablUhed 1851. PORTABLE MILLS, For Farmers, SawMill Owners,fcc. Price from fsa up. A boy , can erindand keen in order. Adapted to . t i r"---"- any kind ox suitable power. Relf oiling; Self-feeding. NORDYKE, MARMON & CO.. Indianapolis, FULTON BELL FOUNDRY. Established 1832. OHURCH. SCHOOL, COLLEGE, FIRE ALARM, FARM, PLANTATION and bells of ail kinds made to order. Rend for circular to A. FULTON'S SON & CO., Pittsburg, Penn. a.1 Mornhlnn liebttrartJ. i t ie O rf z I n a I i CUkfc. Vn4?m- fr.rkooka Opium Eottng. I W. B Rqvir i Woruunc- a, Grtrcn. Co., lad. NERVOUS DEBILITY, KSSiiS ef vlU!ltT,irmitumrkkBft. tDrrrtit fatal titbody. dlMrdn bri d ncrroai tTtlma, and a:Lerlca r aluoa Uwrafrom, RifE'4 R P P Tl f I T Prrr 7 p-wltTr r4 B.ilS 3 OrttlIV.w!.D, pfcTnelu; 1 a M. tw for SS. Sal kT Ararrftti r Cl-lar with ill pariiaaiara, addran Da. Bat a, biaU Sk, Caioa U o Habit Cured. A Certain and Sore Cnre. 'Lwrg-e reduetlon In prfeet. A trial hottle free. Mr. J. A. DKOLM.Xil.K, Laporte, Ind. Box 1038. (Formerly Mrs. Dr. 8. Collins.) WM. HENDERSON, ATTORNEY AV LAW, Office -tttna Building, Indianatolis, Ind. Will practice in the federal and state courts at Indianapolis. Refers to business men of Indianapolis generally. - WITEKN FEMALE (KMNART. OXFORD, OHIO. 91 1. Ilolywhe Flan. The twenty-fourth year will commence September 4, 1878. Board.Tultion, Fuel and Lights, 1170 per annum. Send for Catalogue to MISS HELEN PEABOUY Principal. coxsuaiPTiox. Cause, Treatment and Curability. Bhort treaties sent free to any address. Dlt, SMITH. No, 1 East Fifteenth st., New York.

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