Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 27, Number 52, Indianapolis, Marion County, 14 August 1878 — Page 7

THE INDIANA STATE SENTINEL, WEDNESDAY MORNING. AUGUST 14, 1878.

WORDS OF WISDOM.

The Great Battle Ground of the Nation. Opening of the Campaign in Con. tral Indiana. Ex-Governor Hendricks 'Addresses One t of the Most Enthusiastic Meetings Ever Held in Indianapolis. His Utterances are Received With Unbounded Applause-Sentiments Submitted to Genuine Patriots of all Parties. Unavoidable Absence of the Hon. D. W. Voorhees Senator Joseph. E. McDonald Responds Briefly. GOVERNOR HESDBICKS ADDRESS. Fellow Citizens It is Inevitable that upon questions Involving the rights or the welfare of the people we become divided Into parties. It has been bo In the past, and will be bo la the future. And an the election approaches the question presents itself, upon which side shall we stand? Wrongs of the past are to be rebuked that they may not grow Into precedents, evils of the present are to be corrected and the greatest possible good invoked for the future. Such a work is possible, and I submit to your judgments that its accomplishment may safely be committed to the democratic party. That party has been out of power, and will find none of its own legislative structures to be demolished, and none of Its own supporters to be removed, in the work of correction and reform. It Is a 'limcult work almost impossible for a t -.-ty to correct its own abuses. The republican party lias wholly failed. Seeking escape from (Jmntisin, the synonym of party favoritism and corruption, that party now sloops beneath the additional burden of crimes perpetrated in placing a man in the presidential office who was not chosen to it by the people. Virtue can not be born of vice; nor political reform of corruption. The taw was aeciareu in tne days or creation that every living thing shall bring forth after its kind, and repeated in the new era, that a corrupt tree can not bear &ood fruit. LEGISLATIVE APPORTIONMENT. First among our duties is the selection of legislators who will blot out the present unjust and unconstitutional apportionment of congres sional and legislative representation. The ex lsting laws are in palpable disregard of constitutional requirement. It is provided that sen0 ators and representatives shall be apportioned among the counties according to tne number of the voting population in each. Would yon have it otherwise? lo we believe In the declaration that all men are created equal? If so will you vindicate it as apolitical and practical troth? If a greater political power is given toonedtisen.or county, or section, than to anotiier the declaration ot equality becomes a siram and a pretense. Under the act of November, 172, which Is yet In force, the counties of Lake, Porter, Steua oen, Lagrange, Jennings, Vermillion, Warren Lawrence, Monroe, Benton and Newton (each tne being republican) were allowed ten representatives, whilst they lucked 8.7UJ votes to entitle them to so large a representation. Bartholomew, strongly democratic, had 9S3 more votes than enough for a representative, but she was allowed none. Bartholomew and Brown were Joined for one representative, the two having 2,016 over the repr seutatlve ratio. Their excess was more than the entire vote of either Like, Vermillion A or Warren, each of which has a representative. Shall Bartholomew be denied a so pe rate representative whilst Lawrence with 1,192 less votes, Monroe with 1,515 less votes, Vermillion with 2,516 less votes, Warren with 2,b71 bs votes. Lake with 2,317 less votes, Porter with 1,781 less votes, Iagrange with 1,85)1 less votes and Steuben 1.SW8 less votes have each a representative? Why is Wells, (ademocratlc connty) denied a separate representative with a vote 564 more than Lake, 210 more than Hteuben, 7V more than Vermillion and 513 more than warren, whilst each of them has a representative? It was so arranged that two men in some of the republican counties. Lake and others, should have more voice and control In the leg Wat Ion of the state than five men In some of the democratic counties. The wrong is equally great in the senate. It pervades the legislative apportionment of the entire state. I can not now do more than present these few illustrations, that you may see how great is the iniquity, and that you may appreciate how urgent is the appeal to you for help In restoring constitutional Justice and right. The authors of this wrong hoped by it, not only to bold permanent control of the state against the voice of the people but to elect the United States senator in 173, and senators subsequently to be chosen. Thus far they have gathered no fruits from tlie iniquity. Mr, McDonald is Senator Pratt's successor. CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICT. In the congressional districts the legislature disregarded contiguity of territory and considered onlypolitlcal arrangement and advantage. The districts as made disfigure the map ot tne state. The character of the apportionment appears in the fact that In 1S7S the democrats carried tne state by more than 5.0W): yet they elected but four congressmen, whilst the republicans have nine; 2l-ll democrats elected four members of congress and '2(7,HJ) republlcans elected nine. It took W,X democrats to elect a member, whilst it required but 23,00'J republicans. Under the constitution It will be the duty of the legislature next winter to redlstrlct the state for legislative purposes, and the democrats demand that it shall be done as the constitution requires, that each county shall ba represent-! according to Its population and not according to its politics. We ask the help of every honest man to achieve thU Just and proper result. Have you considered the fact that when representation is based upon population the will of the people will predominate in the legislation. In accordance with the American or representative idea of gevernment? Bat when representation is not baaed upon population, but Is adjusted arbitrarily, with a view to political or other advantage, the people eeasn to have the power: the minority come Into control, as in the last legislature, and as in the present congress, in which the minority party of this state has nine representatives, and the majority but four. t VIIS OF UNEQUAL REPRESENTATION. May I Illustrate the possible evils of unequal lsiature should be chosen strongly In favor of a prohibitory liquor mw,uu,uuuer ui jmpulse of its passions or its convictions, should enact such a law, you would say, being opposed ,t vr well, we will go before the DeoDle in this matter; and they will select men who will repea the act next year. We wUl have to aubmit but one year. But the legU aiure ssys to you no such appeal snail ue lateen ; we - i l;..t.ln( rh. .1aU anrl will 1 1 irir aifl the constitutional requirements of equality. and Will give VO uie cuunua uisii win wrrb twiee as much representation as to t n.a nnnwd to i.- Where. then. va v - f r - m tm r.nr anneal? Where the vaunt ed right of the people to govern? On the contrary, suppise such legislature to ..,.-1 r anv ami nil restraints noon the trail'c in liquors and In favor of making it wholly tree, wuuouv num.- u , and that its enactments' are In that spirit. Fearln-r your appeal to all the people agulnst such policy, and to defeat it, the legislature redistricts the state, and gives a double or treble representation to counties that favor It policy, and thereby an equal chance is taken from you in the contest; Indeed, the chances are made hard against you. But is that not Just as fair as for a republican legislature to give its counties double representation? , . , . K'inality of representation, and direct regponsibllity of the representative, are the people's guaranty and assurance of honest, conservative and good legislation. A. party Is unworthy the support ol an Hon

est people whose bold upon power depends upon a resort to such means. UNITED STATES SENATOR TO BK CHOHKN. Need I remind you that the next legislature will choose a United States senator, and that the political character of the senate may depend upon that choice? I suppose the support of the democratic legislative ticket means Mr. Voorhees for senator, and the republican ticket General Harrison.- They are both gentlemen of ability, but they represent very different political opinions and purposes. If voting directly for senator, how would yonr ballot be cast? You are sincere and earnest in your opinions, and will not throw your votes away upon a legislative ticket that you know can not be elected. Nor do you wish to hold nn uncertain position between the two parties, to be bargained with or for. How then will yon voter Mr. Voorhees believes that national bank notes should be retired, and. In lieu thereof there should be Issued by the government an equal amount of treasury notes, and that the right to Issue paper money, as well as coin. Is the exclusive prerogative of the government. lie also believes that congress should provide for the taxation by the states of the United. States treasury notes as other money Is taxed. And he believes the the policy of General j rant's administration, and of the present administration, la converting our debt Into a foreign debt Is unwise and Inexpedient, aud that the true policy of the eovernmentand the best Interests of the people would be subserved by macing it a domestic debt, by affording the people the most favorable and practical opportunities for the Investment of their savings in thefunded debt of the United States. Then the Interest woold be paid at home, and pass directly Into the channels of oar trade and business. He believes also In the restoration or the silver dollar, wi h full legal tender quality in the payment of all debts, both public and private; aud that the coinage thereof should be made as free and unlimited as that of gold. I say that Mr. Voorhees believes In these policies, and will support the in lnthesenals if elected, because they are strongly stated in the democratic platform of this state, and he stands upon that platform. If elected tt the senate, will General Harrison support these measures, or any one of them? I think the opinions he has heretofore expressed would require you to answer no. lie recently presided over the republican state convention, and In his address to that body sought to bring our platform containing these propositions Into ridicule and contempt. He said: "We have a great advantage over our opponents, the democratic party. Their convention assembled sometime in the remote past. (Applause.) Their declaration of principles Is stale to-day, having scarcely so much relation to living things as a last j ear's oyster shell." . Did an able man ever make a more palpable mistake? The convention seems to nave come under his influence, for In its platform of multitudinous declarations it made no reference to these questions. It was a mistake. These questions are not stale. Men will think and talk and vote upon them this year, and every voting year until they are properly settled. The voters will have their baliots to declare whether they are for the national bank system, or for substituting treasury notes for bank paper. The do not see why the substitution may not be made, as the treasury notes will have an equal credlt,and many millions will be saved of Interest upon, the bonds pledged as security for the bank issues. Nor can the peeple see why the treasury notes, now that they have substantially ceased to represent the government credit, and have ansa only as money, should not lie-taxed as all other money Is taxed In the hands of lis holders. Nor can a patriotic people remain indifferent whilst. from year ta year, and lroni administration to administration the fatal policy Is pursued, contrary to that of any other civilized people, of seeking the sale ot public secnrities abroad insteal of adopting every means possible to secure their purchase by the people at home. Upon these questions how do you voters stand? PROTECTION OF LA ISO R. I can not pass from all further rereence to our platform without ranking special inentlou of that clause which demands appropriate legislation for the security of labor In it wages when employed by the great corporations of the country The security and lien should be made adequate, and the proceedings for its enforcement simple, speedy and cheap. To many of my republican acquaintances I think I can say that since the close of the war you have more than once been on the point of a political revolt. Much run been done by the managers of your party that you did not and could not approve. You have seen the contract with the public creditors changed to your hurt; new obligations assumed, making youc burdens heavier; the currency contracted, and silver demonetized, so that you became less able to meet the Increased obligations, until finally the crash of financial ruin came upon us all. But when you were considering your duty, and had almost decided that you should promote a change of administration, then, in the language of passion, you were toll to staud by your party; to cherish the memories of the war; that ndelity to the wounded soldiers required you to staud against the men of the south, and to perpetuate a sectional control of the government. You know full well that the overthrow of radical rule in the south and the restoration of local self government brought peace, order and prosperity. As the states came, one after another, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, and then South Carolina and Louisiana, the strife between the roc

ceased, and gaod goyernmaat took the piace of misruie ana general corruption. These things you knew, and also that the strife and blood shod in the south that agitated the country in the days of the bad government had been excited and promoted, in a large degree, to advance political ends. Yet you listened to the partisan appeals; you needed inem and went oaca.anu oy your votes Indorsed what your Judgments condemned. Surely you now regret that you were not a party to the great effort which restored selfgovernment to the southern states.and brought them Into harmonious and cordial relations with all the states of the Union. Yon reioiee to-dav in the restored agriculture of that great section of our country; In mauufaclures rebuilt, and in a returning iraae ana commerce. Once more you feel that Ihe prosperity of the south is our prosperity, and you rejoice lhat we are thoroughly one people again. The old appeals my not now be renewed. Your fears will be addressed. BOCTHERN CLAIMS. You are to be told that the success of the democratic party means payment for slaves and southern claims, even to tne oanarupicy of the treasury. Can it bs necessary to say that the fourteenth amendment to the consti tution forbids much that jou are assured we will do. The constitutional inhibition is that neither the United (states, nor any state, shall assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred In aid or insurrection or reoeiiion against me u mteu States, or any claim for the loss or emancipa tion or any slave. Any man wno tens you thatanoDligation can be assumed or paid in violation of the constitution deals falsely with you. There was, however, a large class of claims, both in the north and in the south not within this prohibition, upon which large sums have already been paid. Such claims were for property taken or occupied by the army during the war army supplies, horses for the cavalry and artillery, and lands and houses occupied by the army and not paid fer at the time. Are democrats more likely to pay unjust claims of that class than republicans? They thare equally the burdens of taxation. I make you witnesses that throughout its history the democratic prty has been the party of economy, and exceedingly Jealous of old claims against the government. Judge the future by the past. It is n safe rule. Which party has most favored these claims? - Governor Morton stated the rule nnder which payments should be made, as follows: "Theu.does not the rule reduce Itself down to simply tills, that wherever a loyal man in the north would be paid for his property which was deliberately appropriated by the government, a loyal man in the sjutb should be paid for his property deliberately appropriated by the government. 'Can we afford to make an v other rule on this subject? We might save soinemuney by making another rule: but itwou d In the end be penny-wiaeand pound-foolish economy. After having spent suite .lXX),000,Oio to keep the south in tho union, and after all our labors to build op a loyal party down there, shall we come here making shipwreck In the end by declaring upon the floor of the senate that the loyal men whose hardships and sufferings we can never estimate shall be treated as nubile enemies, and that we will not pay them under the same circumstances under which we would pay a man for the taking of like property in the north. I can never consent to 1U Con gressional Globe, volume 71, page ois. That rule was adopted, and how much money do you suppose was paid upon southern claims after the war, and whilst the republicans had absolute control of both branches of congress and of the executive de partments; and wnnsi mere was not one uemocraton the court of clainasor southern claims commission? I see by the congressional debates that in August, IfW, Mr. John Sherman made a speech at Marietta, Ohio, in which he aid : "When the war closed innumerable claims azamst the United States were made from the lately rebel states, and congress In the most liberal spirit made provision for the payment or all tnat ty tne wen setiieu ruies 01 civmzeu war could be properly made against the United States, xne oincers 01 me uepanmenm, su preme court, the court of claims and the south ern claims commission were authorized to ad Just and pay different classes of claims, and

congress passed many acts for equitable relief; rt that it may with safety be said that more than 100,UUJ,0IO was paid after the war was over to cl liens of the south for losses caused by the rebellion." This statement does not represent bills introduced and not acted upon by congress, but bills allowed and paid to the enormous Bum of one hundred million dollars. None but loyal men were to be paid ; none but loyal men to pass upon the claims ; and as I read to you.Governor Morton earnestly urging their payment, connected it with the labors necessary to build op a loyal party In the south.- I say to you tiiat there Is great danger to the government in the payment of these claims, and that danger is greatly increased when considerations of party sup port .control as in the pasUThe danger no w Is, as it has been, whilst the hundred millions have been paid out, that the people's money will be expended upon party favorites. In your party parlance the word loyal means fidelity to the party, and you have paid out one hundred millions in the south to that class of men, when we all believe there was not left unpaid one-third of that sum at the close of the war. . - On the 13th of June last the Hon. Mr. Lock. hart, of New York, made the following statement In tne house of representatives, which was not questioned: "The bills reported from the committee on war claims at the first session of the Fortythird congress amounted to the sum or So,tH2,7'JU. That was a republican congress. The Rarae committee of the Forty-fourth congress, the first democratic congress, at the first session reported bills favorahly to the amount of fJl'Vl. The present congress has not paid to exceed 5,0o0 of southern claims, and payment in thes cases was urged by the republican side of the house. Now what think you of such charges as that we want to pay the southern claim1!, when the first democratic house reduced the favorable reports from nearly six millions to less than o le-quarter of one million less than one dollar to twenty four? In the debate In the htuse upon these claims on the 11th of May last, the Hon. Mr. Humphrey made the following statement: Mr. Humphrey I desire to say in connection with this question that a lew evenings sinoe my distinguished colleague from Wisconsin (Mr. Bragg) showed here conclusively, If his record is correct, that every claim of this kind which has been paid has been paid by republican votes. He did this for the purpose of showing that not one would be paid by a majority vote of this house on the democratic side.

That statement made to the house was not questioned, but stands admitted. Perhaps I should apologise for detaining you so long up on this question, and my aology is that I earnestly uesire mat no prejudice orneoepiion may stand between you and your duty, until our country shall be wholly recovered from misrule and Its consequences. REDUCTION OF EXPENDITURES BY DEMOCRATS. In this connection 1 wish to saow to you the a 1 vantage it has been to the people of the United States tnat they elected a democratic majority to the house of representees in the Forty-fourth and in the Fortyfifth congress. The democrats have had the majority in the house during the last three sessions; before that the republicans had absolute control. . The democratic house is now the object of special attack. Will you be pleased to tell me why? What single act of the house has disturbed the rights or impaired the prosperity or the liberties of the people? In these times of financial distress do you not recognize economy in public expenditures as the first duty of the people's representatives? The long scssiou of the F.utyfifth congress recently adjourned. I will compare its appropriations with the estimates made by the present administration for the present fiscal year. 1 make my statements to you npon the authority of Mr. Atkins In his statements to the house on the M'th June last. He spoke as chairman of appropriations. For the military academy fortifications, diplomatic and consular service abroad, navy, post office, pensions, Indian service, army, legislative and sundry civil expenses, and river aud harbor improvements, the departments asked appropriations amounting to alK2,2t,?Hs. This includes S,(J0Mrt estimates sent to the committee. The blllR, as they passed the house, amounted to I117,w,7:y, being a reduction of more than t31,(Mm,0oo The senate, republican, added over f I4,000,0u0 - to the bills, but on the conference the house succeeded in making a large reduction, and the appropriations as made were, after deducting the Halifax award, a treaty debt, f:i,00U,m0 less than the presidentand his secretaries estimated as necessary. I wiu now asK you to make a comparison between the expenditures directed by the Forty-second and the Forty third congress, both largely republican, and the Forty-fourth and the Forty-fifth congress, both democratic in the house. In the first year of the Fortysecond congress (1873) there were appropriated for the purposes before mentioned 181,(tVZ7-l, and in the second year 8189.05,71. In tt.e first year of the Forty-third congress the appropriations were J184,301,787, and in the second year 177,:f70,(iS7. The house was democratic in the Forty-fourth congress, for tlie first time after the close of the war, and at tl.e first session the appropriations for the same ourpoies amounted to $15I,:CI0,913, and at ti e second session $153,60Ht6Kl. The aggregate ap proprlation of the Forty-fonrth congress below the Forty-third was 153,676,252, while tl.e reduction below the Forty-second congreis was still more marked, befog t2,"uKlRi5. Ti e first appropriation id the present Forty-fifth) congress, after deducting the Halifax a.,irtunder a treaty, amounts to fl51,UUu. The appropriations or tne lour years oi tne Fort v second and Forty-third congress amouut to PJ-ViSll, which Is at the rate and average of Il83,0",ss5pcr year. That was under absolute republican rule. rne appropriations ior me two years oi ice Forty-fourth congress and the first year of the Forty-fifth amount to 1139,700,455, which is tt the rate of $l.Vt,2.J3,4N8 per year. The comparison shows that during the past seveu years, lor of republican control and three of democratic, house, the difference per year In favor of tlie people is f29,862,397; or for tl.e three last years the aggregate savlrj? is 189,587,191. Please bear in mild these are appropriations during seven years for the purposes before mentioned. Were we to go further back tlie republican expendi tures would be found mucn larger. The senate has resisted the house in Its policv of .retrenchment. Alter next March the democrats will control both houses, atid will make still further large reductions, reaching, as I hope, to full fifty millions. In round nuinlers the reduction has now reached fW,000,000 each year. Thirty million dollars Is one million three nuuured thousand uouars to the state of Indiana; it is one hundred and five thousand dollars to every congresslouil district. - 4 It is for Indiana 1 100,000 more than the entire taxes upon her people for the ordinary purnose of state government. What does the re duction of ffc',000,100 mean and signify? it means that In the public expenditures mere shall be economy and honesty. It means ttut that much monev shall not be collected from the people but shall be left in the channels oi trade and commerce, there to 6lliualato business and enterprise, aud to give employ ment to laiKr that now Degs ior u upon uie street comers. My fellow citizens, I believe that if durlnz the thirteen 'years that have elapsed since the close of the war, S.'i0,HJ0W had been saved eacn year, we would not have experienced the panic, nor now be in tie midst of almost universal bankruptcy. ;t would have been a saving or I Bt0,0U0,UUU. m may not heed these facts, but there is a speaker whose lesons you will heed It Is hard times. He will come aod apeak to yiu at your homes. He will stand upon your dor steps, a with cold face and glassy eye he loots within. He will enter yonr homes andlok Into the closet, and into the meal tub. Le will stand beside your hearthstone. He wll sit down between husband and wlfe,betwen parents and children, and he will speak to ydi of society as not being properly organized ; rf the relations between capital and labor as nt well adjusted. He will make daugerous suggestions about the rich aud the poor the coitrast between the sufferings of tne many, aal the enjoyments of the few. j So unwelcome a visitor ought to be niknown In our country. We have rich sols and every variety of valuable production, aid we are an intelligent. Industrious and enttfprising people; and we should be a prosperots people. The authors of our business and financial disasters should be driven from powr Contract ion of the currency has made mon' more valuable,and every otherci&ss of p ropery less valuable, and has reduced the competition and employment of labor. Can we nt throw oil class legislation and once more ha the laws made and administered for Uie berefit of all the people? To that end we shoutl stand together. But the republican party wll make a strong and unscrupulous light to -cofver and retain the control of public an. is. How unscrupulous Is - seen in . tie means adopted to place a mi la the presidential chair who wis not chtsen to it by the people. You new know that Hayes was nut elected. The mn who put him in the office knew it at the tlnf. To question it would be to impugn their intlligence. They ventured all that crime aid cunning could do. It is unfortunate for thilr testimony now given that at New Orleans thy refused a proposition that honesty requlml them to accept. Mr. McDonald, Mr. Juli,n and other deruocrat.propos"d that they shoiid Jointly and together see that the vote of Lottlanawaa honestlyco ititedand returned. Tly refused. Why? They knew that the retuuing board was the corrupt machine of 0e most corrupt cabal that ever swindled the ppleoutof t heir rights and their property.lt had been impeached In congress two years foreby the Wheeler committee, and by e vote of the senate in the Pincnbuk case, Wny did tbey then choose jjo

confer with its members alone and separate from the democrats? Instead of conferring with Mr. McDonald and his associates to obtain a fair court, it seems they were admitted to the rooms of the custom house, wht re the false attiidavits were prepared to sustain the returning board. Thomas H. Nolan testified before the Potter committee that he ass sted in the preparation of the affidavits. In the evidenoe as published he said that he "was Introduced to Messrs. Hale, Stoughtoa and Garfield (members of the republican visiting committee). They were in the looms where the affidavits were being made. They seemed to be interested In the work going on. They kept copies of the affidavits. Saw Mr. Garfield nearly every morning. Saw Mr. Sherman in Mr. Cockrell's office. Mr. Stougton was up in the surveyor's office, where he was supervising the taking of affidavits for the Red river parishes. Three or four witnesses were sworn together. I never took any pains to read over the affidavits to the witnesses. They were generally toll the affidavits would never be published. It was the understanding in re publican circles that the st ate had gone democratic and they must by affidavits aud protests make a case for the returning board to throw out poils enough to reverse the result." He stated also that he found very few of the witnesses nad personal knowledge of the occurrences: and when they said they "had heard," the affidavits were written they "knew," thus converting hearsay Into positive evidence. Ex-Congressman Morey was one of the republican counsel before the returning board, and was called as a witness for the defense. In few words he states what was clone as follows: "The witness said on the face of the returns the NichoUs and Tilden electors had a majority; that the returning board threw out enough votes to elect .Packard, and after this threw nut 1,512 votos to elect the Hayf s electors I'll is condition of things was discussed by prominent politicians, the visiting statesmen and the republican counsel." Why were they in New Orleans? Not to see that the returning board did no wrong to the people. That they declined In refusing co-operation with the democrats. Curiosity did not take them there. They had a purpose, and they did not fall in it. Some of the local agents say and swear they were there to Influence the proceedings, and that they made assurances, verbal and in writing, of rewards for seal and activity. Some of them are proven to have supervised tbe preparation of affidavits that are now shown to be false, it Is impossible to brslieve that they were not parties to the imposition upon the sensibilities of the country in the Kltza Plnkston affair. Their part of the work was consummated by the naty return, of Mr. Sherman to Washington laden with a great weight of bad testimony; by throwing it into the arms of President Urant, that tbe people might be Imposed upon, by giving it the appearance of an official communication to congress, and by Mr. Sherman's astounding statement in the senate and to the country that the members of the returning board were estimable cbarac ters. In all this tlie country is admon lshed to what, lengths they will go to retain power. Perhaps it is my duty to say something to you about the administration that, by these means, was brought into power. The democratic party, now composed of more than half the people of the United States, cares but little for it. Its bad title has destroyed it. A bad title Is always despised. Swearing that bad title through has poisoned the party to death. Who cares for the administration? It is Just strong enough to distract and divide its own party. It can strike feeble blows upon Mr. Conkllng'a head by turning his friends out of office. And who cares for that? Shall the country, or even the republican party, be concerned about it? Mr. Conkling knew the title was bad, and as a judge in the case he allowed the wicked judgment upon the false testimony, when but oue word from him would have maintained the right. Let the parties to that miserable struggle Cght it out. Do you ask me what I think of Hayes' southern policy? He has none. He and ni4 administration are incapable of any policy. What they have done in tbe south I approve. For years and years the democratic party has demanded that the bayonet should be taken from the breasts of the southern states and that they le left where the constitution placed t hem, in absolute control of their domestic affairs. I think yon asked me about the civil service reform. It is a sham and a lie. It costs tbe couLtryl64 money than the whisky frauds, etc., under Grant did, but it is more hypocritical and meaner. It was given out that officeholders shonld attend to their duties and let politics alone. The Massachusetts election came on. The attorney general, who was from that state, wrote to the officeholders that they Khoulrt t isenious and active toelwct the ticket, and Hayes said yes; that is what it meant. It was then proclaimed that reform required that the officeholders should not be taxed for political purposes. Unsuspecting and simple minded people said that is right, and though his title may be bad, Hayes himself Is good. In March last the assessment was made, and ,TJie clerks and officeholders were notified to pav. There were large delinquencies and a second circular was issued, more positive and demanding in its tone, even naming the bank at which the payments should be made. Ik) you think this incredible because a president's word had been given to the contrary? This is how it came: A party manager went to the president and explained to hlin the necessities of the party, much in the spirit of Kilpatrlck's letter to him two years ago, assuring him that Indiana could be carried only by the bloody shirt and the use of money. The president told the party manager that the rule wsis not understood; that it did not prevent voluntary payments. and lie assured him further that he himself would pay his proportion, thus giving hi example to the army of office holders. The piymcnt must be voluntary, not eo erced. So the rule was only tr protect the office holders, and not the purity of the elections. It is an ornense against political virtue for the office holders of the country to combine by use of money to carry the elections, and thus perpetuate their power; but it is not disagreeable to President Hayes. He now head the movement. Under pretense of voluntary payment, the clerks and other office holders are required to pay a fixed assessment, amounting in the aggregate to perhaps tl,000,CM). The names are taken at the bank. In shivering fear they pay as taxed. The money will come here; perhaps some of tne president's salary will come to this city. We have no army of place holders to tax. Our party is comparatively poor. It is largely made up of business men and laboring men. But we will carry the day. Love of right, Jnstice and fair play will prove stronger than the money of the president and his army of placemen. Gird yourselves now, not only for this ontest, but also for the great fight of is).

ik you claim integrity for this administration? Then tell me why all the parties to the Louisiana and Florida business have been rewarded witli lucrative offices? It was not accidental that the three great missions to Russia, Austria and France were given to three of the party emissaries to Louisiana and Florida, It is not accidental that Kellogg, when before the Potter committee, could make no answerwhen Butler stated the fact to be that 'all tlie members of the visiting commllssion but one had federal offices given or tendered to them, and that one was largely Interested in a whisky case which was settled; and all the returning board, and all the supervisors, except one, Websr, who was killed, and Captain Jenks and Mrs. Jenks, and her sister or brother have all been rewarded under the civil sen-ice order of the administration, for action in the elections or other claims." It was not accidental that all the parties in Florida who aided In making a falso return of the election havd been rewarded with publie offices. It was not accidental that President Hayes required Anderson's appointment, and added, "This is a special case ;" and that he also required the appointment of Denn's to an agency of the treasury, and said: "I specially desire that his claims may have your favorable attention," when in fact none of the parties had any claims whatever based upon personal merit or honorable public service. Their hold was upon the fears of the administration, lst they should expose the dark secrets of its elevation to powor. You say Mayes was ignorant of the means used for his elevation Do you think so? Then what right had be to appoint to or continue in office all the men whom the democrats constituting a majority of all the people of the United Btatt s believed guilty of the election frauds and crimes? Does the president owe no respect whatever to the men of the opposite party? May lie go so far in rewarding partisan service as to appoint criminals to high offices? 1 have appealed to you to prepare for the contest of 1M. I repeat that apieal. What considerations may I urge? Surely I may say that democratic success will give B'surance of true reform in the civil service; of the ultimate reduction In publie expenditures, and of the adoption of Just and liberal policies of currency and finance. But 'mow than these will be involved in that contest. General Urant will probably be the republican candidate, and his candidacy will signify a strong government always able and prepared to hold the people in control. Upon every side we hear his nomination urged upon these grounds. Iu the midst of the present hard times thousands of men have been thrown out of emfloyment. Led by nope or driven by fear they lave wandered from place to plaee seeking work, until all resources are exhausted, and they become tramps. It Is now common to attribute to them all acts of violerce and publie disturbance over the country. This condition is made the pretext for demanding a stronger and more arbitrary supervision aud control. The general distress in business, and consequent want of employment for labor, have disturbed and excited the entire laboring population, and that is also urged as a re won for conferring more absolute authority, under the

pretext of suppressing sti Ikes and labor riots. Grant and a central zed aud strong government is the sentiment of his party. Upon Ho other ground could his nomination and election be urged. Experience brought to his advisers no reforms in government . His second administration was worse than the first. To the faults of the first the second added all the evils of personal favoritism, of extravagance, of Indian rings, of whisky rings, and of dangerous combinations to defraud the govt rnment in Its revenues. There is no pretense that his elevation is necessary to secure a wise and honest administration of the laws. But in his elevation again we would trample under foot the unbroken sentiment of Uie people against a third term. We should not make the mistake that this movement will be easily defeated. The struggle between free institutions and the aggressions of power has never been an easy one. It has always brought out the highest qualities of the people. General Grant Is well fitted to lead the movement and establish the- new order and rule. He has the qualities and training of the soldier, and is accustomed to Uie arbitrary authority of military law. During his entire administration be maintained his party in many states by ihe use of the army, and did not hesitate to control states, and their courts and legislatures, by the bayonet. It was in the struggle to make Hayes his successor that he put congress in fear of tlie army. The troops were stationed In tne neighborhood of the capitol, and congress was placed nnder the Influence. If not actually- con trollti by their presence. Ills disregard of civil fiothority, whenever it came in tee way of party ambition, appears throughout his entire ad minlhtration. Mouey now declares Itself Insecure because of the disturbed, condition of society, and demands a stronger and more stable government. It will be a powerful auxiliary In the movement to establish arbitrary authority. I will detain you no longer. "I wished only to admonish you of the threatened danger. In the name of the great men by whom our institutions were founded I call upon you to stand by and maintain them. Because our government is the best yet detlsed by man ; because it has brought us such great blessings; because under it we have grown to be annmerous, rich and powerful people. I call upon you to stand by it. It is not true that our government Is weak and ' insapable of giving us the most coinolete protection. If we but maintain the authority of the federal government as defined and limited by the constitution, and preserve the states in the enjoyment of their rights according to the constitution, and in the absolute control of Uieir domestic affairs, and if our laws be so honestly administered as to command the approval oi tlie people, our political structure will become tne strongest in the world. Ia times of peace it has been over the people to protect aud bless them; and in periods of war It has heeu adequate to every necessity and emergency. At the close of Governor " Hendricks' speech and after . the applause had died away, there were loud and enthusiastic calls for Senator McDonald, -who was on the platform. The senator responded very briefly saying in substance "I shall not undertake to make you a speech after the very able effort you have just listened to from our distinguishei fellow citizen, for I could not do justice to the issues in the limited time at my command, but I hope, before tbe closa of the canvass, to address you many timee, when I shall render an-account of my political stewardship to my constituents. The use of my name as a speaker to-nfffht was hardly authorized, as I am too tired now on account of so lately having so much to do in contesting frauds attempted by the republican party in congreys." The Hon. B. C. Shaw then expressed regrets at the absence of Senator Voorhees, who, he said, had been obliged to fill another engagement, and was probably at that time addressing an audience of democrats as large as the one present. The reason that Mr. Voorhees name had been announced was that that gertleman had promised to be present on this occasion before the date was decided upon, but upon notifying him of the date, it was found that he bad already made another engagement. The meeting was adjourned by Governor Williams and the large audience dispersed, highly satisfied wiUi the meeting, and especially with tbe speech of Governor Hendrickp, which all united in pronouncing the ablest heard in Indianapolis for many years. . . Hopping Aronnd the PfKgln. Chicago Tribune. Manton Marble's letter vindicating Tilden is just nuts for Watterson, who seizes upon it as additional evidence that he was right and Hewitt wrong ia their recent dispute. Watterson dances wound. Hewitt like a cooper around a new barrel. Aa Regards Junketing. fGlobe-Democrat, rep.l Will some kind friend of the administra tion be kind enough to count up tbe amount of "junketing" done by General Grant in eight years, and tell us how much less it was than tbe amount done by Hayes in one year?

All sufferers from headache, giddiness, coated tongue, liver inactive, costive bowels, bilious, will find an effective remedy in "Swayne's Tar and Sarsaparilla Pills." Fevers are prevented by the use of these blood purifying pills, as they carry off through the blood, the impurities from which they arise. They are purely vegetable, and we hope all who are suffering will give them a trial. Price 25 cents a box, five boxes one dollar. Sent by mail to any address by Dr. Swayne & Son, Philadelphia, if your druggist has not got them. Browning & Sloan, wholesale agents. "XTOTICK ls hereby given to the citizens of the Twenty-third (23) ward, in the city of Indianapolis, Center township, Marion county. Indiana, that I, Frederick Happ, a male inhabitant of said ward, .over the age of twenty-one years, will apply to the Board of t ounty Commissioners of said county, at their next meeting, for a license to sell for one year, spirituous, vinous and malt liquors, in a less quantity than a quart at a time, with the privilege of allowing tlie same te be drank on my premises. The precise location of the premises whereon I desire to sell said liquors is described as fol lows: Lot No. 6 in Yeiser's Heirs' addition and known as No. 4S5 Madisou avenue, iu the city of Indianapolis, Center township, Marion county,, state of Indiana. - (Signed) FREDERICK RAPP. "VTOTICE is hereby given to the citizens of Jl the Nineteenth ward, in the city of Indianapolis, Center township, Marion county, Indiana, that I, Etigeno Renard. a male inhabitant of said wnrd, over the age of twenty-one years, will ar ply to the board of county commissioners of said county, at their Septem her meeting, for a license to sell, for one year, spiritous, vinous and malt liquors in a lest quantity than a quart at a time, with tht privilege of allowing Uie same to be drank on mv premises. The precise location of the premises whereon I desire to sell said liquors is described as follows: Being part of ouUot 83 and northeast corner of said lot on Washington street and known as No. 299 East Washington street, in the city of Indianapolis. Center township, Marion county, Indiana. (Signed) EUGENE RENARD. in I 0 !E.' mn it ft- v. CLEVELAND PSMALE SEMINARY. Next Term begins September 5. For Prospectus and admission apply to 8. N. SANFOF'.D President, Cleveland, O. DR. E. H. PRITCHARD, VETERINARY SURGEON, 27 West Ohio Street. Office and Infirmary at the American Stables, Bird St., bet. Meridian and Illinois Bts.

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Tbe BjLAXCIIARD BLOOD & NERVE FOOD Is m Pare Conrstrstrd I.I QUIT Food, prepared directly from the WHBAT KERNED, Without Fermentation, aud retaining all of its BLOOD, NERVE AND IIKAIX Itestorlug clement In natural Mate of vitalizstlon.

NERVOUS DEBILITY Whien underlie all fo. ms or Chronic Disease, Is speedily overcome by the use of this Food. For the year past I have constantly prescribed Ttie Itlnnennrtf KImmI and Srve Food to my patients of all ages, from eighteen months to eighty-three years In every case tbe reonlt has been exactly that claimed by you. It ls by far the most valuable and reliable Tonic I have ever met wl1 h. Edward sctton Smith, M. D , 20 Irving I'laoe. New York. E00B AT LAST RUGS A SUBSTITUTE for. FOOD ls made a curative agent by concentration and artificial digestion, and it is so simple in its application that Tbe advice of physicians Is not required. Thousands of, recoveries from chronic diseases are reported, where the best medical skill has failed. Many of the best physicians throughout the country are IieMrdiiK irnira and using the Blanebard Illomt ncl jtmc Fom1 with the most gratifying results, permanently relieving all forms of Physical and Mental Debility. The Ova peptic ,! (onNiimptlve IAlnt, Kuiferers from malarial or Blood Poisouing-, together with the entire list of complaints peculiar to the Female Sex find In the use of this Food sure and speedy relief. New orc, Novem ber 28, 1S77. Dr. V. W. Blanch ard: During the past vear I have prescribed your various preparations of Food Cure, and feel happy to say they hsve met my most sanguine expectations, giving to patients long enfeebled by blood poison, chronic disease, or over drug dosing the needed nutrition and nerve force. Prof. CLEMENCE S. LOZIER, M. D., Dean of Horn. Med. Coilece and Hospital for Women, New York City. Hundreds of cases of Bright' IMsewse of the Kidneys have been reported cured. For Nenrnlgie sni Rheumatic Diseases it ls slmost a specific. Physical and Mental Debility from the nse cf Alcohol. Optnm and Tobweftt or from any unnamable cause, find in this Food a natural and potent remedy. FOR THE I S1TEL.LECTIAE WORKER THE BLAXCIIAISD BLOOD & NERVE FOOD AfToitis a certain and natural means of supplying the waste of the brain resulting from labor that will enable him to do better and more wok than ever before, without danger of mental strain. As a remedy for the Lns of Appetite and Want of Vijror, physical and mental, in children, this Food has no rival. . $1.00 per Bottle, or 6 for $5.00. SOLD BY ALL DRUGGISTS, Or Sent by Express on receipt of Price. o Andover Theological Seminart, Andover, Mass., March 29, 1878. Yonr Life Food is an excellent thing. I have no hesitation, after a thorough trial of it, in recommending it in cases of chronic dyspepsia and nervous prostration. Rev. Dk. AUSTIN PHELPS. THE BLANCIIARD FOOI CXRE SYHTEMt now receiving: such popular appreciation ls clearly set forth in a 64 page pamphlet whlcn will be sent to any address on receipt of 25 cents. Address Blanchard Food Cure Co , 27 UNION SQUARE, NEW IOKK. SURE REWARD. 5 YEARS TO PAY FOIl A FAHJI. $4 to SIO Per Aero. Beech and Maple Land In mictiiean in the MILLION ACHE GRANT of the Grand Itapids and Indiana liallroad Company. TITLE PERFECT. Strong soil sure crops plenty oft Imber no drought no chinch bug no hopper." Running: tr earns pure water ready markets schools Railroad completed through centre of the grant. Send for pamphlet, English or German. AddreM W. 0. HUGH ART, Land Commissioner. GRAND RAPIDS, JTUCll. MANUFACTORY OF arwm rrist mm i s of iir&f rr-onnrt Pnn Sturm I'f.yW iiuutu uuii uiuuu. I Eitablished 1851. Wl PORTABLE Qi For Farmen rM MillOners,S rJKK from ftt up. MILLS, Farmers. Saw,fcc. Price A boy :i can erind and keep in order. Adapted to ' any kind of suitable power. Self-oiling; Self-feeding. NOUDYKE, HARMON A CO., Indianapolis. FTJLTON BELL FOUNDRY. Established 1832. OHURCH. SCHOOL, COLLEGE, FIRE ALARM, FARM, PLANTATION and bells of all kinds made to order. Send for circular to A. FULTON'S SON A CO.. Pittsburg, Penn. niii Korpela ntMtrnrfd. C5 TOrIElrla,,lTh0,u, trQ Onium Filing, t. W It. Pqnlr. VTuruJngb ft, GrceiM C-Iod. NERVOUS DEBILITY, f TlUMt,pToiLr fckna. twmtloa fmid utbody. 41vnlr brml. mo4 k.nroaa t.ib, aid BilMrln r lun UcreTraw, RITI'Q KpFririp Prfn4 bf irllrMn4 7 Bllaa0',-i',V.n,.pi1.,iel; t ft km. ! for tJ. Sold kr 4rrr!iui 1 or Cleal&r with tali partiaMra, kMiM Dm. k.Tft, 143 felat fcu, Ckiaac. IU. o Habit Cured. A Certain and Nnr Cure. La rice mint tion la prtcen. A trial nottlo fiee. JIr.J. A. DKOLLIXtJEK. Laporte, Ind. Box lufii. ( Formerly M rs. Dr. S. Collins.) WM. HENDERSON, ATTORNEY AT LAW, Ofhee Ktna building, Indianapolis, Ixd. Will practice in the federal and utate courts at Indianapolis. Infers to business men of Indianapolis generally. WESTERN FE9I4LE NI.MINAKY. OXFORD, OHIO. Nt. Ilolyoke Plan. The twenty-fourth year will commence September 4, 1878. Hoard, Tuition, Fuel and Lights, 1170 per annum. Sen1 for Catalogue to LT6S HELEN FEAB0DY Principal. CONSUMPTION. Cause, Treatment and Curability. Phort treaties sent free to any addret. DlL SMITH, No. 115 Ea'it Fifteenth st., New York.

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